Alexei S . Kassian - Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration

Alexei S . Kassian - Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration
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Alexei S . Kassian
Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration
School for Advanced Studies in Humanities
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Books by Alexei S . Kassian
Two Middle Hittite Rituals Mentioning f.Ziplantawija [2000]
a) Side by side with the archaic syllabogram úr (in ku-úr-da-ali) are attested some innovative si...
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a) Side by side with the archaic syllabogram úr (in ku-úr-da-ali) are attested some innovative signs: qa with a phonetical value (iš-qa-a-ri, qa-lu-lu-pu-uš, qa-a-ša) and wi 5 with a phonetical value ( f Zi-ip-la-an-ta-wi 5 [-ja-aš). Sign tah already acquired a stable phonetical value túh (túh-šume-en, túh-ša-an, túh-ša-an-na-i from verbs tuhš-, tuhšanna-qto cutG), in OH in order to stress the reading of the sign as túh in contrast to tah the scribe put the following sign hu: from tuhš-qto cutG -prs. túh-hu-uš-zi (StBoT 25, No 135 lk.Kol. 16'; KBo 25.2 Vs. 10) phon. /tuhstsi/, inf. I túh-hu-šu-an-zi (KBo 6.2 III 21) phon. /tuhswantsi/; from tuhš-qto be overG -med. prs. túh-hu-uš-ta (StBoT 25, No 25 I 24', No 50 7'), túh-hu-uš-[(ta (StBoT 25 No 25 IV 35'), túh-hu-uš-t[a (StBoT 25, No 142 Vs. ? 5') phon. /tuhsta/. Less clear is why in similar cases they wrote the sign Vh: prs. med. túh-Vh-ša qhe cutsG (StBoT 25, No 36 II 7) phon. /tuhsa/ 6 , also cf. túh-Vh No 56 IV 3'). Did the scribe use it here in the value of uh, «neglecting» the fact that the same sign has also the phonetical values ah, ih, (eh)? 7 (Cf. also hypercorrect (?) spelling ta-ah-ša-at-ta-ri in KUB 41.24 Rs. 2). b) Phonetical writing instead of logograms (used in later texts): hašša-qhearthG (= GUNNI), idalu-(= HUL), katta(n) (= GAM(-an)), mahhan (= GIM-an), (LÚ) majantadar (= (LÚ) GURUŠ), pahš-(= PAB), šipant-(= BAL), ta-qto takeG, tai-qto putG (= ME), talugi-(= GÍD(.DA)), and linkai-(= NI-IŠ/EŠ); But there are also examples of: EGIR-pa, EGIR-an(ta) (= appa, appan(ta)), É (= pir/parn), EME (= lala), KUR-e (= utne), MU (= witt(ant)), Ú-UL (= natta); c) The use of combinations of signs CV-VC instead of a single CVC-sign, as in later texts (ha-aš-ši-i, ha-aš-ši-ik-du ∼ instead of haš-°, 6 Cf. OH tu-uh-ša (StBoT 25, No 73 lk.Kol. 7'), tu-uh-ša-ri (Güt. Laws II 4'), tu-uh[(-š)]a-ri (Güt. Laws II 5'). 7 Cf. the variants OS tar-Vh-zi (StBoT 25, No 19 Vs. 12) vs. MS tar-hu-uz-zi (KUB 17.10 I 33), see HEG, III: 157 ff. [Ch. I] KBo 15.10+ 12 la-ah-hu-ur-nu-zi ∼ instead of la-ah-hur°, ga-an-ki[-i]r ∼ instead of ga-an-kir or kán-kir, ki-iš-ša-an ∼ instead of kiš-°, ku-úr-da-a-li ∼ instead of gur°/kur°, mi-iš-ri-wa-an-ta-an ∼ instead of miš°, li-la-a-riiš-ki-wa-n[i] ∼ instead of li-la-riš-°, PIŠ ga-pár-ta-an-na-aš-ša-an ∼ instead of PIŠ ga-pár-tan-°, ši-pa-an-ta-aš ∼ instead of ši-pa-an-táš, 2 pl. te-en ∼ instead of tin). But at the same time: ] f ¥ ¢ v Ni-kal-ma-a-ti. Are also used the signs har, kán, kar, kat, nam, pal, pár, pát, tar, túh as already in OH; but cf. ga-an-ki[-i]r (II 42). NB: the alternation ud-da-a-ar ∼ ut-tar, probably, is not relevant here, see comments to II 27. d) The ending of 3 sg. imv. is written as tu (e-eš-tu 8×), but also as du: har-du 3×, har-ak-du 2×, ha-aš-ši-ik-du 2×, k[a]r-ap-du 1×. The ending of 3 pl. imv. is always written as du: a-ša-an-du 2×, har-kán-du 6×, ha-aš-ši-kán-du 1×, pí-an-du 2×, pí-iš-kán-du 2×, tar-naan-du 1×, wa-h]a-an-du 1×. (In OH they write e-eš-tu ∼ a-ša-an-tu 8 , in NS usually e-eš-du ∼ aša-an-du.) 2) Phonetics 9 , morphology. a) As to plene-writing the text displays both archaic (plenewriting ma-a-ah-ha-an 4× qlike, asG 10 ), and innovative features (non-8 In OH apparently only twice these forms are written with the sign -du: har-d[u] (StBoT 25, No 140 Rs. 10') qlet him seize!G and a-ša-an-d[u] (StBoT 25, No 3 III 2) qlet them be!G. But in other attestations of the 3 sg. imv. act.: e-eštu (KBo 3.22 Vs. 25, 26; StBoT 25, No 112 I 1', II 4'; StBoT 25, No 140 Rs. 9'), e-eš-t)]u (StBoT 25, No 114 Vs. 2') qlet him be!G, har-ak-tu (KUB 36.106 Rs. 7) qlet him die!G, [i]š-ta-ma-aš-tu (StBoT 25, No 124 II 11') qlet him listen!G, li-iptu (StBoT 25, No 9 + KBo 30.30 IV 6') qlet him lick!G, pa-it-tu° (StBoT 25, No 123 7') qlet him go!G, pa-iš-kat-tu (KBo 8.42 Vs. 9', 10') qlet him go!G; 3 pl.: ap-pa-an-tu (KUB 36.106 Rs. 6), ap-pa-an-t[u (KUB 36.106 Vs. 10') qlet them seize!G, a-ša-an-tu (StBoT 25, No 3 III 7; StBoT 25, No 4 III 2, 7; KUB 36.108 Vs. 4; KUB 36.106 Rs. 10) qlet them be!G, pí-e-ta-an-tu (StBoT 25, No 3 IV 4) qlet them take away!G. 9 To separate completely the phonetic and orthographic facts is of course impossible. [Ch. I] KBo 15.10+ 14 šum-qyouG: the nom. remains šu-me-eš 1×; ka-qhicG: the opposition nom. pl. c. ki-e 5× ∼ acc. pl. c. ku-u-uš 1× is retained; But cf. already dat.-loc. 3 sg. ši (5×), not with the sign ŠE as is usual in OH. e) The following verb stems should be noted: nai-qto leadG is written with the sign E (part. ni-e-an-za, ni-e-anta-an 3×), cf. OH part. ne-e-an-za (StBoT 25, No 27 Rs. ! 11'), ne-ean-te-eš (StBoT 25, No 27 Rs. ! 10', 11'), med. prs. ne-e-a (StBoT 25, No 43 I 12') 11 , ne-e-an-da (StBoT 25, No 12 II 29'). In NH the usual writing is ne-ja-an-za, see. Hoffner 1972: 30; CHD, L-N: 350; išša-/ešša-qto makeG -the stem is iš-ša-(5×). In late texts the usual writing is e-eš-ša-, but in OH always i-iš-ša-: prs. i-iš-ša-i (KBo 19.1 II 16', 20'; KBo 6.2 II 25'; KBo 22.1 32'], i-iš-te-e-ni (plene!) (KBo 22.1 27'), i-iš-te-ni-i (plene!) (KBo 22.1 33'), prt. i-iš-še-ir (KBo 6.2 III 15), sup. i-iš-šu-wa-an (KBo 8.42 Rs. 2); ta-qto takeG -the old form 1 pl. prs. du-m[e-]e-ni 1×. In OH we ˜nd tu-me-e-ni (StBoT 25, No 3 IV 25; StBoT 25, No 4 III 43, IV 22; StBoT 25, No 138 Vs. ? 8'], tu-me-n[(i (StBoT 25, No 8 2'), but once already the analogical form da-a-‰u™-e-ni (StBoT 25, No 137 + KBo 39.174 II 16). f) The following verbal endings to be noted are: as in OH, one ˜nds the ending 1 pl. prs. wani (li-la-a-ri-iš-kiwa-ni 3×), and at the same time weni (-]ti-ja-an-ni-ú-e-ni III 15'). (In NH weni prevails); also the innovative ending 3 sg. prt. šta (probably phon. /st/) is found -the result of a contamination between the endings š of the hi-conjugation and t of the miconjugation: iš-ši-iš-ta 6×, me-emi-iš-ta 2× 12 . NB: the ending šta is certainly not an archaic trait, 11 Also ne-a (KUB 37.233, Vs. c). 12 But the dependence of the choice of ending (-t/-š) on the conjugation type remains the same: mi-conj.-al-wa-an-za-ah-hi-iš-ki-it, me-e-mi-iš-ki-it, párši-ja-at, ták-ki-iš-ki-it; hi-conj.ši-pa-an-ta-aš, da-iš, tar-na-aš. see Paläographie I and Paläographie II.) From a number of «diagnostic» signs (see the list in Paläographie I: X) the tablet KUB 57.39 is undoubtedly Middle Hittite. To wit (all signs mentioned below are attested in KUB 57.39 only once, NI -2×): No 7 TAR (with the perpendicular diš), No 45 NI (without the small diš's), No 64 GI (with the aš, but not with the Winkelhaken), No 104 DU (the right upper aš is parallel to the other aš's: a peculiarity of MS and NS), No 150 AL (without the Winkelhaken; in KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42 both variants are attested), No 158 E (the ˜rst diš is big and crosses both aš's: a feature of MS and NS; in KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42 both variants are attested), [Ch. I] KBo 15.10+ 16 No 274 LI (= ŠE + AP) and especially No 82 ZU (= MA + DIŠ: a feature of OS and MS). From the difference in the form of some signs we may conclude that the text KUB 57.39 can be perhaps written by another scribe then KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42. The following signs are different: No 46 IR (KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42: the diš's cross the lower aš -more than 30 times; KUB 57.39 Vs. 4': the diš's are placed under the lower aš), No 141 TA (KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42: the diš's cross only the lower aš -about 40×; KUB 57.39 Rs. 2: the diš's cross both aš's), No 225 SIG 5 (KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42: the aš does not cross the left diš -2×; KUB 57.39 Rs. 7: the aš crosses the left diš), also the sign No 104 DU is worth mentioning (KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42: the right upper aš is not parallel with the other aš's and often looks almost like a Winkelhaken -about 25× against 1 attested at the end of the line I 36, identical with KUB 57.39 [in Masson 1982 this variant isn't cited]; KUB 57.39 Vs. 10': the right upper aš is parallel with the others) 13 . 13 Once again I would like to emphasize that only an autopsy can prove if KUB 57.39 is a fragment of the same tablet as KBo 15.10 + KBo 20.42 or not. The autographies of KBo and KUB can, of course, be imperfect in the nuances of script.
Edited volumes by Alexei S . Kassian
Studia Linguarum 2 (2001)
by
Alexei S . Kassian
Marfa N Tolstaya
, and
Svetlana Burlak
Касьян А.С., Минлос Ф.Р. (ред.). 2001. Studia Linguarum 2. Москва: РГГУ [Kassian, Alexei S. & Phi...
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Касьян А.С., Минлос Ф.Р. (ред.). 2001. Studia Linguarum 2. Москва: РГГУ [Kassian, Alexei S. & Philip R. Minlos (eds.). 2001. Studia Linguarum 2. Moscow: RSUH]
Contents:
Ф. Р. Минлос. Рефлексы акцентных парадигм у прилагательных с суффиксом *ъk в восточнославянских диалектах [Philip R. Minlos. Reflexes of the accentual paradigms of adjectives in *-ъk- in the East Slavic dialects] (3)
С. Л. Николаев, М. Н. Толстая. Словарь торуньского говора [Sergei L. Nikolaev, Marfa N. Tolstaya. Dictionary of the Ukrainian dialect of the Toruń village] (21)
А. С. Касьян. Др.-инд. caste ‘sehen’, kaca-h ‘Schein, hell’, kaca-h ‘freier Platz’ [Alexei S. Kassian. Old Indian caste ‘sehen’, kaca-h ‘Schein, hell’, kaca-h ‘freier Platz’] (276)
Аndrey А. Korolëv. Hittite texts: New readings, joins, and duplicates (281)
С. А. Бурлак. «Чужие знаки» тохарского письма [Svetlana A. Burlak. “Fremde Zeichen” of the Tocharian script] (291)
К. Ю. Решетников. Морфология праенисейского глагола: некоторые результаты грамматической реконструкции [Kirill Reshetnikov. Proto-Yeniseian verb morphology: some advances in grammatical reconstruction] (304)
In memoriam: A. A. Королев [In memory of Аndrey А. Korolev] (481)
Papers by Alexei S . Kassian
Do ‘language trees with sampled ancestors’ really support a ‘hybrid model’ for the origin of Indo-European? Thoughts on the most recent attempt at yet another IE phylogeny [Humanit Soc Sci Commun 2025]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
and
George Starostin
Humanities and Social Sciences Communications
, 2025
In this paper, we present a brief critical analysis of the data, methodology, and results of the ...
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In this paper, we present a brief critical analysis of the data, methodology, and results of the most recent publication on the computational phylogeny of the Indo-European family (Heggarty et al. 2023), comparing them to previous efforts in this area carried out by (roughly) the same team of scholars (informally designated as the “New Zealand school”), as well as concurrent research by scholars belonging to the “Moscow school” of historical linguistics. We show that the general quality of the lexical data used as the basis for classification has significantly improved from earlier studies, reflecting a more careful curation process on the part of qualified historical linguists involved in the project; however, there remain serious issues when it comes to marking cognation between different characters, such as failure (in many cases) to distinguish between true cognacy and areal diffusion and the inability to take into account the influence of the so-called derivational drift (independent morphological formations from the same root in languages belonging to different branches). Considering that both the topological features of the resulting consensus tree and the established datings contradict historical evidence in several major aspects, these shortcomings may partially be responsible for the results. Our principal conclusion is that the correlation between the number of included languages and the size of the list may simply be insufficient for a guaranteed robust topology; either the list should be drastically expanded (not a realistic option for various practical reasons) or the number of compared taxa be reduced, possibly by means of using intermediate reconstructions for ancestral stages instead of multiple languages (the principle advocated by the Moscow school).
Западнославянские диалектизмы в паннонском славянском: предварительные результаты исследования [West Slavic dialectisms in Pannonian Slavic: preliminary results] (2024)
Индоевропейское языкознание и классическая филология – XXVIII
, 2024
Венгерский язык насчитывает несколько сотен слов, заимствованных из славянского субстрата, на кот...
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Венгерский язык насчитывает несколько сотен слов, заимствованных из славянского субстрата, на котором в 1-м тыс. н.э. говорило славянское население Паннонии. Анализ морфологии этих лексем и их значений позволяет говорить, что паннонский язык скорее напоминает западнославянский идиом, нежели южнославянский. The Hungarian language has several hundred words borrowed from the Slavic substratum spoken by the Slavic population of Pannonia in the 1st millennium AD. The morphological and semantic analysis of these stems allows us to say that the Pannonian language looks like a West Slavic idiom rather than a South Slavic idiom. The paper discusses three cases when the Pannonian source of the Hungarian words demonstrates the same innovations as the attested West Slavic languages: iromba ‘motley’, bolond ‘insane, stupid’, garázda ‘rude, rowdy’.
Calibrated weighted permutation test detects ancient language connections in the Circumpolar area (Chukotian-Nivkh and Yukaghir-Samoyedic) [JHL 2025]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
George Starostin
, and
Mikhail Zhivlov
Journal of Historical Linguistics
, 2025
Relationships between universally recognized language families represent a hotly debated topic in...
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Relationships between universally recognized language families represent a hotly debated topic in historical linguistics, and the same is true for correlation between signals of genetic and linguistic relatedness. We developed a weighted permutation test which represents the classical permutation tests with weights introduced for individual Swadesh concepts according to their typological stability. Further, the obtained values were calibrated on a negative control group to override non-uniform distribution of phonemes within the Swadesh wordlist. We applied the calibrated permutation test to the basic vocabularies of nine languages and reconstructed proto-languages to show that three groups of circumpolar language families in the Northern Hemisphere show evidence of relationship through common descent or borrowing in the basic vocabulary: [Chukotko-Kamchatkan, Nivkh]; [Yukaghir, Samoyedic]; and [Yeniseian, Na-Dene, Burushaski]. The former two pairs showed the most significant signals of language relationship. Our findings further support some hypotheses on long-distance language relationships previously put forward based on linguistic methods but lacking universal acceptance.
Lexicostatistics [and Slavic languages] (Brill ESLL 2023)
Encyclopedia of Slavic Languages and Linguistics Online (Brill)
, 2023
Overview of lexicostatistical classifications of the Slavic languages, with a general introduction.
Phylogeny of the Turkic languages inferred from basic vocabulary: limitations of the lexicostatistical methods in an intensive contact situation [Journal of Language Evolution 2022]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
and
Ilya Egorov
Journal of Language Evolution
, 2022
The present paper provides an attempt to revise the phylogenetic structure of the Turkic family u...
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The present paper provides an attempt to revise the phylogenetic structure of the Turkic family using a computational lexicostatistical approach. The methodological framework of the present research is characterized by the following features: (1) wordlists with strictly controlled semantics; (2) step-by-step reconstruction using Swadesh wordlists for proto-languages; (3) three stages of post-processing of the input data (analysis of root cognacy, elimination of derivational drift, optimization of homoplasy); (4) application of several computational algorithms (Starling Neighbor-Joining, Bayesian MCMC, Maximum Parsimony). The analysis provided confirms the status of Chuvash as the first outlier, and suggests a subsequent multifurcation of Proto-Nuclear-Turkic into eight branches. The Siberian Turkic group is a purely areal unity, i.e. Yakut-Dolgan, Tofa-Tuvinian, Khakas-Mrassu, Sarygh Yugur and Altai do not form a clade. Altai is grouped together with the Kipchak languages as a separate taxon; it does not show a particularly close relationship with Kirghiz, which belongs to another Kipchak subgroup. Karluk is a low-level taxon inside the Kipchak clade.
Rapid radiation of the Inner Indo-European languages: an advanced approach to Indo- European lexicostatistics [Linguistics, 2021, open access]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
Mikhail Zhivlov
George Starostin
Artem Trofimov
Petr Kocharov
, and
Mikhail Saenko
Linguistics
, 2021
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In this paper, we present a new reconstruction of Indo-European phylogeny based on thirteen 110-item basic wordlists for protolanguages of IE subgroups (Proto-Germanic, Proto-Slavic, etc.) or ancient languages of the corresponding subgroups (Hittite, Ancient Greek, etc.). We apply reasonably formal techniques of linguistic data collection and post-processing (onomasiological reconstruction, derivational drift elimination, homoplastic optimization) that have been recently proposed or specially developed for the present study. We use sequential phylogenetic workflow and obtain a consensus tree based on several algorithms (Bayesian inference, maximum parsimony, neighbor joining; without topological constraints applied). The resulting tree topology and datings are entirely compatible with established expert views. Our main finding is the multifurcation of the Inner IE clade into four branches ca. 3357-2162 BC: (1) Greek-Armenian, (2) Albanian, (3) Italic-Germanic-Celtic, (4) Balto-Slavic-Indo-Iranian. The proposed radiation scenario may be reconciled with diverse opinions on Inner IE branchings previously expressed by Indo-Europeanists.
Permutation test applied to lexical reconstructions partially supports the Altaic linguistic macrofamily [Evolutionary Human Sciences 2021]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
and
Ilya Egorov
Evolutionary Human Sciences 3 (e32) [Open access]
, 2021
In this paper, we present the results of our analysis of the 110-item basic wordlists for four re...
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In this paper, we present the results of our analysis of the 110-item basic wordlists for four reconstructed and one ancient languages, the linguistic ancestors of five language families which are hypothesized to constitute the Altaic (a.k.a. Transeurasian) macrofamily: Proto-Turkic, Proto-Mongolic, Proto-Tungusic, Middle Korean and Proto-Japonic wordlists. Protolanguage wordlists were reconstructed according to strict criteria of semantic reconstruction, based on accurate semantic glossing of forms in daughter languages. Each involved form was encoded into a bi-consonantal CC-shaped sequence using the consonant class method, after which a recently developed weighted permutation test was applied. In a typical situation, our algorithm makes a small number of type 1 errors (false positive), but the number of type 2 errors (false negative) can be substantial. Our main finding is that pairs between the Nuclear Altaic taxa – Turkic, Mongolic and Tungusic – as well as the Turkic-Japonic and Tungusic-Japonic pairs demonstrate significant p-values. In some cases, this can be attributed to either ancient contacts or genealogical relationships, but at least for the Turkic–Japonic pair, a contact scenario is unlikely owing to geographical remoteness.
Genetics and Slavic languages (Brill Encyclopedia of Slavic Languages 2020)
Kushniarevich, Alena and Alexei Kassian. 2020. Genetics and Slavic languages. In: Encyclopedia of...
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Kushniarevich, Alena and Alexei Kassian. 2020. Genetics and Slavic languages. In: Encyclopedia of Slavic Languages and Linguistics Online, Editor-in-Chief Marc L. Greenberg. Brill.
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Slavic populations constitute around a third of Europe's populace, offering a unique perspective on cultural and genetic diversity within Europe.
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Russian Science Citation Index on the WoS platform: a critical assessment [Journal of Documentation 2019]
Journal of Documentation
, 2019
Using formal criteria developed by the Disseropedia of Russian Journals (a.k.a. the Journal Proje...
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Using formal criteria developed by the Disseropedia of Russian Journals (a.k.a. the Journal Project of the Russian Dissernet) we evaluate the journals of the Russian Science Citation Index (Web of Science platform) and find that a substantial number of them violate publishing ethics and/or are involved in predatory practices (fake peer-review, plagiarism and self-plagiarism, publication of pseudoscientific papers and so on). The general trend is negative: the number of such journals was higher in July 2018 than in 2015 when the RSCI was launched. We propose that this situation is due to the non-transparent and partly defective process of journal selection involved; primarily it can be attributed to problems with the RSCI expert pool.
Proto-Indo-European-Uralic Comparison from the Probabilistic Point of View
by
George Starostin
Alexei S . Kassian
, and
Mikhail Zhivlov
In this paper we discuss the results of an automated comparison between two 50-item groups of the...
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In this paper we discuss the results of an automated comparison between two 50-item groups of the most generally stable elements on the so-called Swadesh wordlist as reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Uralic. Two forms are counted as potentially related if their first two consonantal units, transcribed in simplified consonantal class notation (a rough variant of the Levenshtein distance method), match up with each other. Next to all previous attempts at such a task (Ringe 1998; Oswalt 1998; Kessler & Lehtonen 2006; Kessler 2007), our automated algorithm comes much closer to emulating the traditional procedure of cognate search as employed in historical linguistics. " Swadesh slots " for protolan-guages are filled in strict accordance with such principles of reconstruction as topology (taking into consideration the structure of the genealogical tree), morphological transparency , typology of semantic shifts, and areal distribution of particular items. Altogether we have counted 7 pairs where Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Uralic share the same bi-consonantal skeleton (the exact same pairs are regarded as cognates in traditional hypotheses of Indo-Uralic relationship). To verify the probability of arriving at such a result by chance we have applied the permutation test, which yielded a positive result: the probability of 7 matched pairs is equal to 1.9% or 0.5%, depending on the constituency of the consonantal classes, which is lower than the standard 5% threshold of statistical significance or even lower than the strong 1% level. Standard methodology suggests that we reject the null
hypothesis (accidental resemblance) and offer a more plausible
explanation for the observed similarities. Since the
known typology of language contacts does not speak in favor
of explaining the observed Indo-Uralic matches as old lexical
borrowings, the optimal explanation is seen in the hypothesis
of an Indo-Uralic genetic relationship, with the 7 matching
pairs in question representing archaic retentions, left over
from the original Indo-Uralic protolanguage.
Old Russian pošibati ‘futuere’: further evidence for bestiality in Old Rus’ / Др.-рус. пошибати ‘futuere’: еще одно указание на зоофилические практики в Древней Руси [Russian Linguistics 2019]
Russian Linguistics
, 2019
The Old Russian verb pošibati is known from several contexts, for which the direct translation ‘t...
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The Old Russian verb pošibati is known from several contexts, for which the direct translation ‘to beat, hit’ is not appropriate. In juridical texts the meaning ‘to rape (a woman)’ is traditionally accepted, whereas in the context of birchbark writing the translation ‘to bewitch, cast evil spells on (livestock, etc.)’ has recently been proposed. This paper demonstrates that an analysis of pošibati as (Lat.) ‘futuere’, i.e. the neutral designation of sexual intercourse, is, in fact, the best translation for the passages mentioned and is supported by the typology of semantic shifts.
В древнерусском корпусе известно несколько контекстов с глаголом пошибати, в которых прямой перевод ‘бить’ для данной лексемы затруднителен или невозможен. Для пошибати в юридических текстах традиционно принимается перевод ‘изнасиловать’, а для древненовгородской грамоты был недавно предложен перевод ‘наводить порчу’. В статье показано, что толкование пошибати как (лат.) ‘futuere’, нейтральное обозначение половой связи, наилучшим образом удовлетворяет всем известным проблемным контекстам, а кроме того поддержано типологией семантических переходов.
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Analyzing pošibati reveals its meaning as a neutral term for sexual intercourse, complicating historical interpretations of sexual crimes.
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Linguistic homoplasy and phylogeny reconstruction. The cases of Lezgian and Tsezic languages (North Caucasus) [Folia Linguistica Historica 2017]
The paper deals with the problem of linguistic homoplasy (parallel or backward development), how ...
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The paper deals with the problem of linguistic homoplasy (parallel or backward development), how it can be detected, what kinds of linguistic homoplasy can be distinguished and which varieties of the phenomenon are the most deleterious for the reconstruction of language phylogeny. It is proposed that language phylogeny reconstruction should consist of two main stages. Firstly, a strict consensus tree should be built on the basis of high-quality input data elaborated with the help of the main phylogenetic methods (such as Neighbor-joining, Bayesian MCMC, and Maximum parsimony), and ancestral character states, allowing us to reveal a certain number of homoplastic characters. Secondly, after the detected instances of homoplasy are eliminated from the input matrix, the consensus tree is to be compiled again. It is expected that after homoplastic optimization it will be possible to better resolve individual "problem clades", and generally the homoplasy-optimized phylogeny should be more robust than the tree constructed initially. The proposed procedure is tested on the 110-item Swadesh wordlists of the Lezgian and Tsezic groups. The Lezgian and Tsezic results generally support theoretical expectations. The MLN (minimal lateral network) method, currently implemented in the LingPy software, is a helpful tool for the detection of linguistic homoplasy. The paper is outlined as follows: (1) Introduction. (2) Main kinds of homoplasy. (3) Material and methods: (3.1) Data, (3.2) Phylogenetic methods, (3.3) Analysis. (4) Results: (4.1) The Lezgian case, (4.2) The Tsezic case. (5) Conclusions.
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The strict consensus Lezgian tree aligns well with traditional expert classifications, validating the reconstruction methods used.
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Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) [Lingua 2017]
This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focu...
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This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper.
The “Nostratic” roots of Indo-European: from Illich-Svitych to Dolgopolsky to future horizons (2016)
by
Alexei S . Kassian
George Starostin
, and
Mikhail Zhivlov
The paper presents a brief assessment of “Nostratic” – the controversial, but promising hypothesi...
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The paper presents a brief assessment of “Nostratic” – the controversial, but promising hypothesis on deeper linguistic connections of the Indo-European family, as envisaged by Vladislav Illich-Svitych and his contemporaries (particularly Aharon Dolgopolsky). We discuss some of the most important developments of the theory since the 1960s, and explain how emphasis on “quantity over quality” of data in the new huge corpora of “Nostratic” comparanda is less useful for advancing the hypothesis than a narrowly targeted emphasis on identifying the “core” evidence for the macrofamily. Identifying this “core” evidence, consisting of a small, but generally stable layer of the basic lexicon, is necessary to lend a more historically realistic flavor to the hypothesis, and its statistical evaluation will also help better understand the place of Indo-European among the other potential constituents of “Nostratic”. We argue that, in weighing the evidence, typological plausibility of semantic shifts and absence of topological conflicts in the tree are no less important than regularity of sound changes. We also show how the credibility level of various theories on the external connections of Indo-European can be arranged along a gradient – from “Indo-Uralic” to a general “Nostratic”, and indicate implications that such an arrangement may hold for future studies.
Un-making sense of alleged Abkhaz-Adyghean inscriptions on Ancient Greek pottery [ACSS 2016]
A large number of Ancient Greek vases dated to the 1st millennium BC contain short inscriptions. ...
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A large number of Ancient Greek vases dated to the 1st millennium BC contain short inscriptions. Normally, these represent names of craftsmen or names and descriptions of the depicted characters and objects. The majority of inscriptions are understandable in Ancient Greek, but there is a substantial number of abracadabra words whose meaning and morphological structure remain vague. Recently an interdisciplinary team (Mayor et alii 2014) came up with the idea that some of the nonsense inscriptions associated with Amazons and Scythians are actually written in ancient Abkhaz-Adyghe languages. The idea is promising since in the first half of the 1st millennium BC the Greeks initiated the process of active expansion in the Black Sea region, so it is natural to suppose that contacts with autochthonous peoples might be reflected in Greek art. Unfortunately, detailed examination suggests that the proposed Abkhaz-Adyghe decipherment is semantically and morphologically ad hoc, containing a number of inaccuracies and errors of various kinds. The methodological and factual flaws are so substantial that it makes Mayor et alii 's results improbable.
Pitfalls of the geographic population structure (GPS) approach applied to human genetic history: A case study of Ashkenazi Jews [Genome Biology and Evolution 2016]
by
Alexei S . Kassian
Valentina Fedchenko
Mark Thomas
Piya Changmai
, and
George Starostin
In a recent interdisciplinary study, Das and co-authors have attempted to trace the homeland of A...
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In a recent interdisciplinary study, Das and co-authors have attempted to trace the homeland of Ashkenazi Jews and of their historical language, Yiddish (Das et al. 2016. Localizing Ashkenazic Jews to Primeval Villages in the Ancient Iranian Lands of Ashkenaz. Genome Biology and Evolution). Das and co-authors applied the geographic population structure (GPS) method to autosomal genotyping data and inferred geographic coordinates of populations supposedly ancestral to Ashkenazi Jews, placing them in Eastern Turkey. They argued that this unexpected genetic result goes against the widely accepted notion of Ashkenazi origin in the Levant, and speculated that Yiddish was originally a Slavic language strongly influenced by Iranian and Turkic languages, and later remodeled completely under Germanic influence. In our view, there are major conceptual problems with both the genetic and linguistic parts of the work. We argue that GPS is a provenancing tool suited to inferring the geographic region where a modern and recently unadmixed genome is most likely to arise, but is hardly suitable for admixed populations and for tracing ancestry up to 1000 years before present, as its authors have previously claimed. Moreover, all methods of historical linguistics concur that Yiddish is a Germanic language, with no reliable evidence for Slavic, Iranian, or Turkic substrata.
East Eurasian ancestry in the middle of Europe: genetic footprints of Steppe nomads in the genomes of Belarusian Lipka Tatars [Scientific Reports, 2016]
Medieval era encounters of nomadic groups of the Eurasian Steppe and largely sedentary East Europ...
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Medieval era encounters of nomadic groups of the Eurasian Steppe and largely sedentary East Europeans had a variety of demographic and cultural consequences. Amongst these outcomes was the emergence of the Lipka Tatars—a Slavic-speaking Sunni-Muslim minority residing in modern Belarus, Lithuania and Poland, whose ancestors arrived in these territories via several migration waves, mainly from the Golden Horde. Our results show that Belarusian Lipka Tatars share a substantial part of their gene pool with Europeans as indicated by their Y-chromosomal, mitochondrial and autosomal DNA variation. Nevertheless, Belarusian Lipkas still retain a strong genetic signal of their nomadic ancestry, witnessed by the presence of common Y-chromosomal and mitochondrial DNA variants as well as autosomal segments identical by descent between Lipkas and East Eurasians from temperate and northern regions. Hence, we document Lipka Tatars as a unique example of former Medieval migrants into Central Europe, who became sedentary, changed language to Slavic, yet preserved their faith and retained, both uni- and bi-parentally, a clear genetic echo of a complex population interplay throughout the Eurasian Steppe Belt, extending from Central Europe to northern China.
Знак BA в древнехеттских текстах ["The BA sign in the Old Hittite texts", in Russian]
by
Olga Popova
and
Alexei S . Kassian
The article deals with the use of the cuneiform sign BA in the Old Hittite texts. We show that BA...
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The article deals with the use of the cuneiform sign BA in the Old Hittite texts. We show that BA is rare in Old Hittite and mostly confined to foreign words. We suppose that the sign BA was used for a specific labial phoneme, not known to proper Hittite. It is likely that BA had the same phonetic function as the WAa-ligatures, having rendered labiodental fricative f/v.
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