UK
Workers' Weekly Internet Edition Year 2026 Volume 56 Number 10
Workers' Weekly Internet Edition Year 2026 Volume 56 Number 10
Volume 56 Number 10, April 4,
2026
ARCHIVE
JBCENTRE
Resident
doctors announce six days of strike action in England
The
Voice and Stand of Resident Doctors Is for the Interests of All Health Workers
and NHS Patients
Workers' Weekly Internet Edition
Article Index :
Resident doctors announce six days of strike action in
England:
The Voice and Stand of Resident Doctors Is for the Interests of
All Health Workers and NHS Patients
From the annals of the working class movement:
Centenary of the 1926 General Strike
Centenary of the 1926 General Strike:
Putting the Question of Political Power On the Agenda
Africa progressive movements continue to rally in solidarity
with Cuba:
Solidarity with the Heroic People of Cuba
Resident
doctors announce six days of strike action in England
The
Voice and Stand of Resident Doctors Is for the Interests of All Health Workers
and NHS Patients
BMA Picket Sheffield Hospital, November 2025 - Photo:
Whats App
The BMA's Resident Doctors Committee (RDC) announced in a press release
on March 25, that following weeks of talks with Government, they had determined
that the Health Secretary's final offer was insufficient and called further
strike action in England [1]. The action will run from 7am on April 7 to 6.59am
on April 13. It should be remembered that the present government opposed the
previous government of Sunak for not negotiating with the doctors and promised
to the electorate before coming to power that they would achieve a
"negotiated settlement" with the doctors. Yet once again, government
has refused to negotiate a solution to the concerns of the doctors who are
fighting against the unsafe shortage of resident doctors, their training in our
hospitals and their collapsing pay level. This is why the doctors continue to
say to the government that
Enough Is Enough!
Dr Jack Fletcher, chair of RDC, said: "We have been negotiating in good
faith for weeks to try and end the simultaneous pay and jobs crises for
resident doctors. Frustratingly we had been making good progress right up until
the point, in the last two weeks, when the Government began to shift the
goalposts." He remarked that with the government "as talks progressed
it became clear that the money proposed for pay increases was now going to be
spread over three years", that "combined with today's pay review body
(DDRB) recommendation of a 3.5% uplift pointing to yet more years in which our
pay, at best, barely treads water" and that the RDC is "simply not
going to put an offer to doctors that risks locking in further erosion of pay
at a time when doctors continue to leave the UK for other countries." He
concluded that the RDC "remain willing to negotiate and are eager to get a
deal done if we can simply recapture the early positive spirit of negotiations.
No strikes need to happen, but Government will need to act fast to prevent
them."
The government responded to the announcement of the RDC strike action the
next day with Health Secretary Wes Streeting presenting to Parliament a
justification for not meeting the doctors demands [2]. He claimed that the RDC
rejected an "historic deal". Yet he then admitted to Parliament that
"we were optimistic that it would be received positively, albeit I was
aware of the officers' preference that this should be a deal over two years
rather than three years, and that they had expected the independent DDRB
recommendation to come out slightly higher than it did". In other words,
the offer was considerably worse than the terms that had been negotiated with
the RDC previously. The government's arrogant response soon degenerated from
Wes Streeting's plea that Parliament "urge the committee to
reconsider" and "call off their strike" to the usual government
propaganda and threats against the doctors to accept their "historic
deal".
Just a week later, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer writing in the
Times
labelled the BMA's rejection of the deal "reckless" and
said that it "benefits no one" and, metaphorically petulantly
stamping his foot, he gave resident doctors 48 hours to call off their strike
or lose the training offer [3]. Now Wes Streeting was no longer
"urging" but he and Starmer have vindictively told the BMA, at the
same time punishing NHS staff and patients, that those "1,000 extra slots
in specialist training will be scrapped unless it accepts the deal". This
referred to the paltry government offer of a pledge to increase the number of
places available in specialist medical training by up to 4,500 over the next
three years to help more early-career doctors start training in their chosen
speciality. About 1,000 doctors were due to step into those roles from this
August. Yet the scale of the problem as outlined by the BMA last year in
negotiations was that there were now 30,000 doctors applying for 10,000
training posts with even many of those existing training posts going to
overseas applicants only. This was forcing resident doctors to apply abroad and
leave the country when they were needed for our NHS. According to a BBC report
on Thursday, the government, whilst refusing to open meaningful negotiations,
has indeed vindictively withdrawn even this paltry offer of creating 1,000 more
doctor training posts in England "after the British Medical Association
(BMA) refused to call off a six-day strike next week".
The BMA and its RDC has rejected these government threats. Dr Jack Fletcher,
the chair of the RDC, wrote in a letter to the health secretary on Wednesday as
reported in
The Guardian
: "The political rhetoric - threatening to
remove training places - coupled with the way the government has communicated
the offer, has needlessly and avoidably inflamed the dispute, ultimately
pushing the chance of a deal further away. A final offer followed by threats
that parts of the offer may be withdrawn is not the way to end this
dispute." [4]
In other words, the government's claim that it is negotiating is once again
exposed as completely false alongside the previous governments before it. There
is no acknowledgment of, or alarm at the context, that why is it in the modern
age doctors are forced to go on strike to defend their jobs and their pay when
the NHS needs them more and more? There is no acknowledgment of the deep crisis
that the government and previous governments have created in the NHS. There is
no acknowledgment that it is the government and the cartel party system in
power that is responsible. It is the government and not the doctors that have
underfunded the health care system by "reckless" measures that
"benefits no one". It is successive governments who have refused to
invest in the NHS as a vital public health care system. They are responsible
for diverting the existing already reduced funds to privatise profitable
services and Private Finance Initiatives and at huge costs to patient care.
In refusing to negotiate, Starmer adopts a similar criminal reckless,
arbitrary and irrational posture to Donald Trump, in diverting the whole
economy away from public services to war preparations and funding the
priorities of the big corporations. It is these interests that they directly
serve. It is this and not the doctors that has left so many patients to face
death and harm waiting for timely treatment in a compromised healthcare system
which the NHS has further become. It has also been revealed this week that the
government's cynical agenda may be to try and justify even further massive cuts
on the NHS and further destroy medical services when NHS England chief
executive Sir Jim Mackey told the
Health Service Journal
on Thursday
that "the NHS will accelerate work to design clinical models less reliant
on resident doctors in response to continuing strike action by medics".
Yet Starmer is diverting funds left, right and centre to militarise the economy
and place it on a war footing,
Workers' Weekly
, writing in support of the doctors' strike last
December, pointed out: "As the doctors take their action, they are
supported with more and more people who see the frustration of the doctors and
their new resolve that
Enough Is Enough!
They are strongly pointing out
that more than a decade of real-terms pay erosion for doctors, worsening
conditions and increasing shortage of doctors in our hospitals is applicable,
not only to doctors, but to nurses and the whole health team, and that it is
unacceptable in a modern society.
"The fight against the running down of the work force in our NHS, their
jobs, pay and conditions must get the full support of the working class and
people. The NHS human-centred workforce is a workforce which is vital to treat
the most immediate and urgent needs, as well as dealing with all of the complex
human health needs. In a modern society, health care is a right for all with
access for patients to the right care and at the right time." [5]
The voice and stand of resident doctors must be heeded as it represents the
interests of all health workers and NHS patients.
Notes
1. Resident doctors announce six days of strike action in England after
Government offer rejected by BMA media team, March 25th
2. Oral statement to Parliament - Proposed industrial action by resident
doctors, March 26
3. Keir Starmer gives resident doctors 48 hours to call off strike or lose
training offer,
The Guardian
, March 31
4. Resident doctors accuse Keir Starmer of sabotaging talks to end pay and jobs
dispute,
The Guardian
, April 1
5. Resident Doctors Reject the Government's Denial of Proper Job Restoration,
their Insults and Rushed Half-Measures,
Workers' Weekly
, December 20
2025
Article Index
From the annals of the
working class movement
Centenary of the 1926 General Strike
Photo: www.tuc.org.uk
This year marks the centenary of the 1926 General Strike. It was not merely
a defensive action against wage cuts and longer hours. It was also a moment
when the working class demonstrated, despite its defeat, that they had the
potential to take up the solutions to the crisis of society, opening up the
path to progress and a new society constituted by themselves, the working
class. In those nine days, workers put centre stage the necessity to capture
political power and take up the orientation of creating a new society.
In the General Strike, the working class demonstrated again its place at the
centre of the forward march of society, as in the struggles led by the
Chartists in the first half of the 19th century, or on Clydeside during the
First World War. The General Strike clearly put the immediate need for a new
system on the agenda, and opened up in particular the question of political
power. Erupting at a time when revolution was very much in flow, the government
treated the strike as a challenge to its authority, mobilising emergency powers
and framing the conflict as a defence of the status quo. But the strike showed
that the working class itself holds the answers.
Looked at from the standpoint of the present, the task that opened up in
1926 was the completion of the democratic revolution. The English Civil War
established certain political forms, but the ruling elites have long since
abandoned any coherence in the political theory they established out of that
conflict. The liberal democratic institutions to which capitalist development
gave rise lie in tatters. The completion of the democratic revolution means
vesting sovereignty not in representatives of the person of state, but in the
people themselves. The task of the working class is to constitute itself the
nation and vest sovereignty in the people, to create a new society. The strike
demonstrated that the working class must take control of what belongs to it,
placing the resources of society in its own hands and creating a new society
that guarantees the rights of all. The spirit of that time has its direct
continuation in the present, even though the conditions now are very different.
The subsidised mineowner
Today we face increasingly open rule by police powers. This is a period of
transition, marked by the destruction of old forms, the restructuring of the
state, and the strengthening of police powers, and in which the fight of the
people for the alternative has become imperative. Desperation to prevent this
alternative from taking root has created political chaos, and the answer is
being sought in police powers as the state is rearranged around their wielding.
Against this critical state of affairs, the will to be of the modern democratic
personality demands the alternative. A change in the direction of society and
the economy is urgently needed, requiring the democratic renewal of political
processes and institutions, and the mobilisation of the working class and
people to take up this task.
The need is for an anti-war government, as the manifestation of the modern
democratic personality that will do away with rule mediated by so-called
representatives, who are in fact representatives of the person of state. This
is a profound conception encompassing a government which is also pro-social and
pro-worker. Alongside this, there is a need for a change in the direction of
the economy; an independent programme to stop paying the rich and increase
investments in social programmes. This programme embodies the political unity
of the working class and people, in which the individual interest is harmonised
with the collective, and the collective interests with the general interests of
society. A modern state must be brought into being which enshrines the rights
of all by virtue of being human and their concrete reality.
Thus the significance of the General Strike lies not only in what it
achieved or failed to achieve at the time, but in what it revealed: the working
class as a transformative force, capable of leading society forward. The
miners' slogan, "Not a penny off the pay, not a minute on the day",
expressed a refusal to accept further deterioration. But beyond that refusal
was an affirmation. That affirmation, born in the struggles of the 1920s,
remains the task of the working class today. Our spirit as we mark the
centenary of the General Strike is that we passionately declare: the economy
belongs to us, the working class, the producers, the most revolutionary class
by virtue of their concrete condition in society and the relations within it!
With the working class constituting itself the nation, guided and inspired by
its Marxist-Leninist Party, its general staff, a society fit for human beings
will be created and strengthened. The time is now for the working class to take
up this task!
Article Index
Centenary of the 1926
General Strike
Putting
the Question of Political Power On the Agenda
Photo: www.tuc.org.uk
The 1926 General Strike stands as one of the most significant episodes in
the history of the British working class movement. Lasting nine days in May
1926, it involved around 1.5-2 million workers and was called by the Trades
Union Congress (TUC) in support of coal miners resisting wage cuts and longer
working hours.
The immediate origins of the strike lay in the crisis of the British coal
industry after the First World War. During the war, coal mines had been placed
under state control, but in 1921 they were returned to private ownership. In
the following years, the industry faced falling prices, shrinking export
markets and increased international competition. Mine owners attempted to
restore their private claims through reducing wages and extending the working
day. Miners, whose wages had already declined sharply since the end of the war,
resisted these measures. Their union adopted the slogan "Not a penny off
the pay, not a minute on the day," reflecting widespread opposition to
further deterioration in living conditions.
With coal central to the British economy, supplying energy for transport,
industry and domestic use, a conflict in the coalfields had the potential to
spread across the wider economy. By the 1920s Britain had a large and organised
workers' movement. Between 1910 and 1914, a period often described as the
"Great Unrest", major strikes took place across mining, transport,
and manufacturing sectors. Trade unions had gained millions of members, and
this period of struggle had demonstrated workers' capacity for coordinated
action.
In 1925, faced with renewed conflict in the coal industry, the government
intervened to prevent an immediate general strike. It introduced subsidies to
maintain miners' wages and established a commission to investigate the
industry. This temporary retreat, known as "Red Friday", was widely
seen as a victory for the workers. However, the delay also allowed the
government to prepare for a future confrontation. Emergency plans were
developed, supplies were stockpiled, and arrangements were made to maintain
essential services in the event of a strike.
When the commission later recommended wage reductions, negotiations broke
down. Mine owners moved to impose new terms, and when miners refused, they were
locked out in May 1926. The TUC responded by calling a general strike, which
began on May 3. Workers in key sectors such as transport, railways, printing,
and heavy industry joined. The strike disrupted the functioning of the economy
and brought large parts of industry to a halt.
The government declared a state of emergency under the Emergency Powers Act
1920, instituting open rule by police powers. Volunteers were recruited to
operate transport and maintain supply networks, while police and troops were
deployed to protect infrastructure. The government also issued its own
propaganda newspaper,
The British Gazette
. It had already pre-emptively
arrested leading members of the recently-formed Communist Party in October
1925.
Tyldesley miners outside the Miners Hall during the 1926
strike
After nine days, on May 12, 1926, the TUC called off the strike without
securing guarantees for the miners. The miners continued their struggle alone
for several months but were eventually forced back to work under worse
conditions. The General Strike ended without achieving its immediate aims. The
miners' defeat and subsequent legislation restricting trade union activity was,
in itself, a setback for the working class movement.
The General Strike broke out in a period when revolution was very much in
flow, in the aftermath of the First World War when the shockwaves of the
Socialist Revolution in Russia were still being felt. Although capitalism had
matured into its monopoly, imperialist stage - a consequence of which had been
the War itself - this was still a recent development. Following the Russian
Revolution, the period from 1917 to the early 1920s had seen a wave of
uprisings in Germany, Hungary and Italy. Britain itself experienced significant
working class unrest during this period, with major strikes and political
agitation. The Communist Party of Great Britain had been formed in August 1920,
though its influence was still limited. At that time, any large-scale
industrial conflict had to be viewed as part of this broader struggle between
labour and capital.
The significance of the General Strike at that time was that it put the
question of political power on the agenda for the working class for the first
time in Britain. The government treated the strike as a challenge to its
authority, mobilising emergency powers and framing the conflict as a defence of
constitutional order. At the same time, the strike demonstrated the capacity of
organised labour to disrupt economic life on a national scale. In this sense,
the strike opened up the question of who ultimately controls the organisation
of society, a question that remains unresolved to this day. The nine days of
action gave workers a direct experience of their collective power.
The conditions of the present day are very different from those of the
General Strike a century ago. Imperialism has long-since overripened and now,
in the age of oligarchy, is in all-sided perpetual crisis and decay. The ruling
elites no longer follow with any coherence the political theory they
established out of, for example, the English Civil War. The big political
parties have degenerated into factions of a cartel system that bars people from
power. The liberal democratic institutions to which capitalist development gave
rise, of civil and political society, lie in tatters, as the state is
reorganised directly around the most powerful, yet narrow, private interests.
Nowadays, rule is increasingly openly of police powers as a matter of course.
Unions in particular face a serious struggle to remain effective as
self-defence organisations of the class at a time when civil society lies in
ruins. There is a complete absence of a social contract between workers and
employers, exemplified by imposition by employers as the modus operandi.
Resistance to "fire and rehire", for example, has exposed the
imbalance in employer-worker relations, with employers imposing decisions
without consultation. The historical alliance between unions, business and the
state is a long-distant memory, leading to a unilateral imposition of power by
those in control.
A new consciousness is emerging among working people, emphasising the need
for a society that recognises and affirms human rights. The workers' movement
is gaining momentum, as they declare "Enough is Enough!" and advocate
for control over their lives and rights. Increasing resistance from workers
reveals in practice that they can provide solutions aligned with the general
interests of society. Workers need a decisive role in decision-making processes
affecting society and the economy, emphasising that true political opposition
emerges from the working class when organised in and of itself, with its own
independent programme.
Engaging in the battle of democracy, the working class and people seek to
establish new forms in which the working people themselves constitute the
authority and decide matters directly. In this sense, the core issue raised by
the General Strike remains, and is in fact sharper than ever before: the issue
of political power.
Article Index
Africa progressive
movements continue to rally in solidarity with Cuba
Solidarity with the Heroic People of Cuba
Pan Africanism Today Solidarity Letter
We are reproducing this solidarity letter from the Secretariat of Pan
Africanism Today. Popular movements, trade unions, youth organisations, and
political parties from across the African continent have continued to mobilise
in solidarity with Cuba in the face of escalating economic pressure and
sanctions. Following the release of the solidarity letter co-ordinated by Pan
Africanism Today and endorsed by over 35 political parties and popular
movements, organisations across Africa have stepped up actions in support of
Cuba. These efforts have included delivering letters to Cuban embassies across
the continent reaffirming long-standing ties rooted in anti-imperialist
struggle and internationalism, while also raising awareness about Cuba's
current plight under intensifying economic pressure.
Dear Comrades,
Delegation at Cuban Embassy Benin - Photo: Pan Africanism
Today
The Pan Africanism Today Secretariat, together with all progressive people's
movements and organisations across Africa, declare our unwavering solidarity
with the heroic people of Cuba. We write to you at this crucial moment in
history, characterised by the increasing barbarism of United States imperialism
and the equally growing anti-imperialist resistance of the peoples of the
world. We write not only to offer words of comfort, but to reaffirm active
solidarity and internationalism forged through decades of shared struggle
against a common enemy.
The world is witnessing, in stark and undeniable terms, the true character
of the United States ruling class. From the genocide of the Palestinian people
- carried out with weapons, financing, and unconditional political cover
provided by Washington - to the unprovoked military aggression against the
people of Iran. We are simultaneously witnessing the relentless tightening of
the brutal blockade against Cuba. Ultimately, we are confronted by a system
that has abandoned all pretence of legality, morality, and human decency.
You, the Cuban people, have understood this long before the rest of the
world was compelled to recognise it. For nearly 70 years, you have
demonstrated, through daily revolutionary praxis, that a world founded on
sovereignty, dignity, and the genuine prosperity of the many is not a utopian
dream but an achievable reality. You have not lectured us; you have shown us.
And you have paid for that demonstration with sacrifices that challenge the
imagination.
The blockade imposed by the United States against Cuba is more than just an
economic strangulation - it is a persistent act of war against an entire
people, across generations, and it stands as one of the gravest ongoing crimes
against humanity in the modern era. Most recently, on 29 January 2026, the
Trump administration signed Executive Order 14380, declaring a national
emergency concerning Cuba and imposing an oil blockade that has deprived your
people of fuel, threatening the collapse of hospitals, food supplies, and water
systems. This is the most severe escalation of the blockade in decades. The
near-universal votes of the United Nations General Assembly condemning it year
after year affirm what the peoples of the world already understand: Cuba's
right to self-determination is non-negotiable.
In response, you, our Cuban comrades, continue to demonstrate a true
revolutionary spirit - through your resilience, ingenuity and the highest form
of generosity and socialist internationalism. Where the United States deploys
soldiers and imposes sanctions, you have sent doctors and teachers. When Cubans
stood alongside the people of Southern Africa in the fight against colonialism
and the racist apartheid regimes, the world witnessed what true solidarity
looks like. On the African continent, we have not forgotten, and we will not
forget.
We will not accept that the cost of the right to self-determination is a
prolonged, inhumane siege. We refuse to accept that the sacrifices you have
made are the price of choosing one's own future. We reaffirm our commitment -
not only to support the Cuban people, lifelong comrades of Africa, but also to
change the international conditions that allow such sieges.
We unequivocally declare the following:
* We condemn the criminal blockade of Cuba with contempt and pledge to
intensify every effort to end it - politically, diplomatically, and in the
court of international public opinion.
* We commit to strengthening our solidarity with the Cuban people and to
ensuring that the truth about Cuba's revolutionary achievements, and the crimes
against it, reaches the widest possible audiences across our continent and the
world.
* We salute the leadership of the Cuban Revolution for its steadfastness in
the face of an ongoing US-led imperialist siege.
* We honour the memory of the revolution's giants - such as Fidel Castro,
Che Guevara, Haydee Santamaria and others - by dedicating ourselves to
upholding their example in our own struggles.
* We stand with the Cuban people as you withstand the latest tightening of
the imperialist stranglehold.
You do not face this alone. An injury to Cuba is an injury to all of us.
Comrades, we conclude with a conviction rooted in the revolutionary praxis
you have bequeathed to the world. To paraphrase Comandante Che Guevara: the
world needs two, three, many Cubas. We have listened when Fidel taught us the
importance of active struggle - that the duty of every revolutionary is to make
revolution.
In our respective sites of struggle across Africa, we commit ourselves to
doing precisely that: building the organised power of workers, peasants, women,
and youth; deepening the anti-imperialist consciousness of our peoples; and
forging the continental and international unity in action. This can break the
chains of capitalism and imperialism - our ability to work together and
construct the socialist world that the people of Cuba have dared to demonstrate
is necessary. A world for the many, built by the many!
Long live the Cuban Revolution! Long live International
Solidarity!
¡Patria o Muerte, Venceremos!
In revolutionary solidarity,
Pan Africanism Today (PAT) Secretariat
Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Articulation of the International Peoples
Assembly
Also endorsed by over 35 political parties and popular movements across
Africa.
Article Index
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