Books by Danielle Chubb
In South Korea, the contentious debate over relations with the North transcends traditional consi... more In South Korea, the contentious debate over relations with the North transcends traditional considerations of physical and economic security, and political activists play a critical role in shaping the discussion of these issues as they pursue the separate yet connected agendas of democracy, human rights, and unification. Providing international observers with a better understanding of policymakers' management of inter-Korean relations, Danielle L. Chubb traces the development of various policy disputes and perspectives from the 1970s through South Korea's democratic transition. Focusing on four case studies—the 1980 Kwangju uprising, the June 1987 uprising, the move toward democracy in the 1990s, and the decade of "progressive" government that began with the election of Kim Dae Jung in 1997—she tracks activists' complex views on reunification along with the rise and fall of more radical voices encouraging the adoption of a North Korean–style form of socialism. While these specific arguments have dissipated over the years, their vestiges can still be found in recent discussions over how to engage with North Korea and bring security and peace to the peninsula. Extending beyond the South Korean example, this examination shows how the historical trajectory of norms and beliefs can have a significant effect on a state's threat perception and security policy. It also reveals how political activists, in their role as discursive agents, play an important part in the creation of the norms and beliefs directing public debate over a state's approach to the ethical and practical demands of its foreign policy.
Journal articles by Danielle Chubb
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2022
The further isolation of North Korea in response to the Covid-19
pandemic is a timely reminder th... more The further isolation of North Korea in response to the Covid-19
pandemic is a timely reminder that when it comes to the
question of how to bring about change with relation to North
Korea, a combination of creative and differentiated approaches
are needed. In this piece, we argue that preparations for a just
future transition on the Korean peninsula must start now. This
commentary considers the possibilities for Australia to support
just transition, in whatever form it may take, through immediate
action not focused on bilateral or state-centric relations, but
instead through other spaces in a broadly defined civil society.
Effective Australian support for transitional justice and overall
wellbeing of North Koreans must overcome structural barriers to
opportunity for North Koreans within Australia, as well as barriers
of overly securitised paradigms.
Australian Journal of Politics and History, 2021
The gradual transformation of Australia’s relationship with Asia over the past half century has b... more The gradual transformation of Australia’s relationship with Asia over the past half century has been accompanied by major shifts in public opinion. These changes have been prompted by numerous changes in the social composition of the electorate, by globalisation which has brought many foreign firms to Australia, and by the political elite’s changing approach to engagement with Asia. There is, however, considerable elite anxiety concerning the economic and military rise of China, and these concerns are expressed in public debate and attitudes. Using opinion surveys collected over half a century, the first part of this article examines the trends emerging from debates over Australia’s economic and political relationship with China. In the second part, we use the 2018 and 2020 Lowy Polls to explain who changed their views of China and why. The results suggest that the dramatic shift in attitudes towards China between 2018 and 2020 was mainly driven by concerns about foreign influence in Australian politics. Overall, public opinion towards China has become more polarised, between economic opportunity on the one hand and fear of an authoritarian neighbour on the other.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2020
How and why have Australians come to view some infringement of their civil liberties as an accept... more How and why have Australians come to view some infringement of their civil liberties as an acceptable trade-off in the interest of countering terrorism? This article contributes to understandings of preference formation by placing the focus on the interaction of public and elite perceptions of terrorism and counter-terrorism, over an extended time period. I trace the trajectory of Australian public debate over the course of four decades, through the lens of three intervening critical junctures; the 1978 Hilton bombing, Australia's experience with international terrorism in the early twenty-first century, and the rise of 'home grown' terror from 2014. By uncovering the domestic dynamics that characterise public discourse and debate at each of these junctures, a more complete picture emerges of how Australian society understands and enacts counter-terror policy in response to the transnational terror threat.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2019
If we are to help students develop opinions and perspectives on world politics, and understand at... more If we are to help students develop opinions and perspectives on world politics, and understand at the same time what it means to hold these opinions and perspectives in the Australian context, we need to bring the world to the classroom. Information overload has led to feelings of alienation among students, and the way we teach needs to instil in students a sense that they are stakeholders in Australian foreign policy, and help them develop strategies for incorporating the complex information environment into their learning. In this short piece I propose two forms of assessment that authentically place the focus on these learning outcomes
Critical Studies on Security, 2017
If the United States’ main strategic policy priority on the Korean peninsula has been preventing ... more If the United States’ main strategic policy priority on the Korean peninsula has been preventing the North Korea from developing a nuclear capability, US policy has failed manifestly. How did we get here? What is it about the ideas that lie behind the creation of US policy towards North Korea that seem to rule out, time and time again, the possibility that casting aside preconditions and engaging in serious attempts at dialogue with North Korea might once more be worth a try, with the stakes so high? In this article, I argue that a social logic of risk led to a very specific construction of the North Korean threat in US foreign policymaking under Obama, which constrained the options policymakers believed to be open to them.
DOI: 10.1080/10361146.2016.1145899, 2016
Of all the difficult conversations to have with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) ... more Of all the difficult conversations to have with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) regime, the one over human rights has proven the most troubling for the international community. Once human rights issues are placed on the table, diplomatic efforts become quickly de-railed. Because of this, and because issues such as non-proliferation are seen as more pressing than human rights, there has been a conspicuous absence of any official, systematic response to the question of human rights violations in North Korea. Of course, most human rights campaigns experience some amount of politicisation. This is unsurprising, given the deeply political nature of the very concept of human rights. The North Korean human rights issue, however, suffers from this phenomenon more than most, tied up as it is with wider ideological battles that hark back to the circumstances of the division of the Korean peninsula. In this context, the 2014 report delivered by the United Nations (UN) Commission of Inquiry (COI) into North Korean human rights represents an effort to move above and beyond the politicisation of the issue and was largely successful in this regard.
Critique internationale, Jan 1, 2010
Book chapters by Danielle Chubb
China and Human Rights in North Korea : Debating a Developmental Approach in Northeast Asia, Edited by Baogang He, David Hundt & Chengxin Pan, 2021
There is a rich tradition of debating human rights in South Korea (ROK), and not only in relation... more There is a rich tradition of debating human rights in South Korea (ROK), and not only in relation to the situation in North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK). As a society that was unwillingly thrust into the frontlines of the Cold War upon liberation from four decades of at-times brutal colonial rule, South Korea has long been witness to egregious abuses of human rights. Some of these abuses occurred during the war that was fought to unify the country in the early 1950s, and others took place during the decades of ensuing division (Jeon 2015). With the transition to democratic rule in the 1980s, there has been significant improvement in the state of human rights in South Korea itself, and increasingly, human rights activists have turned their attention to North Korea instead. South Korea has undertaken its own "impressive yet fragile change in human rights" (Narayan 2010, 105), and it has signed numerous treaties and improved human rights practices. Activists and networks devoted to the cause of human rights in North Korea operate in the United States, Japan and Europe, as well as at the United Nations (Chubb and Yeo 2018), and "[c]ompared to other nations, South Korea has the greatest interest in and capacity for influencing North Korea's current human rights situation" (Suh 2013, 78). The evolution of thinking about human rights in South Korea has taken place in, and been influenced by, a specific temporal and spatial context. For some in South Korea, the North became the leading protagonist, ideological foe and rival for the claim to be the legitimate political authority in post-colonial Korea. For these reasons, debates about human rights in North Korea have a special resonance in the South, because they have significant implications for the legitimacy of the political values promoted since the development of democracy in the 1980s and to debates about the types of values that might be practiced in a unified Korea (Byeon 2015; Jeon 2015). This chapter proceeds as follows. Section 6.1 analyses the historical development of South Korea's policies towards human rights in North Korea and reviews the two main approaches, which have been promoted by the left/ progressive and right/conservative sides of politics respectively. It also discusses a variant of these approaches, which shares some similarities with China's development-led approach. Section 6.2 illustrates that, to varying degrees, the contending approaches are consistent with South Korean public sentiment about
North Korean Human Rights: activists and networks, 2018
In this chapter, we explore the ways in which the case of North Korean
human rights activism both... more In this chapter, we explore the ways in which the case of North Korean
human rights activism both confirms and challenges existing scholarship on transnational human rights activism, and the role advocacy networks play in the diffusion of human rights norms, discourse, and practice. In particular, we draw attention to the weaknesses with current models of human rights change and examine how state and nonstate actors challenge highly repressiveregimes by investigating the quintessential “hard case” of North Korea.
We proceed by first offering a brief review of existing models of transnational advocacy networks and human rights change and review their applicability to the task of understanding North Korean human rights advocacy. We then
extrapolate three variables that we argue are critical to understanding the
emergence and evolution of North Korean human rights activism: discourse, network dynamics, and defectors. Finally, we turn our attention to human rights outcomes, exploring the different mechanisms of change that link activism to outcomes. We conclude by recapping our theoretical aims and outlining what is to follow in the remaining chapters of this volume.
After American Primacy: Imagining the Future of Australia’s Defence, 2019
The attitudes of the Australian public towards the country's strategic future continue to be pull... more The attitudes of the Australian public towards the country's strategic future continue to be pulled in opposite directions as they reflect historical and geographic circumstances. These perspectives are as enduring as they are paradoxical. They reflect, in one respect, an Australia that is self-assured about its economic and geographic place within the region. At the same time, they reflect an Australia that continues to feel perpetually insecure, reliant upon a US security guarantee to compensate for its vast maritime borders and small population size, and fearful of overreliance, economically and perhaps politically, on its regional neighbour China. Alongside these public perceptions towards Australia's strategic relationships, two seemingly contradictory trends also characterise Australian public opinion towards defence. On the one hand, public opinion in the second decade of the twenty-first century is generally less supportive of defence spending than at any time since the 1970s. Yet the public generally simultaneously believes that defence is in a stronger position now than it was ten years ago. Not only does this second finding defy a broader trend towards declining public trust in public institutions more generally but also it provides a challenge to policy-makers in their efforts to lobby for greater defence spending. As defence policy evolves in response to the external strategic environment, it does so in the context of a number of substantial changes taking place in Australian society. These changes have an important influence on how the public thinks about regional and global security issues. One set of changes are demographic, and reflect the changing age, birthplace and education background of citizens. A second set of changes are concerned with attitudes, most notably economic attitudes and perceptions of the threats that might exist to Australian security and prosperity. In this chapter, we examine these apparently contradictory trends in public opinion and place them in the context of long-term changes in Australian society.
Competing Visions of India in World Politics: India’s Rise Beyond the West, 2015
The history of the Korean peninsula is one of subjugation, of a country trampled on as its neighb... more The history of the Korean peninsula is one of subjugation, of a country trampled on as its neighbours have pursued their own broader strategic goals. Today, still, South Korea finds itself flanked by the central players of the ‘Asian century’: the United States, China and Japan. Recognising that traditional patterns of hard power dominance are shifting around it, South Korea’s response has been to develop its foreign policy strategy in two directions. On the one hand, South Korea has been looking to strengthen and stabilise relations with key emerging regional players, such as China and – more recently – India. South Korean calculations of strengthening the relationship with China can largely be explained in pragmatic terms; China is central to the ROK’s economic and strategic future. As well as South Korea’s economic dependency on the Chinese economy, China would also play a significant role in any future Korean reunification scenario (Snyder, 2014, pp. 308-9). Yet, with this awareness in mind, South Korea exhibits a great deal of caution, which stems from a troubled historical relationship with its powerful neighbour. There is real concern in Seoul that the country that may find itself one day in the unenviable circumstance of having to weigh the value of the China relationship against its strategic alliance with the US. South Korea’s relationship with India is being approached with similar caution, but for very different reasons. While South Korea certainly has much to gain from a stronger economic relationship with India, the level of interdependence between the two economies is ultimately low. Similarly, where South Korea feels itself balancing the political benefits of the China relationship against the ROK-US alliance, there is little such tension in the case of a closer friendship with democratic India. Nevertheless, India is a big and growing power, and South Korea’s historical experience with Great Powers necessitates caution. Seoul will be watching carefully as India talks about its ambitions and agenda in Northeast Asia.
Patriotism in East Asia, 2014
This chapter investigates the intersection of security politics and statist nationalism in South ... more This chapter investigates the intersection of security politics and statist nationalism in South Korea with an examination of the nationalist claims invoked by the state with reference to the National Security Law (NSL). Through a detailing of the ways in which the state has framed threat perceptions to justify the imposition of limitations on democracy that this security institution represents, the chapter puts forward two core and related arguments. The first examines South Korean policy towards North Korea and contends that security politics and statist nationalism have become so closely intertwined as to share both normative and practical purposes. This, in turn, has led to a distortion of public debate which has prevented the emergence of a deliberative arena in which the state and society are able to come together to decide the future of the South Korean state, whether it be as part of a unified Korea or as an individual political entity
De-Bordering Korea: Tangible and Intangible Legacies of the Sunshine Policy, 2013
The decade 1998-2008 is popularly dubbed the "era of engagement" in South Korea: a period in whic... more The decade 1998-2008 is popularly dubbed the "era of engagement" in South Korea: a period in which the newly elected administration of Kim Dae-jung sought to eschew the patterns of conflict characteristic of the years since the Korean Peninsula's division and advocated an approach to cross-border relations commonly known as the "Sunshine Policy" (Haetpyŏt chŏngch'aek), which privileged norms of gentle persuasion and engagement over force and competition. This entirely new paradigm was accompanied by the creation of a series of democratic institutions in South Korea. At the same time, the Sunshine Policy was promoted as a reflection of popular ideas about how inter-Korean relations should be conducted. For too long, President Kim Dae-jung argued, decision-making in the area of inter-Korean relations had been insulated from public debate by rightwing, authoritarian governments that had chosen to frame the issue solely as a security problem requiring strong restrictions on public debate. As such, the "Sunshine era" was meant to shed light, not just on engagement with the North Korean government and people, but also with the South Korean public, creating opportunities for a variety of hitherto excluded voices and ideas to enter public discourse. The results of this policy, however, cut both ways. While it is true that the Sunshine Policy benefited progressive voices that had long called for greater engagement with and understanding of North Korea, this chapter explores the experiences of a smaller group of activists on the other end of the political spectrum for whom the new paradigm was exclusive rather than inclusive: North Korean defectors turned human rights activists. 1 Before exploring the particular experiences of a variety of North Korean defector groups, 2 I will briefly discuss the South Korean political context in which reports of human rights abuses in North Korea first came to the attention of various sectors of the South Korean population. I will then discuss the state and evolution of the debate over North Korean human rights in South Korea, with a focus on the political and civil society spheres. In this context, discussion of the place of defector politics in the broader policy-making process will precede a more in-depth examination of some key North Korean defector activist groups. 3
Doing More and Expecting Less: The Future of US Alliances in the Asia Pacific. Issues and Insights , Jan 2013
This chapter provides an overview of Australian perspectives on the US alliance in light of ongoi... more This chapter provides an overview of Australian perspectives on the US alliance in light of ongoing and emerging challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. After a brief discussion of the motivations behind the signing of the ANZUS treaty, the first part of the chapter examines the historical context of the alliance, with a particular focus on the long-standing and ongoing tussle in Australia between independence in foreign policy making vis-à-vis broader structural constraints. While this debate has been a constant feature of the political scene in Australia, it has come into particular focus since the US withdrawal from Vietnam, which marked a turning point in Australian perspectives with regard to its own role in Asia. The collision of ideas surrounding Australian identity and Australian national interest has been reflected in policy approaches as successive governments have sought to strike a balance between the two exigencies and thus, most optimally ensure Australia’s strategic future. The chapter concludes by examining current perspectives through the lens of an ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic circles about what the rise of China means for Australia and its commitment to the US alliance, and considers options for caucus-style cooperation with fellow US allies beyond the hub-and-spokes model.
Media by Danielle Chubb
‘National interest’ figleaf avoids debate on wars and terror laws
To state, as our politicians do, that there is an objective and irrefutable national interest “ou... more To state, as our politicians do, that there is an objective and irrefutable national interest “out there” is dangerous. It takes the responsibility for shaping the national interest out of our hands – and puts it firmly into the hands of those in power
South Korea on High Alert
Dr Danielle Chubb, expert on Inter-Korean relations, on the implications of North Korea's artille... more Dr Danielle Chubb, expert on Inter-Korean relations, on the implications of North Korea's artillery attack on the South.
Democracy heading to North Korea?
The Middle East has seen political unrest sweep from country to country, but could it get as far ... more The Middle East has seen political unrest sweep from country to country, but could it get as far as North Korea?
Balloons carrying leaflets intended to inform North Korean residents about the protests in Egypt have been dropped just over the border.
It’s a joint military exercise between the US and South Korea to inform the residents of the political unrest- something that’s currently banned in the country.
To find out more on the continuing conflict between North and South Korea, Danielle Chubb, who has a PhD in international relations from The Australian National University, joined Jamie Macdonald on Morning Magazine.
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Books by Danielle Chubb
Journal articles by Danielle Chubb
pandemic is a timely reminder that when it comes to the
question of how to bring about change with relation to North
Korea, a combination of creative and differentiated approaches
are needed. In this piece, we argue that preparations for a just
future transition on the Korean peninsula must start now. This
commentary considers the possibilities for Australia to support
just transition, in whatever form it may take, through immediate
action not focused on bilateral or state-centric relations, but
instead through other spaces in a broadly defined civil society.
Effective Australian support for transitional justice and overall
wellbeing of North Koreans must overcome structural barriers to
opportunity for North Koreans within Australia, as well as barriers
of overly securitised paradigms.
Book chapters by Danielle Chubb
human rights activism both confirms and challenges existing scholarship on transnational human rights activism, and the role advocacy networks play in the diffusion of human rights norms, discourse, and practice. In particular, we draw attention to the weaknesses with current models of human rights change and examine how state and nonstate actors challenge highly repressiveregimes by investigating the quintessential “hard case” of North Korea.
We proceed by first offering a brief review of existing models of transnational advocacy networks and human rights change and review their applicability to the task of understanding North Korean human rights advocacy. We then
extrapolate three variables that we argue are critical to understanding the
emergence and evolution of North Korean human rights activism: discourse, network dynamics, and defectors. Finally, we turn our attention to human rights outcomes, exploring the different mechanisms of change that link activism to outcomes. We conclude by recapping our theoretical aims and outlining what is to follow in the remaining chapters of this volume.
Media by Danielle Chubb
Balloons carrying leaflets intended to inform North Korean residents about the protests in Egypt have been dropped just over the border.
It’s a joint military exercise between the US and South Korea to inform the residents of the political unrest- something that’s currently banned in the country.
To find out more on the continuing conflict between North and South Korea, Danielle Chubb, who has a PhD in international relations from The Australian National University, joined Jamie Macdonald on Morning Magazine.