Fascism - Wikipedia

Fascism - Wikipedia
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Far-right authoritarian political ideology
For other uses, see
Fascism (disambiguation)
. For the original Italian political movement, see
Italian fascism
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Benito Mussolini
, dictator of
Italy
(left), and
Adolf Hitler
, dictator of
Germany
(right), were notable fascist leaders.
Part of
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Fascism
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Actual idealism
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Prussianism and Socialism
(1919)
Futurist Manifesto
(1919)
Fascist Manifesto
(1919)
Mein Kampf
(1925)
Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectuals
(1925)
My Autobiography
(1928)
The Myth of the Twentieth Century
(1930)
The Doctrine of Fascism
(1932)
Twenty-Six Point Program of
the Falange
(1934)
Organizations
Arrow Cross Party
Blackshirts
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Lapua Movement
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Opera Nazionale Balilla
Republican Fascist Party
Revolutionary Mexicanist Action
Rexist Party
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History
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Gentile Reform
Aventine Secession
Second Italo-Senussi War
Libyan genocide
German election of 1932
Enabling Act
Austrian Civil War
Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution
1934 Montreux Fascist conference
Second Italo-Ethiopian War
1935 Revolution Day Zócalo Battle
Spanish Civil War
Unification Decree
Battle of Cable Street
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Related topics
Anti-fascism
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Politics portal
Fascism
əm
FASH
-iz-əm
) is a
far-right
authoritarian
, and
ultranationalist
political ideology and movement that rose to prominence in early-20th-century Europe.
Fascism is characterized by support for a
dictatorial
leader, centralized
autocracy
militarism
, forcible suppression of
opposition
, belief in a natural
social hierarchy
, subordination of
individual
interests for the perceived interest of the
nation
or
race
, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.
Opposed to
communism
democracy
liberalism
pluralism
, and
socialism
fascism is at the far-right of the traditional
left–right spectrum
What constitutes a precise
definition of fascism
has been a longrunning and complex debate among scholars.
The first fascist movements emerged
in Italy
during
World War I
before spreading to
other European countries
, most notably
Germany
Fascism also had adherents outside of Europe.
Fascists saw World War I as a
revolution
that brought massive changes to the nature of war, society, the state, and technology. The advent of
total war
and the
mass mobilization
of society erased the distinction between civilians and combatants. A military citizenship arose, in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner.
The war resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines, providing logistics to support them, and having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.
Fascism views forms of violence—including
political violence
imperialist
violence, and
war
—as means to national rejuvenation.
10
11
Fascists often advocate for the establishment of a
totalitarian
one-party state
12
13
and for a
dirigiste
economy, which is a
market economy
in which the state plays a strong directive role through
market intervention
with the principal goal of achieving national economic self-sufficiency, or "
autarky
".
14
15
Fascism emphasizes both
palingenesis
—national rebirth or regeneration—and
modernity
when it is deemed compatible with national rebirth.
16
In promoting the nation's regeneration, fascists seek to purge it of decadence.
16
Fascism may also centre around an
ingroup-outgroup
opposition and
demonization
of "
Others
", such as various
ethnicities
immigrants
, nations, races, political opponents of fascist parties, religious groups, and
sexual and gender minorities
. In the case of
Nazism
, this involved
racial purity
and a belief in a
master race
. Such demonization has motivated fascist regimes to commit
massacres
forced sterilizations
deportations
, and
genocides
17
18
During
World War II
, the genocidal and imperialist ambitions of the fascist regimes of the
Axis powers
resulted in the murder of millions of people.
Since the end of World War II in 1945, fascism has been largely disgraced, and few parties have openly described themselves as
fascist
; the term is often
used pejoratively
by political opponents. The descriptions
neo-fascist
or
post-fascist
are sometimes applied to contemporary parties with ideologies similar to, or rooted in, 20th-century fascist movements.
19
Etymology
The
fasces
, a symbol of
Ancient Rome
, was employed in the modern era by various political movements to denote strength through unity.
20
The Italian term
fascismo
is derived from
fascio
, meaning 'bundle of sticks', ultimately from the
Latin
word
fasces
This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as
fasci
, groups similar to
guilds
or
syndicates
. According to Italian fascist dictator
Benito Mussolini
's own account, the
Fasces of Revolutionary Action
were founded in Italy in 1915.
21
In 1919, Mussolini founded the
Italian Fasces of Combat
in Milan, which became the
National Fascist Party
two years later. The fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces or
fascio littorio
22
a bundle of rods tied around an axe,
23
an
ancient Roman
symbol of the authority of the civic
magistrate
24
carried by his
lictors
25
The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.
26
Prior to 1914, the fasces symbol was widely employed by various political movements, often of a left-wing or liberal persuasion. For instance, according to Robert Paxton, "
Marianne
, symbol of the French Republic, was often portrayed in the nineteenth century carrying the fasces to represent the force of Republican solidarity against her aristocratic and clerical enemies."
20
The symbol often appeared as an architectural motif, for instance on the
Sheldonian Theater
at Oxford University and on the
Lincoln Memorial
in Washington, D.C.
20
Definitions
Main article:
Definitions of fascism
Historian
Ian Kershaw
once wrote, "Trying to define 'fascism' is like trying to nail jelly to the wall."
27
Each group described as "fascist" has at least some unique elements, and frequently definitions of "fascism" have been criticized as either too broad or too narrow.
28
page needed
According to many scholars, fascists—especially when they are in power—have historically attacked communism, socialism, and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far-right.
29
One of the schools of fascism studies understands fascism as a movement based on the myth of national rebirth, called
palingenesis
30
Prominent members of the school include
Stanley G. Payne
Roger Griffin
, and
Roger Eatwell
, who defined their theories as the "new consensus".
31
Payne's definition of fascism focuses on three concepts:
32
"Fascist negations" –
anti-liberalism
anti-communism
, and anti-
conservatism
"Fascist goals" – the creation of a nationalist
dictatorship
to regulate economic structure and to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture, and the expansion of the nation into an empire.
"Fascist style" – a political aesthetic of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, a positive view of violence, and promotion of masculinity, youth, and charismatic authoritarian leadership.
33
Eatwell defines fascism as "an ideology that strives to forge social rebirth based on a
holistic
-national radical
Third Way
".
34
Roger Griffin follows the description of Payne, calling fascism "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism", and adds an emphasis
35
31
on the "mythic core" of fascism which he defines as a "palingenetic form of populist
ultranationalism
".
36
According to Griffin, fascism as an ideology includes: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism, and (iii) the myth of decadence".
37
Thus,
palingenetic ultranationalism
constitutes the minimum, without which a "genuine fascism" is not possible according to Griffin,
38
39
and fascism draws on ancient and arcane myths of racial, cultural, ethnic, and national origins to develop the fascist "
new man
";
40
and acts as a "political religion" seeking to establish a community based on a new culture.
39
Griffin explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of
post-fascism
to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era.
41
Additionally, other historians
which?
have applied this minimalist core to explore
proto-fascist
movements.
42
43
While the theories of "new consensus" authors have proven to be very influential, they have also failed to establish a historiographic consensus and received criticism from other scholars, often as a static and isolated from context "
ideal type
" or set of ideas disregarding the dynamic, contradictory and syncretic nature of fascism and its context.
39
44
45
In particular, the critics pointed out the failure to address the contradiction between anti-conservatism and anti-communism, since fascism preserved the latter while achieving power through alliance conservatism, or that the majority of fascists sought to synthesize fascism with traditional religions and cultures instead of replacing them.
46
39
Griffin's 'minimal' criterion of national rebirth also received criticism as too broad, applicable to non-fascist movements,
39
or arbitrary, not applicable to certain regimes which may be considered fascist,
47
45
and also as a rework of the '
totalitarian
' model of understanding fascism.
39
Walter Laqueur
sees the core tenets of fascism as "self-evident: nationalism;
social Darwinism
; racialism, the need for leadership, a new aristocracy, and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution".
48
Kershaw argues that the difference between fascism and other forms of right-wing authoritarianism in the
interwar period
is that the latter generally aimed "to conserve the existing social order", whereas fascism was "revolutionary", seeking to change society and obtain "total commitment" from the population.
49
In his book
How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them
(2018),
Jason Stanley
defined fascism thusly:
[A] cult of the leader who promises national restoration in the face of humiliation brought on by supposed communists, Marxists and minorities and immigrants who are supposedly posing a threat to the character and the history of a nation ... The leader proposes that only he can solve it and all of his political opponents are enemies or traitors.
Stanley says recent global events as of 2020
[update]
, including the
COVID-19 pandemic
and the
2020–2023 United States racial unrest
, have substantiated his concern about how fascist rhetoric is showing up in politics and policies around the world.
50
Cas Mudde
and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser argue that although fascism "flirted with populism ... in an attempt to generate mass support", it is better seen as an elitist ideology.
51
They cite in particular its exaltation of the Leader, the race, and the state, rather than the people. They see populism as a "thin-centered ideology" with a "restricted morphology" that necessarily becomes attached to "thick-centered" ideologies such as fascism, liberalism, or socialism. Thus populism can be found as an aspect of many specific ideologies, without necessarily being a defining characteristic of those ideologies. They refer to the combination of populism, authoritarianism and ultranationalism as "a marriage of convenience".
52
Robert Paxton
says:
[Fascism is] a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.
53
Umberto Eco
lists fourteen "features that are typical of what [he] would like to call 'Ur-Fascism', or 'Eternal Fascism'. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of
despotism
or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it."
54
Historian
John Lukacs
argues that there is no such thing as generic fascism. He claims that
Nazism
and
communism
are essentially manifestations of
populism
, and that states such as Nazi Germany and
Fascist Italy
are more different from each other than they are similar.
55
Historian
Emilio Gentile
has defined fascism thusly:
[A] modern political phenomenon,
revolutionary
anti-liberal
, and
anti-Marxist
, organized in a militia party with a
totalitarian
conception of politics and the state, an activist and anti-theoretical ideology, with a mythical, virilistic and anti-hedonistic foundation, sacralized as a secular religion, which affirms the absolute primacy of the nation, understood as an ethnically homogeneous organic community, hierarchically organized in a
corporate state
, with a bellicose vocation to the politics of greatness, power, and conquest aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization.
56
Historian and cultural critic
Ruth Ben-Ghiat
has described fascism as "the original phase of authoritarianism, along with early communism, when a population has undergone huge dislocations or they perceive that there's been changes in society that are very rapid, too rapid for their taste".
57
Racism was a key feature of German fascism, for which
the Holocaust
was a high priority. According to
The Historiography of Genocide
, "In dealing with the Holocaust, it is the consensus of historians that Nazi Germany targeted Jews as a race, not as a religious group."
58
Several historians, such as Umberto Eco,
54
Kevin Passmore,
59
and Moyra Grant,
60
stress
racism
as a characteristic component of German fascism. Historian
Robert Soucy
stated, "Hitler envisioned the ideal German society as a
Volksgemeinschaft
, a racially unified and hierarchically organized body in which the interests of individuals would be strictly subordinate to those of the nation, or Volk."
61
Kershaw noted that common factors of fascism included "the 'cleansing' of all those deemed not to belong—foreigners, ethnic minorities, 'undesirables
"—and belief in its own nation's superiority, even if it was not biological racism like in Nazism.
49
Fascist philosophies vary by application, but remain distinct by one theoretical commonality: all traditionally fall into the far-right sector of any
political spectrum
, catalyzed by afflicted class identities over conventional social inequities.
Position on the political spectrum
Pro-government demonstration in
Salamanca
Francoist Spain
, in 1937.
Francisco Franco
was later labeled by some commentators the "last surviving fascist dictator".
62
Scholars place fascism on the
far right
of the political spectrum.
Such scholarship focuses on its
social conservatism
and its
authoritarian
means of opposing
egalitarianism
63
Roderick Stackelberg places fascism—including Nazism, which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the political right by explaining: "The more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be."
64
Fascism's origins are complex and include many seemingly contradictory viewpoints, ultimately centered on a mythos of national rebirth from decadence.
65
Fascism was founded during
World War I
by Italian
national syndicalists
who drew upon both
left-wing
organizational tactics and
right-wing
political views.
66
Italian fascism
gravitated to the right in the early 1920s.
67
A major element of fascist ideology that has been deemed to be far right is its stated goal to promote the right of a supposedly
superior people
to dominate, while purging society of supposedly inferior elements.
68
Mussolini and
Giovanni Gentile
described their ideology as right-wing in the political essay
The Doctrine of Fascism
(1932), stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."
69
Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue for fascists: "[F]ascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center. ... These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words."
70
Major Italian groups politically on the right, especially rich landowners and big business, feared an uprising by groups on the left, such as sharecroppers and labour unions.
71
They welcomed fascism and supported its violent suppression of opponents on the left.
72
The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. The "fascist left" included
Michele Bianchi
Giuseppe Bottai
Angelo Oliviero Olivetti
Sergio Panunzio
, and
Edmondo Rossoni
, who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people.
73
The "fascist right" included members of the paramilitary
Blackshirts
and former members of the
Italian Nationalist Association
(ANI).
73
The Blackshirts wanted to establish fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including
Alfredo Rocco
, sought to institute an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy while retaining the existing elites.
73
Upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist fascists who sought to use fascism to create an
absolute monarchy
under King
Victor Emmanuel III of Italy
73
A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a "third position", outside the traditional political spectrum.
74
Falange Española de las JONS
leader
José Antonio Primo de Rivera
said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile."
75
Fascist
as a pejorative
Main article:
Fascist (insult)
The term
fascist
has been used as a
pejorative
76
regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum.
George Orwell
noted in 1944 that the term had been used to denigrate diverse positions "in internal politics". Orwell said that while fascism is "a political and economic system" that was inconvenient to define, "
as used
, the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless. ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist
",
77
and in 1946 wrote that
'Fascism' has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies something not desirable."
78
Richard Griffiths of the
University of Wales
wrote in 2000 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".
79
Fascist
is sometimes applied to post-World War II organizations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term
neo-fascist
80
Despite fascist movements' history of
anti-communism
Communist states
have sometimes been referred to as
fascist
, typically as an insult. It has been applied to
Marxist–Leninist
regimes in
Cuba
under
Fidel Castro
and
Vietnam
under
Ho Chi Minh
81
Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the
Soviet Union
during the
Sino-Soviet split
, and the Soviets used the term to denounce Chinese Marxists,
82
in addition to
social democracy
, coining a new term in
social fascism
. In the United States,
Herbert Matthews
of
The New York Times
asked in 1946: "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?"
83
J. Edgar Hoover
, longtime
FBI
director and ardent anti-communist, wrote extensively of
red fascism
84
The
Ku Klux Klan
in the 1920s was sometimes called
fascist
. Historian Peter Amann states that, "Undeniably, the Klan had some traits in common with European fascism—chauvinism, racism, a mystique of violence, an affirmation of a certain kind of archaic traditionalism—yet their differences were fundamental ... [the KKK] never envisioned a change of political or economic system."
85
History
Further information:
Fascism and ideology
Background and 19th-century roots
Bust of the ancient Greek philosopher
Plato
, whose works were admired by Mussolini
86
Early influences that shaped the ideology of fascism have been dated back to
ancient Greece
. Mussolini had a strong attachment to the works of the Greek philosopher
Plato
87
In October 1943, Mussolini was reported to have kept Plato's work
Republic
on his desk at home, and he claimed to consult it from time to time before beginning his work each day.
88
The political culture of ancient Greece and specifically the ancient Greek city state of
Sparta
under
Lycurgus
, with its emphasis on militarism and racial purity, were admired by the Nazis.
89
90
91
Hitler emphasized that Germany should adhere to Hellenic values and culture – particularly that of ancient Sparta.
89
90
Plato supported many similar political positions to fascism.
92
In his work
Republic
(c. 380 BC),
93
he emphasized the need for a philosopher king in an ideal state.
93
He believed the ideal state would be ruled by an elite class of rulers known as "Guardians" and rejected the idea of
social equality
92
He believed in an authoritarian state.
92
He held
Athenian democracy
in contempt by saying: "The laws of democracy remain a dead letter, its freedom is anarchy, its equality the equality of unequals".
92
Like fascism, he emphasized that individuals must adhere to laws and perform duties while declining to grant individuals rights to limit or reject state interference in their lives.
92
He claimed that an ideal state would have education that was designed to promote able rulers and warriors.
92
However, there are also significant differences between Plato's ideals and fascism.
92
Unlike fascism, he never promoted expansionism and he was opposed to offensive war.
92
Bust of
Roman Dictator
Julius Caesar
Italian Fascists identified their ideology as being connected to the legacy of
ancient Rome
and particularly the
Roman Empire
: they idolized
Julius Caesar
and
Augustus
94
Italian Fascism viewed the modern state of Italy as the heir of the Roman Empire and emphasized the need for Italian culture to "return to Roman values".
95
Italian Fascists identified the Roman Empire as being an ideal organic and stable society in contrast to contemporary individualist liberal society that they saw as being chaotic in comparison.
95
Julius Caesar was considered a role model by fascists because he led a revolution that overthrew an old order to establish a new order based on a dictatorship in which he wielded absolute power.
94
Mussolini emphasized the need for dictatorship, activist leadership style and a leader cult like that of Julius Caesar that involved "the will to fix a unifying and balanced centre and a common will to action".
96
Italian Fascists also idolized Augustus as the champion who built the Roman Empire.
94
The
fasces
– a symbol of Roman authority – was the symbol of the Italian Fascists and was additionally adopted by many other national fascist movements formed in emulation of Italian Fascism.
97
While a number of Nazis rejected Roman civilization because they saw it as incompatible with Aryan Germanic culture and they also believed that Aryan Germanic culture was outside Roman culture,
Adolf Hitler
personally admired ancient Rome.
97
Hitler focused on ancient Rome during its rise to dominance and at the height of its power as a model to follow, and he deeply admired the Roman Empire for its ability to forge a strong and unified civilization. In private conversations, Hitler blamed the fall of the Roman Empire on the Roman adoption of Christianity because he claimed that Christianity authorized racial intermixing that he claimed weakened Rome and led to its destruction.
96
Georges Valois
, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party
Faisceau
98
claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the late 18th century
Jacobin
movement, seeing in its totalitarian nature a foreshadowing of the fascist state.
99
Historian
George Mosse
similarly analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the
mass ideology
and
civil religion
of the
French Revolution
, as well as a result of the brutalization of societies in 1914–1918.
99
Historians such as
Irene Collins
and Howard C. Payne see
Napoleon III
, who ran a 'police state' and suppressed the media, as a forerunner of fascism.
100
According to
David Thomson
101
the Italian
Risorgimento
of 1871 led to the 'nemesis of fascism'.
William L Shirer
102
sees a continuity from the views of
Fichte
and
Hegel
, through
Bismarck
, to Hitler;
Robert Gerwarth
speaks of a 'direct line' from Bismarck to Hitler.
103
Julian Dierkes sees fascism as a 'particularly violent form of
imperialism
'.
104
Marcus Garvey
, founder and leader of the
Universal Negro Improvement Association
, had described the organisation as "the first fascists".
105
undue weight?
discuss
In 1938,
C. L. R. James
wrote "all the things that Hitler was to do so well later, Marcus Garvey was doing in 1920 and 1921".
106
Fin de siècle era and lead up to World War I (1880–1914)
See also:
National syndicalism
The historian
Zeev Sternhell
has traced the ideological roots of fascism back to the 1880s and in particular to the
fin de siècle
theme of that time.
107
The theme was based on a revolt against
materialism
rationalism
positivism
bourgeois
society, and
democracy
108
The
fin-de-siècle
generation supported
emotionalism
irrationalism
subjectivism
, and
vitalism
109
They regarded civilization as being in crisis, and as requiring a massive and total solution.
108
Their intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as a numerical sum of atomized individuals.
108
They condemned the rationalistic,
liberal individualism
of society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.
108
Herbert Spencer
, the social Darwinist who coined the phrase "survival of the fittest".
110
The
fin-de-siècle
outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including
Darwinian
biology,
Gesamtkunstwerk
Arthur de Gobineau
's racialism,
Gustave Le Bon
's
psychology
, and the philosophies of
Friedrich Nietzsche
Fyodor Dostoyevsky
, and
Henri Bergson
111
Social Darwinism, which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as an unceasing struggle to achieve the
survival of the fittest
111
It challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment.
111
Its emphasis on
biogroup
identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered the legitimacy and appeal of nationalism.
112
New theories of social and political psychology rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason.
111
Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead", coinciding with his attack on the "
herd mentality
" of
Christianity
, on democracy, and on modern
collectivism
, his concept of the
Übermensch
, and his advocacy of the
will to power
as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the
fin-de-siècle
generation.
113
Bergson's claim of the existence of an
élan vital
, or vital instinct, centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged
Marxism
114
Charles Maurras
Georges Sorel
French nationalist
and
reactionary
monarchist
Charles Maurras
influenced fascism.
115
Maurras promoted what he called
integral nationalism
, which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the
popular will
that created an impersonal collective subject.
115
He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.
115
Fascists idealized Maurras' integral nationalism, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form - devoid of Maurras'
monarchism
115
French revolutionary
syndicalist
Georges Sorel
(1847-1922) promoted the legitimacy of
political violence
in his work
Reflections on Violence
(1908) and in other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a
general strike
116
In
Reflections on Violence
, Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary
political religion
117
In his book
The Illusions of Progress
(1908), Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, stating that "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy".
118
By 1909, after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views—advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries.
119
Initially, Sorel had officially been a
revisionist
of Marxism, but by 1910 he had announced his abandonment of socialist literature. In 1914, using an aphorism of
Benedetto Croce
, he claimed that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism".
120
Sorel began to support reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909, and this influenced his works.
120
Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian
syndicalism
, known as
Sorelianism
, as a means to confront democracy.
121
Maurras stated, "A socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand."
122
The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist
Enrico Corradini
(1865-1931).
123
Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.
123
Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "
plutocratic
" French and British.
124
Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI, founded in 1910), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism".
124
The ANI had ties and influence among
conservatives
, Catholics, and the
business community
125
Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism,
internationalism
, and
pacifism
, and the promotion of
heroism
, vitalism, and violence.
126
The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. They believed that humans are naturally predatory, and that nations are in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive.
127
Filippo Tommaso Marinetti
, Italian modernist author of the
Futurist Manifesto
(1909) and later the co-author of the
Fascist Manifesto
(1919)
128
Futurism
was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by
Filippo Tommaso Marinetti
(1876-1944) who wrote the
Manifesto of Futurism
(1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics.
129
130
page needed
Marinetti rejected conventional democracy - based on majority rule and egalitarianism - for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive."
131
Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as necessities of modern civilization.
132
Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men, saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic".
133
World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929)
Benito Mussolini
in 1917 as an Italian soldier in
World War I
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The
Italian Socialist Party
(PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.
134
Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist
fascio
called the
Revolutionary Fasces of International Action
in October 1914.
134
Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper
Avanti!
for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate
fascio
135
The term "fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.
136
The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915
137
when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended".
137
Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.
138
Adolf Hitler as a German soldier in World War I
Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist
Johann Plenge
spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution).
139
According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order.
139
Plenge believed that racial solidarity (
Volksgemeinschaft
) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.
139
He believed that the
Spirit of 1914
manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism.
140
This National Socialism was a form of
state socialism
that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.
140
This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.
140
Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical
technocratic
state.
141
Impact of World War I
Members of Italy's
Arditi
corps, shown here in 1918 holding daggers, a symbol of their group. They were formed in 1917 as groups of soldiers trained for dangerous missions, characterized by a refusal to surrender and a willingness to fight to the death. Their black uniforms inspired those of the Italian Fascist movement.
142
Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of
total war
and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.
World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.
Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with
mass politics
, technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.
143
Impact of the October Revolution in Russia
See also:
October Revolution
The
October Revolution
of 1917, in which
Bolshevik
communists led by
Vladimir Lenin
seized power in Russia, greatly influenced the development of fascism.
144
In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the
Fasces of Revolutionary Action
, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of
Tsar Nicholas II
145
After World War I, fascists commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas.
144
Andreas Umland
argues that there are similarities between fascism and Bolshevism, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, showed contempt for bourgeois values, and had totalitarian ambitions.
144
He says that in practice both have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, one-party states, and party-armies;
144
With the antagonism between
anti-interventionist
Marxists and pro-
interventionist
fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable.
citation needed
The fascists presented themselves as
anti-communists
and as especially opposed to the
Marxists
146
In 1919, Mussolini consolidated control over the fascist movement, known as
Sansepolcrismo
, with the founding of the
Italian Fasces of Combat
72
Fascist Manifesto and Charter of Carnaro
Territories promised to Italy by the
Treaty of London (1915)
Trentino-Alto Adige
, the
Julian March
and
Dalmatia
(tan) and the
Snežnik Plateau
area (green).
147
However, after World War I, while Italy annexed the capital city
Zara
of Dalmatia the rest of Dalmatia was not assigned to Italy but to
Yugoslavia
citation needed
In 1919,
Alceste De Ambris
and
futurist
movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created "
The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat
".
128
The Fascist Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the fascist newspaper
Il Popolo d'Italia
and supported the creation of
universal suffrage
, including
women's suffrage
(the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded);
148
proportional representation
on a regional basis; government representation through a
corporatist
system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, and communications, among others; and abolition of the
Senate of the Kingdom of Italy
149
The Fascist Manifesto supported the creation of an
eight-hour work day
for all workers, a
minimum wage
, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong
progressive tax
on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of profits.
150
It also called for the fulfillment of expansionist aims in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean, the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties,
nationalization
of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.
151
The
Slovene
Narodni dom
("National Home") in Trieste on fire after being burned by Fascists on 13 July 1920.
The next events that influenced the fascists in Italy were the raid of
Fiume
by Italian nationalist
Gabriele d'Annunzio
and the founding of the
Charter of Carnaro
in 1920.
152
D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist
productionism
alongside D'Annunzio's political views.
153
Many fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a fascist Italy.
154
This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and
South Slavs
was pursued by Italian fascists with their persecution of South Slavs—especially Slovenes and Croats.
155
156
The Italians claimed Fiume on the principle of self-determination, disregarding the 50.4% of its population that were
Yugoslavs
157
Accommodating conservatives
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Year" (
Biennio Rosso
).
158
Mussolini and the fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.
159
Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.
154
The fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.
160
The fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.
160
Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism,
republicanism
and
anticlericalism
, adopting policies in support of
free enterprise
and accepting the
Catholic Church
and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.
161
To appeal to Italian conservatives, fascism adopted policies such as promoting
family values
, including policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce—limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.
162
Although fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a reactionary point of view—the fascists sought to maintain fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."
163
The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.
164
Prior to fascism's accommodations to the political right, fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.
165
After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.
166
A 2020 article by
Daron Acemoğlu
, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo in the
Center for Economic and Policy Research
, exploring the link between the threat of
socialism
and Mussolini's rise to power, found "a strong association between the Red Scare in Italy and the subsequent local support for the Fascist Party in the early 1920s".
167
According to the authors, it was local elites and large landowners who played an important role in boosting Fascist Party activity and support, which did not come from socialists' core supporters but from
centre-right
voters, as they viewed traditional centre-right parties as ineffective in stopping socialism and so turned to the fascists.
167
In 2003, historian Adrian Lyttelton wrote: "The expansion of Fascism in the rural areas was stimulated and directed by the reaction of the farmers and landowners against the peasant leagues of both Socialists and Catholics."
167
Fascist violence
Beginning in 1922, fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. The fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.
168
The fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of
Bolzano
168
169
After seizing these cities, the fascists made plans to take
Rome
168
Benito Mussolini
with three of the four
quadrumvirs
during the
March on Rome
(from left to right: unknown,
de Bono
, Mussolini,
Balbo
and
de Vecchi
170
On 24 October 1922, the Fascist Party held its annual congress in
Naples
, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.
168
The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.
171
King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.
172
Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as
Prime Minister of Italy
and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.
172
Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "
March on Rome
", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.
168
Fascist Italy
Mussolini in power
Victor Emmanuel III
King of Italy
, with Mussolini.
Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.
173
Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued
economically liberal
policies under the direction of liberal finance minister
Alberto De Stefani
, a member of the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.
173
Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.
173
The fascists began their attempt to entrench fascism in Italy with the
Acerbo Law
, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.
174
Through considerable fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the fascists.
174
In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy
Giacomo Matteotti
was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.
174
The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the
Aventine Secession
175
On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.
175
From 1925 to 1929, fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.
176
Catholic Church
The signing of the
Lateran Treaty
, Mussolini shown on the right side of the photograph.
In 1929, the fascist regime briefly gained what was in effect a blessing of the Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the
Lateran Treaty
, which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the 19th century, but within two years the Church had renounced fascism in the Encyclical
Non Abbiamo Bisogno
as a "pagan idolatry of the state" which teaches "hatred, violence and irreverence".
177
Not long after signing the agreement, by Mussolini's own confession, the Church had threatened to have him "excommunicated", in part because of his intractable nature, but also because he had "confiscated more issues of Catholic newspapers in the next three months than in the previous seven years".
178
By the late 1930s, Mussolini became more vocal in his anti-clerical rhetoric, repeatedly denouncing the Catholic Church and discussing ways to depose the pope. He took the position that the "papacy was a malignant tumor in the body of Italy and must 'be rooted out once and for all,' because there was no room in Rome for both the Pope and himself."
179
In her 1974 book, Mussolini's widow Rachele stated that her husband had always been an atheist until near the end of his life, writing that her husband was "basically irreligious until the later years of his life".
180
The Nazis in Germany employed similar anti-clerical policies.
181
The Gestapo confiscated hundreds of monasteries in Austria and Germany, evicted clergymen and laymen alike and often replaced crosses with swastikas.
182
Referring to the swastika as "the Devil's Cross", church leaders found their youth organizations banned, their meetings limited and various Catholic periodicals censored or banned. Government officials eventually found it necessary to place "Nazis into editorial positions in the Catholic press".
183
Up to 2,720 clerics, mostly Catholics, were arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned inside of Germany's Dachau concentration camp, resulting in over 1,000 deaths.
184
Corporatist economic system
The fascist regime created a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of
the Palazzo Vidoni Pact
, in which the Italian employers' association
Confindustria
and fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-fascist trade unions.
185
The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs and in 1927 created the
Charter of Labour
, which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.
185
In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and the employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves, but instead by appointed Fascist party members.
185
Aggressive colonial and foreign policies
Inmates at the
Sid Ahmed el Maghrun concentration camp
in
Libya
during the
Second Italo-Senussi War
186
In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included ambitions to expand Italian territory.
187
In response to revolt in the Italian colony of
Libya
, Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.
188
This resulted in an aggressive military campaign known as the
Second Italo-Senussi War
also known as the Pacification of Libya against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of
concentration camps
and the forced starvation of thousands of people.
188
Italian authorities committed
ethnic cleansing
by forcibly expelling 100,000
Bedouin
Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from their settlements that was slated to be given to Italian settlers.
189
Nazi adoption of the Italian model
Nazis in Munich during the
Beer Hall Putsch
The March on Rome brought fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian fascists was Adolf Hitler, who less than a month after the March had begun to model himself and the
Nazi Party
upon Mussolini and the Fascists.
190
The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero
Erich Ludendorff
, attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed
Beer Hall Putsch
in
Munich
in November 1923.
191
International impact of the Great Depression and buildup to World War II
Nazi Party rally
in
Nuremberg
, Germany, in 1934
192
Hungarian
Prime Minister
Gyula Gömbös
(left) meeting with Mussolini (right)
The conditions of economic hardship caused by the
Great Depression
brought about an international surge of social unrest.
193
Fascist propaganda blamed the problems of the long depression of the 1930s on minorities and
scapegoats
: "
Judeo
Masonic
bolshevik
" conspiracies,
left-wing internationalism
and the presence of immigrants.
194
The
Great Depression in Germany
contributed to the rise of the Nazi Party, which resulted in the demise of the
Weimar Republic
and the establishment of the fascist regime,
Nazi Germany
, under the leadership of Adolf Hitler.
195
196
With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933,
liberal democracy
was dissolved in Germany and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries.
197
198
In the 1930s, the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against,
disenfranchised
and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups.
199
Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Hungarian fascist
Gyula Gömbös
rose to power as Prime Minister of
Hungary
in 1932 and attempted to entrench his
Unity Party
throughout the country.
citation needed
He created an eight-hour work day and a forty-eight-hour work week in industry; sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued
irredentist
claims on Hungary's neighbors.
200
The fascist
Iron Guard
movement in
Romania
soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister
Ion Duca
201
The Iron Guard was the only fascist movement outside Germany and Italy to
come to power
without foreign assistance.
202
203
During the
6 February 1934 crisis
France
faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the
Dreyfus Affair
when the fascist
Francist Movement
and multiple far-right movements rioted
en masse
in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence.
204
A variety of
para-fascist
governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of
Greece
Lithuania
Poland
and Yugoslavia.
205
In
the Netherlands
, the
National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands
was at its height in the 1930s due to the Great Depression, especially in 1935 when it won almost eight percent of votes, until the year 1937.
11
Integralists
marching in Brazil
Luis A. Flores
Prime Minister of Peru
in 1932, shown saluting in the party uniform of the
Revolutionary Union
of Peru that he led as its Supreme Chief from 1933–1956
206
207
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
, founder of the
Iron Guard
in Romania
208
In the Americas, the
Brazilian Integralists
led by
Plínio Salgado
claimed as many as 200,000 members, although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the
Estado Novo
of
Getúlio Vargas
in 1937.
209
In
Peru
, the
Revolutionary Union
was a fascist political party which was in power 1931 to 1933. In the 1930s, the
National Socialist Movement of Chile
gained seats in
Chile
's parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the
Seguro Obrero massacre
of 1938.
210
During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "
supercapitalism
" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure because of its alleged
decadence
, its support for unlimited
consumerism
, and its intention to create the "standardization of humankind".
211
Fascist Italy created the
Institute for Industrial Reconstruction
(IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises.
212
The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued fascist policies to create national
autarky
and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production.
212
While Hitler's regime only nationalized 500 companies in key industries by the early 1940s,
213
Mussolini declared in 1934, "[t]hree-fourths of Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state."
214
Due to the worldwide depression, Mussolini's government was able to take over most of Italy's largest failing banks, who held controlling interest in many Italian businesses. The IRI reported in early 1934 that they held assets of "48.5 percent of the share capital of Italy", which later included the capital of the banks themselves.
215
Political historian Martin Blinkhorn estimated Italy's scope of state intervention and ownership "greatly surpassed that in Nazi Germany, giving Italy a public sector second only to that of Stalin's Russia".
216
In the late 1930s, Italy enacted manufacturing cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions and massive regulation of the economy to attempt to balance payments.
217
Italy's policy of autarky failed to achieve effective economic autonomy.
217
Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed
protectionist
policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron.
218
World War II (1939–1945)
Map of World War II in Europe from 1941-1942. Axis powers shown in red and Allied powers shown in blue.
Ante Pavelić
Poglavnik
of the
Independent State of Croatia
(NDH) and leader of the fascist
Ustaše
, with Mussolini on 18 May 1941 in Rome
In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in World War II.
citation needed
From 1935 to 1939, Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy
invaded Ethiopia in 1935
resulting in its condemnation by the
League of Nations
and its widespread diplomatic isolation.
citation needed
In 1936, Germany
remilitarized the industrial Rhineland
, a region that had been ordered demilitarized by the
Treaty of Versailles
. In 1938, Germany annexed
Austria
219
220
and Italy assisted Germany in resolving the diplomatic crisis between Germany versus Britain and France over claims on
Czechoslovakia
by arranging the
Munich Agreement
that gave Germany the
Sudetenland
and was perceived at the time to have averted a European war.
221
222
These hopes faded when Czechoslovakia was dissolved by the proclamation of the German client state of
Slovakia
, followed by the next day of the occupation of the remaining
Czech Lands
and the proclamation of the German
Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia
. At the same time from 1938 to 1939, Italy was demanding territorial and colonial concessions from France and Britain.
223
In 1939, Germany prepared for war with Poland, but attempted to gain territorial concessions from Poland through diplomatic means.
224
The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands.
224
The invasion of Poland by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, leading to their mutual declaration of war against Germany and the start of World War II.
225
226
In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into World War II on the side of the Axis. During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Roma, Sinti and others in the genocide known as the Holocaust.
227
228
229
In 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, the complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, the Allied invasion of Italy and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini
was removed as head of government and arrested
on the order of King Victor Emmanuel III, who proceeded to dismantle the Fascist state and declared Italy's switching of allegiance to the Allied side.
citation needed
Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German forces and led the German client state, the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany faced multiple losses and steady Soviet and Western Allied offensives from 1943 to 1945.
230
On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide.
231
Shortly afterwards, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was
systematically dismantled
by the occupying Allied powers. An International Military Tribunal was subsequently convened in
Nuremberg
. Beginning in November 1945 and lasting through 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were
tried and convicted
of
war crimes
, with many of the worst offenders being sentenced to death and executed.
232
233
Post-World War II (1945–2008)
Main article:
Neo-fascism
The victory of the Allies over the Axis powers in
World War II
led to the collapse of many fascist regimes in Europe. The
Nuremberg Trials
convicted several Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity involving the Holocaust.
234
However, there remained several movements and governments that were ideologically related to fascism.
235
Francisco Franco
's
Falangist
one-party state in Spain was officially neutral during World War II, although Franco's rise to power had been directly assisted by the militaries of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during the
Spanish Civil War
236
237
The first years were characterized by a repression against the anti-fascist ideologies, deep censorship and the suppression of democratic institutions (elected Parliament,
Spanish Constitution of 1931
, Regional Statutes of Autonomy).
238
239
After World War II and a period of international isolation, Franco's regime normalized relations with the Western powers during the Cold War, until Franco's death in 1975 and the transformation of Spain into a liberal democracy.
240
Historian Robert Paxton observes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely mimicked. Paxton says: "In fascism's heyday, in the 1930s, many regimes that were not functionally fascist borrowed elements of fascist decor in order to lend themselves an aura of force, vitality, and mass mobilization." He goes on to observe that
Salazar
"crushed Portuguese fascism after he had copied some of its techniques of popular mobilization".
241
Paxton says: "Where Franco subjected Spain's fascist party to his personal control, Salazar abolished outright in July 1934 the nearest thing Portugal had to an authentic fascist movement, Rolão Preto's blue-shirted National Syndicalists. ... Salazar preferred to control his population through such 'organic' institutions traditionally powerful in Portugal as the Church. Salazar's regime was not only non-fascist, but 'voluntarily non-totalitarian,' preferring to let those of its citizens who kept out of politics 'live by habit.
242
However, historians tend to view the
Estado Novo
as
para-fascist
in nature,
243
possessing minimal fascist tendencies.
244
Other historians, including
Fernando Rosas
and Manuel Villaverde Cabral, think that the Estado Novo should be considered fascist.
245
Giorgio Almirante
, leader of the
Italian Social Movement
from 1969 to 1987
246
The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements that generally originated after World War II. According to
Jean-Yves Camus
and
Nicolas Lebourg
, the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after
Nazi Germany
invaded the USSR
and decided to reorient its
propaganda
on a Europeanist ground.
247
In Italy, the
Italian Social Movement
led by
Giorgio Almirante
was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed itself into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the
National Alliance
(AN),
248
which has been an ally of
Silvio Berlusconi
's
Forza Italia
for a decade.
249
In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party
The People of Freedom
, but in 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name
Brothers of Italy
250
251
In Germany, various neo-Nazi movements have been formed and banned in accordance with Germany's constitutional law which forbids Nazism. The
National Democratic Party of Germany
(NPD) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly identify itself as such.
252
In Argentina,
Peronism
, associated with the regime of
Juan Perón
from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism.
253
254
Between 1939 and 1941, prior to his rise to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian fascist policies.
253
However, not all historians agree with this identification,
255
which they consider debatable
256
or even false,
257
biased by a pejorative political position.
258
Other authors, such as the historian
Raanan Rein
, categorically maintain that Perón was not a fascist and that this characterization was imposed on him because of his defiant stance against US hegemony.
259
Contemporary fascism (2008–present)
Greece
Main article:
Golden Dawn
Golden Dawn demonstration in Greece in 2012
After the onset of the
Great Recession
and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the
Golden Dawn
, widely considered a neo-Nazi party,
260
soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in
Greece's parliament
261
espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees.
262
In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader
Nikolaos Michaloliakos
and other members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization.
263
264
On 7 October 2020, Athens Appeals Court announced verdicts for 68 defendants, including the party's political leadership. Nikolaos Michaloliakos and six other prominent members and former members of parliament (MPs) were found guilty of running a criminal organization.
265
Guilty verdicts were delivered on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents.
266
Post-Soviet Russia
Main articles:
Ruscism
and
Putinism
Marlene Laruelle
, a French political scientist, contends in
Is Russia Fascist?
that the accusation of "fascist" has evolved into a strategic narrative of the existing world order.
267
Geopolitical rivals might construct their own view of the world and assert the moral high ground by branding ideological rivals as fascists, regardless of their real ideals or deeds.
268
Laruelle discusses the basis, significance, and veracity of accusations of fascism in and around Russia through an analysis of the domestic situation in Russia and the Kremlin's foreign policy justifications; she concludes that Russian efforts to brand its opponents as fascist is ultimately an attempt to determine the future of Russia in Europe as an antifascist force, influenced by its role in fighting fascism in World War II.
269
According to
Alexander J. Motyl
, an American historian and political scientist, Russian fascism has the following characteristics:
270
271
An
undemocratic political system
, different from both traditional authoritarianism and totalitarianism;
Statism
and
hypernationalism
A hypermasculine
cult of the supreme leader
(emphasis on his courage, militancy and physical prowess);
General popular support for the regime and its leader.
272
Protester against the Russian government, holding an image portraying
Dmitry Medvedev
and
Vladimir Putin
as Nazis with a
swastika
made of colours of the
Ribbon of Saint George
and a
Russian coat of arms
in the centre (
Odesa
, 2014)
Yale historian
Timothy Snyder
has stated, "Putin's regime is ... the world center of fascism" and has written an article entitled
"We Should Say It: Russia Is Fascist"
273
Oxford historian Roger Griffin compared Putin's Russia to the World War II-era
Empire of Japan
, saying that like Putin's Russia, it "emulated fascism in many ways, but was not fascist".
274
Historian Stanley G. Payne says Putin's Russia "is not equivalent to the fascist regimes of World War II, but it forms the nearest analogue to fascism found in a major country since that time" and argues that Putin's political system is "more a revival of the creed of Tsar
Nicholas I
in the 19th century that emphasized 'Orthodoxy, autocracy, and nationality' than one resembling the revolutionary, modernizing regimes of Hitler and Mussolini".
274
According to Griffin, fascism is "a revolutionary form of nationalism" seeking to destroy the old system and remake society, and that Putin is a reactionary politician who is not trying to create a new order "but to recreate a modified version of the Soviet Union". German political scientist
Andreas Umland
said genuine fascists in Russia, like deceased politician
Vladimir Zhirinovsky
and activist and self-styled philosopher
Aleksandr Dugin
, "describe in their writings a completely new Russia" controlling parts of the world that were never under tsarist or Soviet domination.
274
According to Marlene Laurelle writing in
The Washington Quarterly
, "applying the "fascism" label ... to the entirety of the Russian state or society short-circuits our ability to construct a more complex and differentiated picture."
275
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
, collecting the opinions of experts on fascism, said that while Russia is repressive and authoritarian, it cannot be classified as a fascist state for various reasons, including Russia's government being more reactionary than revolutionary.
274
In 2023,
Oleg Orlov
, the chairman of the Board of Human Rights Center "
Memorial
", claimed that
Russia under Vladimir Putin
had descended into fascism and that the army is committing "mass murder" in the
Russo-Ukrainian war
276
277
On 7 March 2024, in his
2024 State of the Union Address
, American President
Joe Biden
compared Russia under Vladimir Putin to Adolf Hitler's
conquests of Europe
278
United States
Main article:
Fascism in the United States
See also:
Alt-right
Donald Trump and fascism
, and
Radical right (United States)
While initially composed of distinctive movements, in the 21st century, many U.S. Neo-Nazi groups have moved towards more decentralized organization and online social networks with a terroristic focus.
279
After the election of
Donald Trump
, fascist groups began coalescing around his right-wing populism to take advantage of it.
280
In 2017, the
Unite the Right rally
281
saw marchers come together from a variety of far-right groups and movements, including members of the
alt-right
282
neo-Confederates
283
neo-fascists,
284
white nationalists
285
neo-Nazis,
286
Klansmen,
287
and
far-right
militias
288
Around this period, a number of prominent fascist groups were also founded, including the
Proud Boys
and
Patriot Front
289
290
Tenets
Robert Paxton finds that even though fascism "maintained the existing regime of property and social hierarchy", it cannot be considered "simply a more muscular form of conservatism" because "fascism in power did carry out some changes profound enough to be called 'revolutionary
".
291
These transformations "often set fascists into conflict with conservatives rooted in families, churches, social rank, and property". Paxton argues:
fascism redrew the frontiers between private and public, sharply diminishing what had once been untouchably private. It changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity. It reconfigured relations between the individual and the collectivity, so that an individual had no rights outside community interest. It expanded the powers of the executive—party and state—in a bid for total control. Finally, it unleashed aggressive emotions hitherto known in Europe only during war or social revolution.
291
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Politics portal
Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.
292
Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and
Manichean
view of history" which holds, "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers."
293
Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism.
36
The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.
294
Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a
millenarian
national rebirth, exalting the nation or
race
above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength, and purity.
295
296
European fascist movements typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.
297
Beyond this, European fascists have not held a unified set of racial views.
297
Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.
297
For example, Nazism and Italian Fascism were
expansionist
and
irredentist
298
299
Falangism in Spain envisioned the worldwide unification of Spanish-speaking peoples (
Hispanidad
).
300
British Fascism
was
non-interventionist
, though it did embrace the British Empire.
301
Totalitarianism
Fascism promotes the establishment of a totalitarian state.
12
It opposes liberal democracy, rejects multi-party systems, and may support a
one-party state
so that it may synthesize with the nation.
13
Mussolini's
The Doctrine of Fascism
(1932), partly
ghostwritten
by philosopher Giovanni Gentile,
302
who Mussolini described as "the philosopher of Fascism", states: "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."
303
Fascist states pursued policies of social
indoctrination
through
propaganda
in education and the media, and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.
304
Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.
305
Economy
Main article:
Economics of fascism
Historians and other scholars disagree on the question of whether a specifically
fascist
type of
economic policy
can be said to exist. David Baker argues that there is an identifiable economic system in fascism that is distinct from those advocated by other ideologies, comprising essential characteristics that fascist nations shared.
306
Payne, Paxton, Sternhell
et al.
argue that while fascist economies share some similarities, there is no distinctive form of fascist economic organization.
307
308
309
Gerald Feldman
and
Timothy Mason
argue that fascism is distinguished by an absence of coherent economic ideology and a lack of serious economic thinking. They state that the decisions taken by fascist leaders cannot be explained within a logical economic framework.
310
Fascists presented their views as an alternative to both international socialism and free-market economics.
311
While fascism opposed mainstream socialism, fascists sometimes regarded their movement as a type of nationalist "socialism" to highlight their commitment to
nationalism
, describing it as national
solidarity
and unity.
312
page needed
313
Fascism had a complex relationship with
capitalism
, both supporting and opposing different aspects of it at different times and in different countries. In general, fascists held an instrumental view of capitalism, regarding it as a tool that may be useful or not, depending on circumstances.
314
315
Fascist governments typically established close connections between big business and the state, and business was expected to serve the interests of the government.
314
315
Economic self-sufficiency, known as autarky, was a major goal of most fascist governments.
316
Fascist governments advocated for the resolution of domestic
class conflict
within a nation in order to guarantee national unity.
317
This would be done through the state's mediating relations between the classes (contrary to the views of
classical liberal
–inspired capitalists).
318
While fascism was opposed to domestic class conflict, it held that
bourgeois
proletarian
conflict existed primarily in international conflict between proletarian nations and bourgeois nations.
319
Fascism condemned what it viewed as widespread character traits that it associated with the typical bourgeois mentality that it opposed, such as materialism, crassness, cowardice, and the inability to comprehend the heroic ideal of the fascist "warrior"; and associations with liberalism, individualism, and
parliamentarianism
320
From 1914, Enrico Corradini developed the idea of "proletarian nations", defining proletarian as being one and the same with producers, a
productivist
perspective that associated all people deemed productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers and soldiers as being proletarian.
321
322
323
Mussolini adopted this view in his description of the proletarian character.
citation needed
The need for a
people's car
Volkswagen
in German), its concept and its functional objectives were formulated by
Adolf Hitler
324
Because productivism was key to creating a strong nationalist state, it criticized internationalist and Marxist socialism, advocating instead to represent a type of nationalist productivist socialism.
325
Nevertheless, while condemning parasitical capitalism, it was willing to accommodate productivist capitalism within it so long as it supported the nationalist objective.
326
The role of productivism was derived from
Henri de Saint Simon
, whose ideas inspired the creation of
utopian socialism
and influenced other ideologies that stressed solidarity rather than class war and whose conception of productive people in the economy included both productive workers and productive bosses to challenge the influence of the aristocracy and unproductive financial speculators.
327
Saint Simon's vision combined the traditionalist right-wing criticisms of the French Revolution with a left-wing belief in the need for association or collaboration of productive people in society.
327
Whereas Marxism condemned capitalism as a system of exploitative property relations, fascism saw the nature of the control of credit and money in the contemporary capitalist system as abusive.
326
Unlike Marxism, fascism did not see class conflict between the Marxist-defined proletariat and the bourgeoisie as a given or as an engine of historical materialism.
326
Instead, it viewed workers and productive capitalists in common as productive people who were in conflict with parasitic elements in society, including corrupt political parties, corrupt financial capital, and feeble people.
326
Fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler spoke of the need to create a new managerial elite led by engineers and captains of industry—but free from the parasitic leadership of industries.
326
Hitler stated that the Nazi Party supported
bodenständigen Kapitalismus
("productive capitalism") that was based upon profit earned from one's own labour, but condemned unproductive capitalism or loan capitalism, which derived profit from speculation.
328
Fascist economics supported a state-controlled economy that accepted a mix of
private
and
public ownership
over the
means of production
329
Economic planning
was applied to both the public and private sectors, and the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its acceptance of synchronizing itself with the economic goals of the state.
212
Fascist economic ideology supported the
profit motive
but emphasized that industries must uphold the national interest as superior to private profit.
212
While fascism accepted the importance of material wealth and power, it condemned materialism, which was identified as being present in both communism and capitalism, and criticized materialism for lacking acknowledgment of the role of the spirit.
330
In particular, fascists criticized capitalism, not because of its competitive nature nor support of private property, which fascists supported—but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence and alleged indifference to the nation.
331
Fascism denounced Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity, which fascists regarded as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of genuine national solidarity.
332
In discussing the spread of fascism beyond Italy, historian Philip Morgan states:
Since the Depression was a crisis of laissez-faire capitalism and its political counterpart, parliamentary democracy, fascism could pose as the 'third-way' alternative between capitalism and Bolshevism, the model of a new European 'civilization.' As Mussolini typically put it in early 1934, 'from 1929 ... fascism has become a universal phenomenon ... The dominant forces of the 19th century, democracy, socialism, [and] liberalism have been exhausted ... the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist'.
333
Fascists criticized egalitarianism as preserving the weak and instead promoted social Darwinist views and policies.
334
335
They were in principle opposed to the idea of
social welfare
, arguing that it "encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and the feeble".
336
The Nazi Party condemned the welfare system of the Weimar Republic, as well as private charity and philanthropy, for supporting people whom they regarded as racially inferior and weak and who should have been weeded out in the process of natural selection.
337
Nevertheless, faced with the mass unemployment and poverty of the Great Depression, the Nazis found it necessary to set up charitable institutions to help racially pure Germans in order to maintain popular support while arguing that this represented "racial self-help" and not indiscriminate charity or universal social welfare.
338
Thus, Nazi programs such as the
Winter Relief of the German People
and the broader
National Socialist People's Welfare
(NSV) were organized as quasi-private institutions, officially relying on private donations from Germans to help others of their race—although in practice those who refused to donate could face severe consequences.
339
Unlike the social welfare institutions of the Weimar Republic and the Christian charities, the NSV distributed assistance on explicitly racial grounds.
339
It provided support only to those who were "racially sound, capable of and willing to work, politically reliable, and willing and able to reproduce". Non-Aryans were excluded, as well as the "work-shy", "asocials" and the "hereditarily ill".
340
Under these conditions, by 1939, over 17 million Germans had obtained assistance from the NSV, and the agency "projected a powerful image of caring and support" for "those who were judged to have got into difficulties through no fault of their own".
340
Yet the organization was "feared and disliked among society's poorest" because it resorted to intrusive questioning and monitoring to judge who was worthy of support.
341
Direct action
Fascist Blackshirts during the
March on Rome
in October 1922.
Nazi
Sturmabteilung
members marching on 4 November 1923 days before the
Beer Hall Putsch
Fascism emphasizes
direct action
, including supporting the legitimacy of political violence, as a core part of its politics.
342
Fascism views violent action as a necessity in politics that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle";
343
this emphasis on the use of political violence means that most fascist parties have also created their own party
militias
(e.g. the National Fascist Party's
Blackshirts
and the Nazi Party's
Sturmabteilung
(commonly known as the Brownshirts).
344
The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to social Darwinism.
343
Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races, and societies.
345
They say that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or
degenerate
people while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.
346
Age and gender roles
Members of the
Piccole Italiane
, an organization for girls within the National Fascist Party in Italy
Members of the
League of German Girls
, an organization for girls within the Nazi Party in Germany
Fascism emphasizes
youth
both in a physical sense of age and a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action.
347
The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called
Giovinezza
("The Youth").
347
Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people who will affect society.
348
Walter Laqueur argues "[t]he corollaries of the cult of war and physical danger were the cult of brutality, strength, and sexuality ... [fascism is] a true counter-civilization: rejecting the sophisticated rationalist humanism of Old Europe, fascism sets up as its ideal the primitive instincts and primal emotions of the barbarian."
349
Italian fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding
sexuality
350
Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.
350
It condemned
pornography
, most forms of
birth control
and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the
condom
),
homosexuality
and
prostitution
as deviant sexual behaviour. However, enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic, and authorities often looked the other way.
350
Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before
puberty
as the cause of criminality amongst male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease and pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.
350
Mussolini perceived women's primary role as primarily child bearers, while that of men as warriors, once saying: "War is to man what maternity is to the woman."
351
In an effort to increase birth rates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies intended to reduce the number of women employed.
352
Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to celebrate women's role within the Italian nation.
353
In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing"; Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".
354
The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house.
355
This policy was reinforced by bestowing the
Cross of Honor of the German Mother
on women bearing four or more children. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.
356
The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy pure German,
Aryan
fetuses remained strictly forbidden.
357
For non-Aryans, abortion was often compulsory. Their
eugenics
program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of
Weimar Germany
358
In 1935, Nazi Germany expanded the legality of
abortion
by amending
its eugenics law
to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.
357
The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable
359
360
and for purposes of so-called
racial hygiene
361
362
The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.
363
They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern
scientism
and the study of
sexology
. Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.
364
Palingenesis and modernism
Main article:
Reactionary modernism
Fascism emphasizes both palingenesis (national rebirth or re-creation) and
modernism
365
In particular, fascism's nationalism has been identified as having a palingenetic character.
366
Fascism promotes the nation's regeneration and purging it of decadence.
365
Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promote national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism regarded as antithetical to national regeneration.
367
Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power, and violence.
368
Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly
Fordism
and
scientific management
369
Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures—such as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti,
Ernst Jünger
Gottfried Benn
Louis-Ferdinand Céline
Knut Hamsun
Ezra Pound
and
Wyndham Lewis
370
In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti, who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism.
371
In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker";
372
Like Marinetti, Jünger emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology. He emphasized an "organic construction" between humans and machines as a liberating and regenerative force that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism, and decadence.
372
He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers.
372
Culture
Aesthetics
Filippo Tommaso Marinetti
In
The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction
(1935),
Walter Benjamin
identifies
aestheticization of politics
as a key ingredient in fascist regimes.
373
On this point he quotes Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, founder of the
Futurist
art movement and co-author of the
Fascist Manifesto
(1919), who
aestheticizes war
in his writings and claims "war is beautiful".
374
In
Simulacra and Simulation
(1981),
Jean Baudrillard
interprets fascism as a "political aesthetic of death" and a vehement
countermovement
against the increasing rationalism, secularism, and pacifism of the modern Western world.
375
The standard definition of fascism, given by Stanley G. Payne, focuses on three concepts, one of which is a "fascist style" with an aesthetic structure of meetings, symbols, and political liturgy, stressing emotional and mystical aspects.
32
Emilio Gentile argues that fascism expresses itself aesthetically more than theoretically by means of a new political style with myths, rites, and symbols as a lay religion designed to acculturate, socialize, and integrate the faith of the masses with the goal of creating a "
new man
".
376
Cultural critic
Susan Sontag
writes:
Fascist aesthetics ... flow from (and justify) a preoccupation with situations of control, submissive behavior, extravagant effort, and the endurance of pain; they endorse two seemingly opposite states, egomania and servitude. The relations of domination and enslavement take the form of a characteristic pageantry: the massing of groups of people; the turning of people into things; the multiplication or replication of things; and the grouping of people/things around an all-powerful, hypnotic leader-figure or force. The fascist dramaturgy centers on the orgiastic transactions between mighty forces and their puppets, uniformly garbed and shown in ever swelling numbers. Its choreography alternates between ceaseless motion and a congealed, static, 'virile' posing. Fascist art glorifies surrender, it exalts mindlessness, it glamorizes death.
377
Sontag also enumerates some commonalities between fascist art and the official art of communist countries, such as the obeisance of the masses to the hero, and a preference for the monumental and the "grandiose and rigid" choreography of mass bodies. But whereas official communist art "aims to expound and reinforce a utopian morality", the art of fascist countries such as Nazi Germany "displays a utopian aesthetics – that of physical perfection", in a way that is "both prurient and idealizing".
377
According to Sontag, fascist aesthetics "is based on the containment of vital forces; movements are confined, held tight, held in". Its appeal is not necessarily limited to those who share the fascist political ideology because fascism "stands for an ideal or rather ideals that are persistent today under the other banners: the ideal of life as art, the cult of beauty, the fetishism of courage, the dissolution of alienation in ecstatic feelings of community; the repudiation of the intellect; the family of man (under the parenthood of leaders)."
377
Popular culture
Further information:
Art in Nazi Germany
and
Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda
Joseph Goebbels with film director
Leni Riefenstahl
in 1937
In Italy, the Mussolini regime created the
Direzione Generale per la Cinematografi
to encourage film studios to glorify fascism.
378
Italian cinema flourished because the regime stopped the import of Hollywood films in 1938, subsidized domestic production, and kept ticket prices low. It encouraged international distribution to glorify its African empire and to oppose the accusation that Italy was backward.
379
The regime censored criticism and used the state-run Luce Institute film company to laud the Duce through newsreels, documentaries, and photographs.
380
The regime promoted Italian opera and theatre as well, making sure that political enemies did not have a voice on stage.
381
In Nazi Germany the new
Reich Chamber of Culture
was under the control of
Joseph Goebbels
, Hitler's powerful Reich Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda.
382
The goal was to stimulate the
Aryanization
of German culture and to prohibit postmodern trends such as
surrealism
and
cubism
383
384
Criticism
Fascist parties were closely contested by
anti-fascist
movements from the
political centre
and
left wing
throughout the Interwar period. The defeat of the
Axis powers
in World War II and subsequent revelation of the
crimes against humanity
committed during the Holocaust by Germany have led to an almost universal condemnation of both past and present forms of fascism in the modern era. "Fascism" is today used across the political spectrum as a pejorative or byword for perceived authoritarianism and other forms of political evil.
Anti-democratic and tyrannical
See also:
Criticism of democracy
Hitler and Spanish dictator
Francisco Franco
in the
Meeting at Hendaye
, on 23 October 1940
385
386
One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a
tyranny
387
Fascism is deliberately and entirely non-democratic and anti-democratic.
388
Fascism's extreme authoritarianism and nationalism often manifest as a belief in
racial purity
or a
master race
, usually blended with some variant of
racism
or
discrimination
against a demonized "
Other
", such as
Jews
homosexuals
transgender people
ethnic minorities
, or
immigrants
389
390
These ideas have motivated fascist regimes to commit
massacres
forced sterilizations
deportations
, and
genocides
17
During World War II, the genocidal and imperialist ambitions of the fascist Axis powers resulted in the murder of millions of people.
391
392
Federico Finchelstein
wrote that fascism
...encompassed
totalitarianism
state terrorism
, imperialism, racism and, in the German case, the most radical genocide of the last century: the Holocaust. Fascism, in its many forms, did not hesitate to kill its own citizens as well as its colonial subjects in its search for ideological and political closure. Millions of civilians perished on a global scale during the apogee of fascist ideologies in Europe and beyond.
392
Unprincipled opportunism of Mussolini
Some critics of Italian fascism have said that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled
opportunism
by Mussolini and that he changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public.
393
Richard Washburn Child
, the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became his friend and admirer, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behaviour by writing:
Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes.
394
Child quoted Mussolini as saying: "The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. The machine, first of all, must run!"
395
Some have criticized Mussolini's actions during the outbreak of World War I as opportunistic for seeming to suddenly abandon Marxist egalitarian internationalism for non-egalitarian nationalism and note, to that effect, that upon Mussolini endorsing Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, he and the new fascist movement received financial support from Italian and foreign sources, such as
Ansaldo
(an armaments firm) and other companies
396
as well as the British Security Service
MI5
397
Some, including Mussolini's socialist opponents at the time, have noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, Mussolini was free to write whatever he wished in his newspaper
Il Popolo d'Italia
without prior sanctioning from his financial backers.
398
Furthermore, the major source of financial support that Mussolini and the fascist movement received in World War I was from France and is widely believed to have been French socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and who sent support to Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on France's side.
399
Mussolini’s transformation away from Marxism into what eventually became fascism began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism while becoming increasingly supportive of figures who opposed egalitarianism, such as Friedrich Nietzsche.
400
By 1902, Mussolini was studying Georges Sorel, Nietzsche and
Vilfredo Pareto
401
Sorel's emphasis on the need for overthrowing decadent liberal democracy and capitalism by the use of violence, direct action, general strikes and
neo-Machiavellian
appeals to emotion impressed Mussolini deeply.
402
Mussolini's use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.
400
Prior to World War I, Mussolini's writings over time indicated that he had abandoned the Marxism and egalitarianism that he had previously supported in favour of Nietzsche's
übermensch
concept and anti-egalitarianism.
400
In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay called "Philosophy of Strength" based on his Nietzschean influence, in which Mussolini openly spoke fondly of the ramifications of an impending war in Europe in challenging both religion and
nihilism
: "[A] new kind of free spirit will come, strengthened by the war, ... a spirit equipped with a kind of sublime perversity, ... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing."
132
Ideological dishonesty
Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest. Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism.
403
Fascist Italy's official foreign policy positions commonly used rhetorical ideological
hyperbole
to justify its actions, although during
Dino Grandi
's tenure as Italy's foreign minister the country engaged in
realpolitik
free of such fascist hyperbole.
404
Italian fascism's stance towards German Nazism fluctuated from support from the late 1920s to 1934, when it celebrated Hitler's rise to power and Mussolini's first meeting with Hitler in 1934; to opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of Italy's allied leader in Austria,
Engelbert Dollfuss
, by Austrian Nazis; and again back to support after 1936, when Germany was the only significant power that did not denounce
Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia
405
After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and
Fascist Italy
over the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian fascists denounced and ridiculed Nazism's racial theories, particularly by denouncing its
Nordicism
, while promoting
Mediterraneanism
406
Mussolini himself responded to Nordicists' claims of Italy being divided into Nordic and Mediterranean racial areas due to Germanic invasions of Northern Italy by claiming that while Germanic tribes such as the
Lombards
took control of Italy after the
fall of Ancient Rome
, they arrived in small numbers (about 8,000) and quickly assimilated into Roman culture and spoke the
Latin
language within fifty years.
407
Italian fascism was influenced by the tradition of
Italian nationalists
scornfully looking down upon Nordicists' claims and taking pride in comparing the age and sophistication of
ancient Roman civilization
as well as the classical revival in the
Renaissance
to that of Nordic societies that Italian nationalists described as "newcomers" to civilization in comparison.
408
At the height of antagonism between the Nazis and Italian fascists over race, Mussolini claimed that the Germans themselves were not a pure race and noted with irony that the Nazi theory of German racial superiority was based on the theories of non-German foreigners, such as Frenchman Arthur de Gobineau.
409
After the tension in
German-Italian relations
diminished during the late 1930s, Italian fascism sought to harmonize its ideology with German Nazism and combined Nordicist and Mediterranean racial theories, noting that Italians were members of the Aryan Race, composed of a mixed Nordic-Mediterranean subtype.
406
In 1938, Mussolini declared upon Italy's adoption of antisemitic laws that Italian fascism had always been antisemitic.
406
However, Italian fascism did not endorse
antisemitism
until the late 1930s when Mussolini feared alienating antisemitic Nazi Germany, whose power and influence were growing in Europe.
410
Prior to that period, there had been notable
Jewish Italians
who had been senior Italian fascist officials, including
Margherita Sarfatti
, who had also been Mussolini's mistress.
406
Also contrary to Mussolini's claim in 1938, only a small number of Italian fascists were staunchly antisemitic (such as
Roberto Farinacci
and Giuseppe Preziosi), while others such as
Italo Balbo
, who came from
Ferrara
which had one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were disgusted by the antisemitic laws and opposed them.
406
Fascism scholar Mark Neocleous notes that while Italian fascism did not have a clear commitment to antisemitism, there were occasional antisemitic statements issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini in 1919 declaring that the Jewish bankers in London and New York were connected by race to the Russian Bolsheviks and that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews.
411
Anti-fascism
Main article:
Anti-fascism
Italian partisans
in
Milan
during the final insurrection leading to the
liberation of Italy
in April 1945
Hitler with Mussolini at the site of the
20 July Plot
, an attempted bombing assassination of Hitler by dissident German military officers that took place in 1944.
Anti-fascism is a
political movement
in opposition to fascist ideologies, groups and individuals. Beginning in European countries in the 1920s, it was at its most significant shortly before and during World War II. During the war, the Axis powers were opposed by many countries forming the
Allies
, and by dozens of
resistance movements
worldwide.
412
Anti-fascism has been an element of movements across the political spectrum and holding many different political positions such as
anarchism
, communism, pacifism, republicanism, social democracy, socialism and syndicalism as well as
centrist
conservative
liberal
and
nationalist
viewpoints.
413
Organization against fascism began around 1920. Fascism became the state ideology of Italy in 1922 and of Germany in 1933, spurring a large increase in anti-fascist action, including
German resistance to Nazism
and the
Italian resistance movement
. Anti-fascism was a major aspect of the Spanish Civil War, which foreshadowed World War II.
414
Before World War II,
the West
had not taken seriously the threat of fascism, and anti-fascism was sometimes associated with communism.
415
However, the
outbreak of World War II
greatly changed Western perceptions, and fascism was seen as an existential threat by not only the communist Soviet Union but also by the
liberal-democratic
United States and United Kingdom.
citation needed
The Axis Powers of World War II were generally fascist, and the fight against them was characterized in anti-fascist terms.
Resistance during World War II
to fascism occurred in every occupied country, and came from across the ideological spectrum. The defeat of the Axis powers generally ended fascism as a state ideology.
416
After World War II, the
anti-fascist movement continued
to be active in places where organized fascism continued or re-emerged.
417
Modern
antifa politics in the United States
and Britain can be traced to opposition to the infiltration of the American and British
punk scenes
by
white power skinheads
in the 1970s and 1980s.
418
From the late 1980s, the
squatter
scene and
autonomism
movement in
West Germany
were important in an upswing of
antifa in Germany
419
There was a further increase in antifascism following the increase in
neo-Nazism
in Germany after the
fall of the Berlin Wall
418
In the 21st century, this greatly increased in prominence as a response to the resurgence of the
radical right
, especially after the
2016 election of Donald Trump
418
420
See also
Politics portal
History portal
Anti-fascism
– Opposition to fascism
Authoritarianism
– Political system
Autocracy
– Form of government
Dictatorship
– Autocratic form of government
Far-right politics
– Political alignment on the extreme end of right-wing politics
Nationalism
– Ideology promoting the nation-state
Right-wing politics
– Political ideologies favouring social stratification
Totalitarianism
– Extreme form of authoritarianism and a theoretical concept
Ultranationalism
– Extreme form of nationalism
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Fascism
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sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFGriffin2008 (
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Mudde & Kaltwasser (2017)
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Mussolini (1935)
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Pauley (2003)
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, p. 353: "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-
bolshevism
and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction."
Hawkins (1997)
, p. 285: "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.
Evans (2005)
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Evans (2005)
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Evans (2005)
, pp. 484–485.
Evans (2005)
, pp. 486–487.
Evans (2005)
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Evans (2005)
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Payne (1995)
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Breuilly (1994)
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Woodley (2010)
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Friedlander (1995)
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Proctor (1989)
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Arnot & Usborne (1999)
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241
Proctor (1989)
, pp. 122–123: "Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene. ... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior. ... On 10 November 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews."
Tierney (1999)
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Evans (2005)
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Holocaust Encyclopedia
Persecution of Homosexuals
Blamires (2006)
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Blamires (2006)
, p. 451–453.
Blamires (2006)
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Neocleous (1997)
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Neocleous (1997)
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Welge (2007)
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Welge (2007)
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Welge (2007)
, p. 553.
Jay (1992)
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Benjamin (2008)
, pp. 36–37.
Baudrillard (1994)
, p. 48: "Fascism itself, the mystery of its appearance and of its collective energy, ... can already be interpreted as the 'irrational' excess of mythic and political referentials, the mad intensification of collective value (blood, race, people, etc.), the reinjection of death, of a 'political aesthetic of death' at a time when the process of the disenchantment of value and of collective values, of the rational secularization and unidimensionalization of all life, of the operationalization of all social and individual life already makes itself strongly felt in the West. Yet again, everything seems to escape this catastrophe of value, this neutralization and pacification of life. Fascism is a resistance to this, even if it is a profound, irrational, demented resistance, it would not have tapped into this massive energy if it hadn't been a resistance to something much worse. Fascism's cruelty, its terror is on the level of
this other terror that is the confusion of the real and the rational,
which deepened in the West, and it is a response to that."
Payne (1995)
, pp. 5–6.
Sontag (1975)
"How Cinecittà's Advanced Facilities Made History in Italian Cinema"
The Italian Tribune
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on 7 October 2025.
Ben-Ghiat (2015)
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Sorlin (2007)
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Berezin (1991)
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Overy (2005)
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Steinweis (1996)
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Barr (1966)
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Lowe (2006)
, p. 250.
Paxton (2004)
, p. 149.
Boesche (2010)
, p. 11.
Clarke & Foweraker (2001)
, p. 540;
Pollard (1998)
, p. 121;
Griffin (1991)
, p. 42.
Kallis (2020)
, pp. 4–7.
Haider (2021)
, p. 6.
Kallis (2009)
, pp. 219–220.
Finchelstein (2008)
, p. 320.
Schreiber, Stegemann & Vogel (1995)
, p. 111.
Mussolini (1998)
, p. ix. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the Kingdom of Italy in 1943, though he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.)
Mussolini (1998)
, p. ix.
Mack Smith (1997)
, p. 284.
Kington (2009)
O'Brien (2014)
, p. 37.
Gregor (1979)
, p. 200.
Golomb & Wistrich (2002)
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Delzel (1970)
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Delzel (1970)
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Gillette (2001)
, p. 17;
Pollard (1998)
, p. 129.
Burgwyn (1997)
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Strang (2000)
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Pollard (1998)
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Gillette (2001)
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Gillette (2001)
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Gillette (2001)
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Zimmerman (2005)
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Neocleous (1997)
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Rieber (2017)
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Conway III et al. (2023)
page needed
García (2016)
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Seidman (2020)
page needed
Seidman (2017)
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Olechnowicz (2005)
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Seidman (2017)
, pp. 3–4.
Copsey (2023)
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Lowe (2014)
, p. 162.
Bogel-Burroughs & Garcia (2020)
Beinart (2017)
Balhorn (2017)
Beauchamp (2020)
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. Retrieved
10 May
2025
"Fascism"
Holocaust Encyclopedia
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
. Archived from
the original
on 28 March 2025
. Retrieved
7 August
2022
"Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich"
Holocaust Encyclopedia
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Archived
from the original on 6 October 2008.
Staudenmaier, Peter (2004).
"Fascism"
. In Krech III, Shepard; McNeill, John; Merchant, Carolyn (eds.).
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521.
ISBN
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Further reading
Ahmed, Saladdin (July 2023).
"Fascism as an Ideological Form: A Critical Theory"
Critical Sociology
49
4–
5):
669–
687.
doi
10.1177/08969205221109869
ISSN
0896-9205
Albright, Madeleine
(2018).
Fascism: a warning
. London:
HarperCollins
ISBN
978-0-00-828227-1
OCLC
1031976003
Alcalde, Ángel (May 2020). "The Transnational Consensus: Fascism and Nazism in Current Research".
Contemporary European History
29
(2):
243–
252.
doi
10.1017/S0960777320000089
ISSN
0960-7773
S2CID
213889043
Ben-Ghiat, Ruth
(2020).
Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present
(1st ed.).
W.W. Norton & Company
ISBN
978-1-324001546
OCLC
1192304012
Berezin, Mabel (30 July 2019).
"Fascism and Populism: Are They Useful Categories for Comparative Sociological Analysis?"
Annual Review of Sociology
45
(1):
345–
361.
doi
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ISSN
0360-0572
Churchwell, Sarah (22 June 2020).
"American Fascism: It Has Happened Here"
(PDF)
The New York Review of Books
. p. 22.
ISSN
0028-7504
De Felice, Renzo
(1977).
Interpretations of Fascism
Harvard University Press
ISBN
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De Felice, Renzo
(1976).
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Docupedia-Zeitgeschichte
31
doi
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Finchelstein, Federico (2019).
From Fascism to populism in history: with a new preface
. Oakland, California:
University of California Press
ISBN
978-0-520-30935-7
Rethinking antifascism: history, memory and political uses, 1922 to the present
. New York (N.Y.):
Berghahn Books
. 2016.
ISBN
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Hayes, Paul M.
(2016).
Fascism
. Routledge library editions Racism and fascism. London:
Routledge
ISBN
978-1-138-93837-3
Illing, Sean (19 September 2018).
"How Fascism Works: A Yale philosopher on fascism, truth, and Donald Trump"
Vox
Joes, Anthony James; Gregor, A. James (2019).
Fascism in the contemporary world: ideology, evolution, resurgence
. London; New York:
Routledge
ISBN
978-0-367-01749-1
Kagan, Robert (2020).
"This is how fascism comes to America"
(PDF)
. In Ball, Terence; Dagger, Richard; O'Neill, Daniel L (eds.).
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Routledge
. pp.
369–
371.
ISBN
978-0-367-23504-8
Kuklick, Bruce (2022).
Fascism comes to America: a century of obsession in politics and culture
. Chicago; London:
The University of Chicago Press
ISBN
978-0-226-82146-7
Mattei, Clara E.
(2022).
The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism
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291–
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ISSN
2049-4092
S2CID
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SSRN
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Riley, Dylan J.
(2010).
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. Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press
ISBN
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OCLC
370387631
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Stanley, Jason (2024).
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ISBN
978-1-6680-5691-2
OCLC
1450005012
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(December 1967).
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ASIN
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External links
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The Doctrine of Fascism
by Benito Mussolini (1932)
(in English)
Authorized translation of Mussolini's "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism" (1933)
(PDF) on media.wix.com
Readings on Fascism and National Socialism by Various – Project Gutenberg
"Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt"
Umberto Eco
's list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995
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