(PDF) Assyrian Armory Palaces

Assyrian Armory Palaces Kateřina Šašková Abstract The ancient Assyrians were renowned as fearless warriors and capable conquerors. Their achievements stemmed from the large and well-armed troops, but also from the sophisticatedly organized backgrounds that provided the necessary support to the army. Both archaeological and written sources from the northern Mesopotamia provide the evidence not only about the campaigns into the foreign lands but also about the military organization within the proper Assyrian territory. The significant part of the home warfare system was the institution called ekal māšarti. The present study aims to explore this Assyrian military structure. 1 Introduction1 “Military Palace,” “Review Palace,” “Arsenal,”2 “Armory,”3 “Inventory Pala- ce,”4 “Rear Palace,”5 “arsenal royal,”6 “Hinterhaus,”7 “Hinterer Palast,”8 “Reserve Palace,”9 “Palast der (militärischen) Reserve(truppen),”10 “Zeug- 1 The numbering of Assyrian texts follows the online editions RIAo, RINAP, SAA, and ATAE (without zeros at the beginning of numbers). 2 E.g., Kertai, 2013: 19. 3 E.g., the translation of the inscription Sennacherib 15: vii 21’. 4 E.g., Parpola, 1976: 165. 5 E.g., the translation of the inscription Sennacherib 22: vi 39. 6 E.g., Matthiae, 2010: 197. 7 Or ‘hinter house’ (Grayson, 1987: 314). 8 E.g., Radner, 1997: 266. 9 See RlA 10: 218. 10 Frahm, 1997: 275. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 132 Kateřina Šašková haus,”11 or “Zeughauspalast.”12 These all are terms attempting to describe the nature of building complexes which, according to written and material sources, were found in Neo-Assyrian capitals Kalhu, Nineveh, and perhaps Dūr-Šarrukı̄n. Although such a type of building˘is considered a typically Assyrian feature, the evidence offers only three structures explicitly named ekal māšarti or ekal kutalli, and there are some doubts about one of them. 2 Kalhu ˘ Compared to the two others, the armory palace at Kalhu is thoroughly explored (although not in its entirety) and well documented ˘ by various written sources, even the hundreds of texts found directly in it. Many studies have already appeared about its history, architecture, texts uncovered in it, and other finds;13 therefore, I will focus only briefly on its characteristics and several aspects relevant to the present paper. The builder of the armory palace at Kalhu was Shalmaneser III. Although he did not leave any building inscription˘ in this regard, several of his texts calling the structure “Palace of Shalmaneser”14 were found directly inside the building, and the later king Esarhaddon refers to Shalmaneser as the builder of this palace as well.15 Adad-nērārı̄ III, Shalmaneser’s grandson, carried out some repair works,16 and the armory palace at Kalhu was un- doubtedly in use during the reigns of Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon ˘ II, and 17 Sennacherib. The final appearance of the complex is a work of Esarhad- don, who accomplished an extensive reconstruction.18 11 E.g., Bär, 2007: 247. 12 E.g., RlA 10: 474; Frahm, 1997: 274. 13 Archaeological surveys and architecture: D. Oates, 1959; Mallowan, 1950; Mallowan, 1966: 369–470; Kertai, 2015: 58–73, 159–160; Oates / Oates, 2004: 144–194. Royal inscriptions and other texts: Kinnier Wilson, 1972 (CTN 1); Dalley / Postgate, 1984 (CTN 3); Grayson, 1996 (RIMA 3; see also RIAo). Ivories: IN (Ivories from Nimrud); Mallowan, 1966: 471–599; Herrmann / Coffey / Laidlaw, 2004. Glass objects: Orchard, 1978; Brill, 1978. Metal objects: Curtis / Ponting, 2013. 14 E.g., Shalmaneser III 28: 1. See also footnote 65 (p. 141). 15 Esarhaddon 77: 42–43; Esarhaddon 81: 3–5; Esarhaddon 82: 2–3. 16 His brick inscriptions are numbered Adad-nerari III 17 and Adad-nerari III 18 at RIAo, but these texts have not yet been published (Grayson, 1996: 222; Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 265). 17 The building appears in a letter from the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (SAA 19 12: 8), in another letter from the era of Sargon II (SAA 5 206; see below), and in a legal transaction dated to the year 709 BCE (SAA 6 31: r. 26). Some other texts – not mentioning the armory palace but excavated directly in it – are considered to come from the reign of Sargon II (e.g., CTN 3 86, CTN 3 99, CTN 3 110, CTN 3 116, CTN 3 118). An administrative record CTN 3 76 dated to the reign of Sennacherib (683 BCE) lists 784 bows from Arpadda. 18 He constructed a new terrace with larger palatial halls and bı̄t hilāni (Esarhaddon 77: 42–55; Esarhaddon 80: 5’–11’; Esarhaddon 81: 3–7; Esarhaddon 82: 2–5).˘ https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 133 Figure 1. Plan of Kalhu.19 ˘ The palace complex occupied the southeastern city corner and was adjacent to a large open area surrounded by the wall. It is probable that stables, granaries, and storages for less rare commodities, for which there was not enough space inside the palace-fortress, adjoined the northern and western sections of the wall.20 The palace consisted of three large courtyards sur- rounded by rooms and smaller courts. Some rooms around the northwest courtyard served as workshops for repairing military equipment, including chariots, and the others were storerooms for military implements and sup- plies. Similarly, the rooms around the northeast courtyard were originally storages and workshops, but several of these spaces later became residences. The place of most importance is the northern corner, from where about 19 The plan draws on the following sources: Dalley / Postgate, 1984: xii; Kertai, 2013: Pl. V; Kertai, 2015: Pl. 1; Google Earth; CORONA Atlas. Background map: Google Earth. 20 Oates / Oates, 2004: 145–148. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 134 Kateřina Šašková 80 administrative texts come.21 This sector probably served as an abode of a high-ranking official.22 The rooms in the west corner formed another apartment, perhaps that of rab ekalli, the official in charge of the armory palace.23 Figure 2. Plan of ekal māšarti of Kalhu.24 ˘ The long rooms with attached bathrooms along the north and west sides of the southeast courtyard were presumably barracks for the king’s troops. The east corner constituted a residential suite of some higher official, and the other rooms served as storerooms.25 Unlike other quadrants of the complex, the southwest quadrant doesn’t have a large central courtyard. It consisted of four courts surrounded by large storages where the excavators found plenty of ivories, bulky storage jars, and – among others – a mass of bronze and iron scale armor.26 21 Including 22 horse lists relating to musters of cavalry and chariotry and 48 wine lists documenting the rations for persons of various statuses. 22 Oates / Oates, 2004: 155–159; Pedersén, 1998: 145. 23 Oates / Oates, 2004: 161, 162, 164; Pedersén, 1998: 145. 24 The plan draws on the following sources: Dalley / Postgate, 1984: xii; Kertai, 2015: Pl. 1; Google Earth; CORONA Atlas. Background map: Google Earth. 25 Oates / Oates, 2004: 162–163. 26 Oates / Oates, 2004: 165–170. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 135 The southern part of the complex was composed of representation rooms – including the throne room – and a private suite. This suite is conventionally called the queen’s household because of the discovery of the archive of ša- kintu, the queen’s manageress, in one of its rooms.27 It is, however, probable that this area was also the location of the king’s private rooms. Some other rooms presumably served as residences or offices of eunuch officers.28 3 Nineveh Archaeologists could explore only a few peripheral parts of the armory palace at Tell Nebi Yunus in Nineveh29 until recently because a church and later a mosque occupied the tell since the Middle Ages. In July 2014, during the dramatic events in Iraq, this mosque was destroyed by ISIL, who then dug tunnels in the hill to find antiquities to be a sale on the black market. Only in early 2017, after the expulsion of ISIL from Mosul, an archaeological survey of the Assyrian palace under the mosque ruins could begin.30 The most prominent builder of the armory palace in Nineveh was Sen- nacherib, who chose this city as his new seat. However, a military building probably stood in this city long before his reign,31 presumably already in the Middle Assyrian period. In most cases, Sennacherib refers to his palace as ekal kutalli.32 A similar name – bı̄t kutalli – was used by Aššur-rēša-iši I, who informs on the reconstruction of the “_bı̄t^ šahūri of the bı̄t ku_tal^[li]”33 ˘ in Nineveh. Sennacherib also confirms an older structure on which several 27 Pedersén, 1998: 145–167. 28 See Oates / Oates, 2004: 180–190; cf. Kertai, 2015: Pl. 9. 29 See Turner, 1970: 68–75; MacGinnis, 1989: 187–192; Scott / MacGinnis, 1990: 63–73; Kertai, 2015: 147–153; MacGinnis, 1992: 3–19; Miglus / Maul, 2020: 128–213 (unfortunately, the author did not have access to the study during the writing this paper). 30 See, e.g., Danti /Ali / Paulette et al., 2015: 48–54. For contemporary news see, e.g., Ensor, 2017b; Ensor, 2017a; Khoshnaw / Adeane / El Gibaly, 2018; Majeed, 2017; Staff / AFP, 2017; McKirdy / Wedeman / Khadder, 2017. 31 D. Kertai supposes that until the 9th century BCE, the main Assyrian “palace of war” was in Nineveh, while the “palace of peace” stood in Aššur (Kertai, 2011: 71–72). 32 See below. 33 Aššur-reša-iši I 4: 4–6. Grayson’s RIMA 1 doesn’t give the exact place from where two fragments of clay cones bearing this inscription come (Grayson, 1987: 314), but CDLI (nos. P467280, P467281) and the website of the British Museum (nos. 1856,0909.173, 1856,0909.177) name Kuyunjik. Two other texts of Aššur-rēša-iši inscribed on bricks may refer to the same building (Aššur-reša-iši I 5 (BM 137484, BM 137487, BM 137491); Aššur-reša-iši I 6 (BM 137494)), but these texts were also apparently discovered at Kuyunjik (see Grayson, 1987: 315 and 316, CDLI, and the British Museum website, but cf. Matthiae, 2010: 198). Nebi Yunus is a findspot of a brick inscription of Adad-nērārı̄ III, but most exemplars of this text originate from Kuyunjik (Adad-nerari III 15; Grayson, 1996: 220). https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 136 Kateřina Šašková of his predecessors, whose names are unfortunately unknown, worked.34 He removed the old building and built a massive terrace on which he constructed a monumental palace complex.35 Nevertheless, Sennacherib’s son Esarhaddon claims that his father’s palace is small for him, and he started further reconstruction,36 mainly in the resi- dential suite.37 The renovated structure was named Ešgalšiddudua, ‘The palace that administers everything.’38 Esarhaddon’s successor Ashurbani- pal left a brief report on repairing a collapsed part of the building.39 According to the building inscriptions40 of these three rulers, the armory palace at Nineveh stood on a mudbrick terrace high of 200 courses (tibku). The complex contained a large outer courtyard (kisallu bābānû)41 for mil- itary parades and horse training and the great courtyard adjacent to the luxuriously furnished and richly decorated limestone palace (kisallu rabû šaplānu ekal pı̄li),42 which included, among other things, spaces serving as a treasury (nakkamtu).43 Regarding the armory at Nineveh, certain ambiguities arose due to several texts found in the citadel that mention more palaces associated with military affairs located in the city – ekal māšarti of Nineveh, ekal māšarti of the New Contingent, and bı̄t kutalli: 34 “The ekal kutalli that earlier kings, my ancestors, had had built (...) – its terrace did not exist, its site had become too small, and its construction was inexpert. With the passage of time, its base had fallen into disrepair, then its foundations had become loose (and) its superstructure had collapsed.” (Sennacherib 22: vi 39–44). See also Sennacherib 23: vi 31–37; Sennacherib 34: 55–59 (more detailed). 35 The most detailed description regarding the work on the palace is given by Sennacherib 34: 59–90. Following texts offer shorter reports: Sennacherib 22: vi 45–73; Sennacherib 25: ii’ 1’–12’; Sennacherib 35: r. 11”–14” (severely broken); and perhaps Sennacherib 152: 10–16 (partially broken). 36 Esarhaddon 1: v 40 – vi 43; Esarhaddon 2: iv 32 – vi 9; Esarhaddon 3: iv 30’ – v 39’; Esarhaddon 5: viii 2’–16’. 37 Esarhaddon 1: vi 5–6; Esarhaddon 2: v 18–21; Esarhaddon 3: v 8’–11’. 38 Esarhaddon 1: vi 42–43; Esarhaddon 2: vi 8–9. 39 Ashurbanipal 3: viii 56–64; Ashurbanipal 6: x 19”–1”’. 40 For a more detailed analysis of the building inscriptions, see Turner, 1970: 69ff. 41 Sennacherib 22: vi 70–71; Sennacherib 34: 58, 67. 42 Sennacherib 34: 82. 43 Sennacherib 34: 90. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 137 SAA 7 2344 (ADD 950) SAA 7 11545 (ADD 953) SAA 7 14846 (ADD 1083) Review Palace of Nineveh Review Palace of Nineveh Review Palace (of Nineveh) (KUR ma-šar-te NINA.KI) (KUR ma-šar-te URU.ni-nu-a) (É.GAL ma-šar-te) Review Palace of the New Review Palace of the New Review Palace of the New Contingent Contingent Contingent (KUR ma-šar-te ki-s.ir GIBIL) (KUR ma-šar-te ki-s.ir GIBIL) (É.GAL ma-šar-te ki-s.ir GIBIL) New Palace (É GIBIL) New Palace of the Central City (É GIBIL MURUB4 -URU) Rear Palace (É ku-tal) Interpretations of these texts differ. Some researchers assume that these palaces were parts of the palace complex at Nebi Yunus,47 while others suppose they were separate buildings.48 As for ekal māšarti of the New Contingent, two lists of high-ranking officers from the reign of Esarhaddon mention the “governor of the new contingent of Sennacherib” after the governor of Nineveh.49 It indicates that ekal māšarti of the New Contingent was a separate unit with its governor. In addition to these three buildings, the New Palaces could also relate to military matters.50 Thus, there may have been five military-related ekallus or bı̄tus in Nineveh. But this does not 44 Lines 3–4. 45 Lines i 3–4. This text also mentions New Palace and ekal māšarti of Kalhu in lines i 6 and 7. 46 Lines ii 14’–16’ and 18’–19’. ˘ 47 Frahm, 1997: 275 (regarding ekal māšarti and bı̄t kutalli in SAA 7 148). 48 Matthiae, 2010: 197 (concerning ekal māšarti and bı̄t kutalli in SAA 7 148), Postgate, 2007: 348 (regarding ekal māšarti and ekal māšarti of the New Contingent in SAA 7 23, SAA 7 115, and SAA 7 148). 49 SAA 7 3: i 5–6; SAA 7 4: i 7’–8’. It is also noteworthy that Šumāia, the author of the astrological report SAA 8 499, entitles himself as the “astrologer of the new contingent” (SAA 8 499: r. 4–6; LÚ.DUB.SAR UD-AN-d EN.LÍL šá ki-is.-ri eš-šú). 50 Parpola, 1983: 128–129; Kertai, 2013: 22. S. Parpola bases his assumption primarily on a document from Nineveh, in which certain Mušēzib-Marduk, the prefect of the horses of the New Palace, appears (SAA 6 301: 2–3: LÚ.GAR-nu šá ANŠE.KUR.MEŠ šá É GIBIL). D. Kertai also includes the “New Palace of the Central City” among the military buildings (SAA 7 148: https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 138 Kateřina Šašková necessarily mean four completely separate palace districts. Both Akkadian terms have broader use, so it is better to understand them as administrative “units” or “households,” especially in administrative texts.51 Therefore, the “palaces” could be separate administrative entities of the military district at Nebi Yunus. In some texts, the name of one part – most frequently bı̄t/ekal kutalli or ekal māšarti – may refer to the whole complex, which is not unusual in Assyrian texts. Figure 3. Plan of Nineveh.52 ii 18’: É GIBIL MURUB4 -URU; Kertai, 2013: 22). However, Parpola translates the concerned line in SAA 7 148 as “New Palace of the Citadel” (Parpola, 1983: 129). 51 Kertai, 2013: 22; Parpola, 1983: 129. 52 The plan draws on the following sources: Otto, 2015: 483; Kertai, 2015: Pl. 16; Scott / MacGinnis, 1990: 65, 73; Google Earth. Background map: Google Earth. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 139 4 Dūr-Šarrukı̄n The Palace F in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n,53 resembling the armory at Kalhu in its dispositions and position within the city, is also considered to be an˘ armory palace.54 The building stood on a terrace partially protruding from the city walls, but the reconstruction of its plan is possible only roughly. It is especially true of the section within the city,55 where the activities more closely related to military affairs were possibly taking place. No text from the building confirms its purpose as an armory,56 and the textual evidence of other provenance is not much better. Sargon himself does not name the armory palace at Dūr-Šarrukı̄n in his inscriptions, and scanty references in other texts its existence only suggest rather than confirm. Probably the most important of these texts is a partially damaged letter found in Nineveh, in which the crown prince Sennacherib informs the king about certain Gidgiddānu and his brothers. In the beginning, Sennacherib writes that the persons in question are in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n. After matters concerning the city of Aššur and the gap of broken text, he probably returns to these persons and states that they have received new orders and are working on ekal māšarti.57 On the other hand, the lists of horses and military personnel from the armory palace at Kalhu and probably also similar texts found in the citadel ˘ 53 For more information, see Frankfort, 1933: 87–90; Loud / Altman, 1938: 75–78; Matthiae, 2010: 197–203, Kertai, 2015: 117–120. 54 Matthiae, 2010: 199, 201; Reade, 2011: 118; Oates / Oates, 2004: 180. However, some scholars suppose that Palace F may have been the seat of the crown prince Sennacherib, or it could fulfill both functions – the armory palace as well as the residence of the crown prince (see Matthiae, 2010: 199, note 8; Loud / Altman, 1938: 9). 55 Loud / Altman, 1938: 9, 75–76, Pl. 69 and 75. 56 Sargon II 10, (pavement slab); Sargon II 11 (pavement slab); Sargon II 43 (cylinders; DŠ 1288–1295; exs. 13–20); Sargon II 57 (L, M; two fragments of glazed brick frieze). See Loud / Altman, 1938: 77, 98, 105; Frame, 2021. 57 SAA 1 39. The connection of Gidgiddānu and his brothers with Dūr-Šarrukı̄n is also confirmed by the letter SAA 1 152, whose author assures the king that these men have not left the city. Another proof of the existence of ekal māšarti in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n may be the letter SAA 5 206 (see RlA 10: 218) written by Šarru-ēmuranni, governor of Māzamua (PNA Š–Z: 1234–1235). He writes to the king that they opened the treasury of metal scraps at the entrance to the unspecified “house in the palace upon the terrace,” “weighed 420 talents of bronze scraps and plac[ed] it in the storehouse [of] the cupbearer.” After the broken passage, the text continues: “Alternatively, we can do the (inventory) of the ekal māšarti on the 29th and go in the remaining days to Dūr-Šarrukı̄n, to seal those tunics.” Despite the bad condition of the text, it is clear that the ekal māšarti mentioned in the letter stood in another city since they intend to go to Dūr-Šarrukı̄n till after the inventory of this ekal māšarti. A badly damaged administrative record SAA 11 21 related probably to the construction of Dūr-Šarrukı̄n also mentions ekal māšarti, but the context is unclear: “[...] in the sūtu-measures of the ekal māšarti” (l. 9). https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 140 Kateřina Šašková at Nineveh dated to the reign of Sargon58 show that this ruler used the armories in these cities during his reign.59 Their significance is also evident because although Sargon II does not mention the start point of his military campaigns very often, it was Kalhu from which his army set out on a military campaign against Urart.u in˘ 714 BCE.60 Figure 4. Plan of Dūr-Šarrukı̄n.61 58 Fales / Postgate, 1995: xxvi–xxviii; Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 27–31. 59 However, some of the horses delivered to Nineveh may have been destined for nearby Dūr-Šarrukı̄n, where some military officers also operated (SAA 11 133: ii 18 (officers from Dūr-Šarrukı̄n); SAA 11 138: 4 (Dūr-Šarrukı̄n in broken context)). The presence of officers connected to military affairs is also confirmed by the letter from Kis.ir-Aššur, governor of Dūr-Šarrukı̄n (PNA H–K: 621), who informs the king about the construction of houses for the ˘ recruitment officers mušarkisu (SAA 1 124; concerning mušarkisu officers, see, e.g., Dezső, 2012: 43–44 and 120–128). 60 “I set out from my royal city Kalhu (...)” (Sargon II 65: 8). ˘ 61 The plan draws on the following sources: Loud / Altman, 1938: Pl. 69 and 75; Kertai, 2015: Pl. 10; Google Earth. Background map: Google Earth. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 141 As for the poor evidence concerning the armory at Dūr-Šarrukı̄n, the fact that the construction of the city terminated just before Sargon’s death seems to play an important role. The armory palace could not provide sufficient background for military activities for a substantial part of his reign as its construction was still in process. It is also the reason for the intensive use of the armory palace at Kalhu and probably also at Nineveh. After Sargon’s ˘ death, ekal māšarti at Dūr-Šarrukı̄n perhaps lost its importance when his successor Sennacherib turned his attention to nearby Nineveh, where he renovated its armory.62 Dūr-Šarrukı̄n remained the capital of the province of the same name, and according to the letter written by Nabû-šumu-iddina,63 this city was – together with Kalhu and Nineveh – a significant tax-collection center (nakkante ša pirrāni).64 ˘ 5 Characteristics of documented armory palaces Written and archaeological evidence relating to armory palaces allows some conclusions regarding the characteristics of these building complexes. But we should remember that these are only conclusions based on three cases. 5.1 Names of the building Although military buildings must have existed in Assyria much earlier, at least since the Middle Assyrian period, the term ekal māšarti appears in Assyrian sources relatively late. Shalmaneser III called his new structure at Kalhu simply ekallu, the palace.65 The name ekal māšarti (É.GAL-ma-šar-ti)66 ˘ 62 Apparently, Sennacherib even transported building material from Dūr-Šarrukı̄n and used it for his armory at Nineveh (Scott / MacGinnis, 1990: 65–66). 63 Nabû-šumu-iddina (or Nādinu in abbreviated form) was the inspector of the Nabû temple in Kalhu. He was responsible for receiving and reviewing horses delivered from various ˘ and officials to Kalhu (SAA 13 82–123; see also PNA L–N: 885–886). provinces 64 SAA 13 95: 8–12. Indeed,˘ other Nabû-šumu-iddina’s reports mention Dūr-Šarrukı̄n as one of the places from which horses were delivered to Kalhu (SAA 13 92: r. 2–3; SAA 13 99: r. 1–2; SAA 13 105: 8–9; SAA 13 114: 15). ˘ 65 Shalmaneser III 28 and Shalmaneser III 57 (throne bases); Shalmaneser III 29 (slab); Shalmaneser III 30–37 (door sills and door bolt sockets; the beginning of Shalmaneser III 30 is reconstructed); Shalmaneser III 113 (stone spoon); Shalmaneser III 114 (glazed brick panel; the beginning is reconstructed); Shalmaneser III 115 (lion weight). According to P. Matthiae, Shalmaneser built this structure as a conventional palace and only altered some elements known from the North-West Palace of his father Ashurnasirpal II to better suit his needs as an intense warrior and recipient of abundant booty and tribute (Matthiae, 2010: 200). 66 For the meaning of the Akkadian term māšartu, see CAD M/1: 358–359 and A/2: 420–422 (ašāru). https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 142 Kateřina Šašková first appears in connection with the same building in a wine list dated to the year 784 BCE,67 to the reign of Shalmaneser’s grandson Adad-nērārı̄ III. The term also figures in a letter in which Šarru-dūrı̄, governor of Kalhu,68 ˘ writes to the king Tiglath-pileser III as follows: “I have [persona]lly brought [the people] of Sîn-šabši [in]to the king, my lord’s presence: once to the ekal māšarti and once to Nineveh.”69 The designation ekal māšarti undoubtedly means the armory palace at Kalhu. In the case of Nineveh, it perhaps could also be an armory palace, although ˘ the text does not state the exact place in the city, nor does it specify “the people of Sîn-šabši” and the reason for bringing them. If so, it would mean that during the reign of Tiglath- pileser III, the term ekal māšarti was used exclusively in connection with the building in Kalhu. The same also indicates the fact that Šarru-dūrı̄ does not bother to specify ˘ the city, although the fact that the writer was the governor Kalhu may also play a role. ˘ Texts relating to the military building in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n are somewhat uncer- tain, but in Sargon’s time, the armory bore the name ekal māšarti.70 However, whether the designation refers to Kalhu or Dūr-Šarrukı̄n, it is conceivable ˘ that just as the architectural dispositions of Fort Shalmaneser influenced the appearance of Palace F in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n, it could be similar in the case of its name. But on the other hand, Sargon himself does not mention an armory palace in his inscriptions, and this designation is relatively rare even in other texts dated back to his reign. Sennacherib used the term ekal māšarti for his armory palace at Nineveh in its entirety only once,71 and two other occurrences are related to gate names: abul ekal māšarti72 and mušlālum ekal māšarti.73 In the vast majority of his inscriptions, he uses the name ekal kutalli,74 a term similar to what the Middle Assyrian ruler Aššur-rēša-iši I called his construction at Nineveh (bı̄t kutalli).75 The same building is probably in question when some letters 67 CTN 1 3: i 11. Dating formula: “Addaru dı̄ri, day 22nd , eponym year of Marduk-šarru-usur” . (l. i 2; concerning the eponym, see PNA L–N: 727). 68 See Luukko, 2013: xxii, but cf. PNA Š–Z: 1233–1234, and especially PNA P–S: 1142. . 69 SAA 19 12: 4–9. 70 See above. 71 Frahm, 1997: 275; Sennacherib 34: 85. However, the previous passage of this text employs the term ekal kutalli (l. 55). 72 Sennacherib 15: vii 21’; Sennacherib 16: vii 67; Sennacherib 17: viii 2. 73 Step gate of ekal māšarti (Sennacherib 18: vii 35’). 74 The conventional translation of this term is “Rear Palace,” but E. Frahm suggests “Palast der (militärischen) Reserve(truppen)” as a more probable meaning (Frahm, 1997: 275). 75 Aššur-reša-iši I 4: 4. The term bı̄tu does not necessarily refer to a small house or a particular part of a large structure since it may also designate the entire palace or temple building. See, e.g., the use of the term bı̄tu (log. É) in the following texts: SAA 20 49 (Götteradressbuch), https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 143 addressed to Esarhaddon mention the child, presumably from the royal family, called piqittu ša bı̄t kutalli.76 Regarding the probable identification of bı̄t kutalli with the armory of Nineveh, the royal correspondence offers another letter of great importance. The author of the letter SAA 16 143 writes to Esarhaddon that when he was still crown prince, the official Nabû- šarrāni brought some people to his father’s presence in bı̄t kutalli.77 This text links bı̄t kutalli (not ekal kutalli) directly to Sennacherib and, at the same time, proves that this ruler resided in it for some time. Since Esarhaddon’s reign, the writing of the term ekal māšarti began to vary when the sign KUR sometimes substituted the traditional É.GAL in the expression of the word ekallu.78 Another name for the armory was possibly the New Palace (ekallu eššu or bı̄tu eššu79 ) discussed above. David Kertai assumes that bı̄t kutalli was probably a specific name used for the armory in Nineveh.80 I think it could have been similar in the case of the name ekal māšarti, which may have initially been a unique designation for the structure in Kalhu. Only later, the name could be taken first for Sargon’s ˘ building in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n and then for the armory palace in Nineveh, for which, however, the original name was still occasionally used, although the name ekal māšarti prevailed during Esarhaddon’s reign. 5.2 Functions of the building In addition to the statements of the builders of the armory palaces expressed in their royal inscriptions, other written sources and the results of archaeo- RIAo Shalmaneser I 3: 5–38; Shalmaneser III 53: 7; Tiglath-pileser III 58: 3; Esarhaddon 85: 4. And similarly, the term ekallu may represent both the whole building as well as its separate part (Turner, 1970: 73–74). 76 SAA 10 214: 7–8; SAA 10 217: 6–7; SAA 10 218: 6; SAA 10 219: 5–6. Bı̄t kutalli also figures in a letter SAA 16 217 (r. 7’); however, the context is unknown because of the damage of the text. This term also occurs in a wine list CTN 1 16 from Kalhu, but together with bı̄tu šanû and bı̄t kudinni. In this case, therefore, it was probably part of a˘ palace complex (CTN 1 16: 8–10; but cf. CTN 1 16: 4‘ (É [qi-qi-i]) at the ATAE corpus). 77 SAA 16 143: r. 4’–7’. For dating, see Luukko / Buylaere, 2002: xx; but cf. PNA L–N: 873 (Nabû-šarrāni 4). 78 Esarhaddon 82: 2 (KUR ma-šar-te šá qé-reb URU.kàl-ha); SAA 16 21: r. 15–16 (KUR ma-šar-ti URU.ni-nu-u); SAA 7 23: 3–4 (KUR ma-šar-te NINA.KI, ˘ KUR ma-šar-te ki-s.ir GIBIL); SAA 7 115: i 2–3 and 6–7 (KUR ma-šar-te (URU.ni-nu-a), KUR ma-šar-te (URU.kàl-ha), but see É.GAL ma-šar-te in the line i 17); SAA 14 451: r. 2’; CTN 3 13 (l. 5; KUR ma-šar-te; ˘dated to 642 BCE); CTN 3 12 (l. 2–3; KUR ma-šar-ti šá URU.kàl-ha; dated to 623 BCE). The last two texts originated from the armory palace in Kalhu. ˘ ˘ 79 See, e.g., SAA 14 169: 8 (É.GAL GIBIL); SAA 14 60: b. e. 7 (É GIBIL). 80 Kertai, 2011: 71. However, see also the note made by P. Matthiae on the bases of the list of palaces of Nineveh SAA 7 148 (ii 14’ and 19’), in which ekal māšarti as well as bı̄t kutalli figure (Matthiae, 2010: 197, note 2). https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 144 Kateřina Šašková logical surveys give further valuable information on the purposes of these buildings. In principle, the functions are military, residential, administra- tive, and economic.81 From the point of view of our topic, the first two are especially important. Concerning the functions of the structure, Sennacherib writes: “Earlier kings had had built (the palace) for the proper running of the military camp (ana šutēšur karāši), the care of horses (paqādi sisê), (and) the overseeing of everything (sanāqi mimma šumšu).”82 Sennacherib himself then “enlarged its outer courtyard for the proper administration of the black-headed (ana šutēšur s.almāt qaqqadi), the inspection of thoroughbred horses, mules, agālu- donkeys ((ana) paqādi mūrnisqı̄ parê agālı̄), military equipment, chariots, carts, wagons, quivers, bows, and us.s.u-arrows, every type of implement of war ((ana paqādi) tillı̄ narkabāti attarāte ereqqı̄ išpāte tilpānāte u us.s.ı̄ mimma šumšu unūt tāhāzi), (and) the submission of teams of horses (and) mules, which have great ˘ strength, to the yoke (nas.mandı̄ sisê parê ša emūqı̄ rabâte ı̄šû šuknuše ana nı̄ri).”83 His reason for the enlargement was that the “outer courtyard was not wide enough to have horses show (their) mettle (s.uhhurat šubatsa ana šušmur sisê ul šumdula bābānû kisallu).”84 And finally, he˘ adds: ˘ “I filled it with luxuriousness to be an object of wonder for all of the people. The surplus payment (mandattu) of all of the lands, (...) together with the wagons, chariots, vehicles (...) that I had captured, along with the countless equipment that I had accumulated: I had (all of these things) carried to the treasury of that palace and brought inside it.”85 Esarhaddon, his son, describes the purposes of the building almost in identical words.86 He only summarizes the last point of Sennacherib’s previous text as “the plunder of enemies” (šallat nakiri)87 and adds to the reasons for reconstruction the increasing the area “to train with chariots” ((ana) šitamduh narkabāti).88 ˘ 81 Compared to the citadel areas, there is no evidence of the presence of a temple building inside the armory complexes at Kalhu, Nineveh, and Dūr-Šarrukı̄n. On special occasions, ˘ place in these buildings. Esarhaddon, for example, however, religious ceremonies took also celebrated the completion of the reconstruction of the armory in Nineveh this way: „I invited the gods Aššur, Bēl, Nabû, Ištar of Nineveh, (and) Ištar of Arbela, the gods of Assyria, all of them, into it. I made sumptuous pure offerings before them and presented (them) with my gifts.“ (Esarhaddon 1: vi 44–47; Esarhaddon 2: vi 10–15). 82 Sennacherib 22: vi 39–41; Sennacherib 23: vi 32–33; Sennacherib 34: 55–56. 83 Sennacherib 22: vi 65–70; Sennacherib 25: ii’ 6’–12’. 84 Sennacherib 34: 57–58. 85 Sennacherib 34: 86–90. 86 Esarhaddon 1: v 42–44; Esarhaddon 2: iv 35–38; Esarhaddon 3: iv 33’–35’. 87 Esarhaddon 1: v 44; Esarhaddon 2: iv 38; Esarhaddon 3: iv 35’. 88 Esarhaddon 1: v 46; Esarhaddon 2: iv 41; Esarhaddon 3: iv 37’. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 145 5.2.1 Arsenal Both written sources and archaeological finds document the use of the armory palace as a storage of war equipment. At Kalhu, the excavators found various weapons in many rooms – arrowheads,˘daggers, a sword, and pieces of scale armor.89 Dispositions and findings from other rooms indicate that these spaces served as workshops for making and repairing war equipment, including chariots.90 Likewise, several texts excavated in the same building describe inspections, storing, and repairs of military equipment.91 For example, an administrative document CTN 3 117 records the inspection of 36,242 bows.92 5.2.2 Care and training of horses Many founds from Kalhu – horse blinkers and frontlets of ivory,93 stone,94 and bronze,95 as well as˘ an iron horse bit,96 trappings, and other harness equipment and chariot fittings97 – prove the Sennacherib’s and Esarhad- don’s statements concerning horse breeding and training in the armory palace areal. Horses came to Assyria as spoils of war98 and tributes from vassal rulers, and they were also part of the iškāru conscription.99 Both rulers state that the outer courtyard, the open space outside the palace, was used as a training ground for riding horses and driving chariots. It perfectly agrees with the finding of Sennacherib’s horse troughs to the north of the Armory Gate at Nineveh100 and also with the claim of Esarhaddon that he planted a park alongside the armory palace and “led a canal into it as a watering place for horses.”101 From the armory at Kalhu originate 22 ˘ 89 See, e.g., Curtis / Ponting, 2013: 31–47, 153–163; Stronach, 1958: 169–181; Muscarella, 1988: 317–321. 90 Oates / Oates, 2004: 155–156. 91 CTN 3 74 (6 shields, parts of trappings, 500 arrows, 200 bow-strings); CTN 3 75 (iron coat of mail); CTN 3 76 (784 bows); CTN 3 84 (iron, mention on the wheel for cart); CTN 3 96 (chariots and their equipment); CTN 3 97 (chariots and their equipment); CTN 3 117 (36,242 bows). 92 In addition to ordinary usage, storing a large amount of military equipment was necessary because most conscripts came unequipped (see, e.g., SAA 11 122). 93 Orchard, 1967; Curtis / Reade, 1995: 161–170. 94 See, e.g., BM 140416 at the British Museum website. 95 Curtis / Ponting, 2013: 183. 96 Stronach, 1958: 175, Pl. xxxv, no. 1; Curtis / Ponting, 2013: 182. 97 Curtis / Ponting, 2013: 182–188. 98 E.g., Esarhaddon 1: v 42–45. 99 See, e.g., SAA 19 35 and SAA 19 168. 100 Sennacherib 132; MacGinnis, 1989: 187–192. 101 Esarhaddon 1: vi 33–34. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 146 Kateřina Šašková horse lists, the registers of cavalrymen and charioteers.102 Similar texts are also known from Aššur103 and Nineveh,104 but they come from the palaces at the citadel, with one exception from Nineveh.105 The fact that the cities of Nineveh, Kalhu, and Dūr-Šarrukı̄n were the major centers for the collection of horse taxes˘ is also eloquent.106 5.2.3 Treasury for storing plunder and tributes The statements that armory palaces served as treasuries for storing rare items from tributes (mandattu) and booty (šallatu) have also been proved. Many rooms in the southwest area of the armory in Kalhu contained a large number of valuable items, including beautifully carved ˘ pieces of 107 ivory, frequently the furniture inlays, but also several ivory labels bearing inscriptions indicating the origin of the objects108 and shell fragments with the name of Irhulēnu of Hamāt.109 The motif of bringing the tribute also ˘ occurs on the throne base˘discovered in the throne room.110 Several objects of a similar nature also come from Nebi Yunus – three statues of Taharqa and a statue of Anuket discovered by Iraqi archaeologists,111 and an Egyptian headrest found by Claudius James Rich.112 5.2.4 Reviews/inspections of the army The function highly emphasized by Assyrian rulers and even reflected in the name ekal māšarti is the organization of parades and inspections of the armed forces and military equipment. These reviews were also the probable reason for making the lists of military personnel found at Kalhu113 and ˘ 102 CTN 3 85, CTN 3 98–118. See Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 17–22. 103 Pedersén, 1985: 30, note 7. 104 E.g., SAA 11 123. See also Fales / Postgate, 1995: xxvi–xxviii; Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 27–31. 105 SAA 11 121. The text is fragmentary; it dates to 625 BCE. 106 SAA 13 95: 8–12. 107 See, e.g., Oates, 1959: 124–125. 108 ND 10150 (king of gdl -); ND 10151 (Hamāt); ND 10304 (inscribed with Phoenician letters); ˘ ND 12031 (Phoenician or Aramaic inscription); ND 12049 (Phoenician or Aramaic inscription); ND 11310 (Hazael), ND 7624 (Taharqa). Mallowan, 1966: 596–599; Oates / Oates, 2004: 181. 109 Oates / Oates, 2004: 181; Mallowan, 1966: 451, no. 372. 110 See Mallowan, 1966: 446–449, no. 371. 111 Scott / MacGinnis, 1990: 64, 65, 67. 112 EA48030 (the British Museum website). 113 Oates / Oates, 2004: 159, 215–216. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 147 Nineveh.114 At the end of his building inscriptions concerning the armory palace in Nineveh, Esarhaddon states: “At the new year, in the first month,115 yearly, without ceasing, let me inspect in it all of the thoroughbreds, mules, camels, military equipment, implements of war, (and) all of the captured enemy soldiers.”116 These annual ceremonial reviews in Nineveh may relate to the formal submission of the tribute, which probably also took place at the beginning of the year.117 If so, acquired valuables could be immediately deposited into the palace treasury. Other reviews could take place in a different period, not only in Nisannu, as a part of celebrations of the victorious return from the war, and some of them could also be associated with the festivals of the war goddess Ištar/Mullissu. Ashurbanipal claims he rode in a chariot pulled by captured rulers during the akı̄tu festival of Ištar of Nineveh. He also says that this spectacle was observed not only by deities but also by the Assyrian army.118 On this occasion, people could see the booty – subsequently probably stored in the treasury of the armory – and prisoners, some of whom were then exemplarily punished in the throat.119 114 E.g., SAA 13 107. The count of all men in SAA 11 126 is 33,700, but the text is partially broken. 115 The first month of the Assyrian year was Nisannu (Sennacherib 167: 13; Esarhaddon 34: 11’; SAA 10 48: r. 8, SAA 12 86: 2), but cf. SAA 8 165: 5 – r. 1: “Addaru and Ulūlu are beginning of the year, as Nisannu and Tašrı̄tu are at the beginning of the year.” 116 Esarhaddon 1: vi 58–61; Esarhaddon 2: vi 31–37; Esarhaddon 3: vi 11’–16’. 117 Postgate, 1974: 121. 118 Ashurbanipal 11: x 24–39. Ashurbanipal does not mention the exact month in this inscrip- tion, but according to other texts, the akı̄tu festival of Ištar of Nineveh/Mullissu took place in the month of T.ebētu (SAA 3 7: 10–16; see also Cohen, 1993: 335–336, 424; Pongratz-Leisten, 1997: 249). However, some Mesopotamian gods celebrated the akı̄tu festival twice a year, and Nineveh probably had two bı̄t akı̄tis used not only by the goddess Ištar/Mullissu but perhaps also by the god Aššur – one inside the city (Ashurbanipal 10: v 33 – vi 11) and another pre- sumably behind the city wall (Sennacherib 37: 14 – r. 7’; Frahm, 2000: 76–77; Frahm, 2008: 17). Sennacherib, the builder of the second bı̄t akı̄ti, named the building “Ešahulezenzagmukam, ‘House of Joy and Gladness for the Festival of the Beginning of the Year.”’ ˘ (r. 4’–6’). Thus, another akı̄tu festival may have been celebrated in the month of Nisannu in Nineveh (see Frahm, 2000: 76). 119 Ashurnasirpal II flayed Ahi-iababa in Nineveh and draped his skin over the wall (RIAo ˘ Ashurnasirpal II 1: i 93). Sennacherib did the same with Kirūa (Sennacherib 17: iv 82–86) and Ashurbanipal with Aia-ammu (Ashurbanipal 11: x 1–5). Ashurbanipal also executed Dunānu in Nineveh (Ashurbanipal 4: vi 81–83; Ashurbanipal 7: vii 25–27), and Nabû-na-id and Bēl-ēt.ir had to crush the bones of their father Nabû-šuma-ēreš opposite the Citadel Gate of Nineveh (Ashurbanipal 4: vi 87–95; Ashurbanipal 7: vii 31–35). Similar exemplary executions took place in Aššur and Arbela as well. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 148 Kateřina Šašková In addition to ceremonial matters, the reviews were suitable opportunities for the king to meet with dignitaries operating in various parts of the empire.120 However, the reviews were not only the domain of Kalhu and Nineveh. They ˘ are documented in other cities or provinces121 and even during a military 122 campaign. In these cases, the reviews were presumably not festive events but a purely practical administrative necessity. 5.2.5 Start points of military campaigns Armory palaces probably served for mustering the main military forces before the campaigns, which seems to be the primary purpose of some re- views. It would make sense that the main body of the Assyrian army would summon in an armory palace and its vicinity before a military campaign, given the facilities it provided for the troops. The rulers did not always state the place from where their army set forth for the campaign; however, the following table with known data shows that start points varied and were not limited to the cities with known armories: Ruler Year, date City Inscription Aššur-bēl-kala Šabāt.u Aššur Aššur-bel-kala 7: iii 4–5 Tukultı̄-Ninurta II 886, Simānu 1st Nineveh Tukulti-Ninurta II 5: 13 Tukultı̄-Ninurta II 886, Tašrı̄tu 17th Aššur Tukulti-Ninurta II 5: 30 Tukultı̄-Ninurta II 885, Nisannu 26th Aššur Tukulti-Ninurta II 5: 41 Ashurnasirpal II 882, Abu 24th Nineveh Ashurnasirpal II 1: i 69–70 Ashurnasirpal II Nineveh Ashurnasirpal II 22: 10’ 120 E.g., “I (Tāb-sil-Ešarra, governor of Aššur; PNA Š–Z: 1342) and Zēru-ibni (governor of . . Ras.appa; PNA Š–Z: 1443) will speak with them; when we come to the [revi]ew, [the king my lord can speak] with us.” (SAA 1 92: r. 6–10); “Perhaps the king, my lord, will say: ‘Why did his brother and his deputy, who at the review said they would come, not come?”’ (SAA 5 52: 10–13); “Now the king, my lord, should write to Il-iada- that he come [t]o the review. I shall come too and bring my witnesses with me. Nashir-Bēl should come and arbitrate between us. ˘ Let us litigate with each other, and let the king decide between us.” (SAA 15 24: r. 13–20). 121 E.g., SAA 19 84 (the writer is Aššur-šallimanni, the governor of Arrapha; PNA A: 217); SAA 1 49 (chariotry of magnates; unknown place); SAA 5 215 (review of the˘ troops of Māzamua, altogether 1,430 men); SAA 5 251 (review of cavalry and chariotry; unknown place); SAA 1 11 (the ruler accuses a dignitary, perhaps a governor (PNA L–N: 681), of building a personal army of 5,000 men, and he sends his eunuch to make a review of these soldiers). 122 “In the district of the land Sumbi, I held a review of my army and checked the number of horses and chariotry (piqitti ummānı̄ia aškunma ša sisê u narkabāti āmura mı̄našun).” (Sargon II 65: 12). https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 149 Ashurnasirpal II 881, Tašrı̄tu 15th Kilı̄zu Ashurnasirpal II 1: ii 33; Ashurnasirpal II 17: ii 107–108 Ashurnasirpal II 880, Simānu 1st Kilı̄zu Ashurnasirpal II 1: ii 49–51 Ashurnasirpal II 878, Simānu 22nd Kalhu Ashurnasirpal II 1: iii 1 ˘ Ashurnasirpal II 877–867, Simānu 18th Kalhu Ashurnasirpal II 1: iii 28 ˘ Ashurnasirpal II 877–867, Simānu 20th Kalhu Ashurnasirpal II 1: iii 50 ˘ Ashurnasirpal II 877–867, Aiāru 8th Kalhu Ashurnasirpal II 1: iii 56; ˘ Ashurnasirpal II 2: 43 Ashurnasirpal II 866, Aiāru 13th Kalhu Ashurnasirpal II 1: iii 92–93 ˘ Shalmaneser III 857, Aiāru 13th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 2: i 29 Shalmaneser III 857, Aiāru 13th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 2: ii 13 Shalmaneser III 856, Aiāru 13th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 2: ii 30 Shalmaneser III 855, Aiāru 13th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 6: ii 3; Shalmaneser III 8: 6’ Shalmaneser III 855 Aššur Shalmaneser III 8: 8’ Shalmaneser III 854 Nineveh Shalmaneser III 8: 11’ Shalmaneser III 853, Aiāru 14th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 2: ii 78; Shalmaneser III 8: 12’ Shalmaneser III 850, Nisannu 20th Nineveh Shalmaneser III 5: iv 5 Shalmaneser III 848 Nineveh Shalmaneser III 8: 35’ Shalmaneser III 847 Nineveh Shalmaneser III 8: 41’ Shalmaneser III 843 Arbela Shalmaneser III 6: iii 58 Sargon II 714, Du-ūzu 3rd Kalhu Sargon II 65: 6–8 ˘ Sennacherib 704?, Šabāt.u 20th Aššur Sennacherib 1: 19; Sennacherib 213: 19 Esarhaddon 671, Nisannu Aššur Esarhaddon 34: 11’ Ashurbanipal Arbela? Ashurbanipal 7: iv 7’–15’ The table shows that Nineveh was the frequent base for military campaigns long before Sennacherib reconstructed the armory. Similarly, Ashurnasir- pal II undertook several campaigns from Kalhu before his son built a large military complex in the southeastern city corner. ˘ Dūr-Šarrukı̄n is absent from the list, but, on the contrary, Arbela, Kilı̄zu (as start points to the east), and the ancient capital Aššur occur. 5.2.6 Residence of the ruler and his family Armory palaces also served as royal residences, as the word ekallu in the name indicates. Sennacherib and Esarhaddon state that they built armory https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 150 Kateřina Šašková palaces at Nineveh and Kalhu as their royal residence and for their plea- ˘ sure.123 But the question is whether any armory palace was a primary seat for at least one Neo-Assyrian ruler.124 At any rate, the rulers dwelt inside their walls from time to time,125 at least during military parades, and the inner rooms of the building were adapted to fit the king’s representative and personal needs.126 Administrative records127 partly document the queen’s household in the armory palace at Kalhu managed by the female officer šakintu. A list of the šakintus SAA 7 23˘ shows that the queen’s household existed in ekal māšarti of Nineveh, ekal māšarti of the New Contingent, and other palaces in Assyria.128 The evidence indicates that during the reign of Esarhaddon, other members of the royal family occupied the armory palace at Nineveh. The king’s exorcist Adad-šumu-us.ur several times informs the ruler about the sick piqittu ša bı̄t kutalli, perhaps the crown prince’s baby,129 and he also mentions two patients of the New Palace.130 Assyrian kings owned palaces throughout central Assyria. Other royal palaces stood in provinces, as evidenced by royal inscriptions and letters recording their constructions, reconstructions, or the stay of the ruler. Al- though armory palaces were not primary abodes of the king, they served – together with other palaces – as secondary residences of the Assyrian ruler. 123 Sennacherib 23: vi 45; Esarhaddon 1: vi 11 (Nineveh); Esarhaddon 77: 51 (Kalhu); Esarhaddon 81: 3–7 (Kalhu). Sennacherib built a roofed decorated pedestal of valuable ˘ ˘ materials in the inner courtyard (Sennacherib 34: 82–85) that resembles the throne base of Shalmaneser III in the southeast courtyard of the armory at Kalhu (see Oates / Oates, 2004: 162). Both rulers also used precious materials with magical functions˘ such as “making storms pass by,” “keeping illness away from a man,” and “whose appearance repels evil” (Sennacherib 34: 72–73; Esarhaddon 1: vi 15–16). It indicates that they wanted to inhabit these spaces at least occasionally. Esarhaddon, for example, held a feast for the gods, officials, and people of his country after completing the structure at Nineveh (Esarhaddon 1: vi 44–53; cf., e.g., Ashurnasirpal II 30: 102–154; and Sargon II 7: 167–186). 124 Shalmaneser III probably resided in his new palace at Kalhu (Matthiae, 2010: 200–201; ˘ but cf. Russell, 1991: 290), and Esarhaddon, when he dwelt at Nineveh, possibly lived in the armory palace there (Melville, 1999: 42; but cf. Matthiae, 2010: 201–202). After all, the fact that the building was not the ruler’s primary residence does not mean it was not a palace as such. 125 E.g., SAA 19 12: 4–9; SAA 16 163: r. 6’. 126 The armory at Kalhu (and probably also at Dūr-Šarrukı̄n) included a throne room and a ˘ private suite equipped with, among other things, a kitchen (see Grayson, 1996: 169). An object considered a spoon bearing the inscription of Shalmaneser originates in the same structure (Shalmaneser III 113 = CTN 3 151; see Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 259; Grayson, 1996: 168). 127 CTN 3 30–45 (šakintu’s archive of the Room S 10) and CTN 3 29. 128 SAA 7 23: 1–14. 129 SAA 10 14: 7–8; SAA 10 17: 6–7; SAA 10 18: 6; SAA 10 19: 5–6. See Parpola, 1983: 139–140, but cf. Parpola, 1983: 113 regarding the location of bı̄t kutalli. 130 SAA 10 222: 6. See Parpola, 1983: 128–129. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 151 5.2.7 Barracks Armories also provided accommodation for soldiers, but certainly not for all soldiers permanently or temporarily stationed in the city. There was not so much space in the palace complex because workshops, storages, repre- sentative and private suites of the ruler, and apartments of high officials occupied most of the rooms. At Kalhu, only the long chambers in the north and west of the southeast courtyard ˘ of the armory possibly were the bar- racks.131 Their inhabitants were presumably members of the royal cohort (kis.ir šarrūti) or at least its officers,132 while the other men had abodes in the city. It is indicated, for example, by a letter whose author, a Ninevite servant of the crown prince, complains: “The Sidonites and the(ir) heads did not go to Kalhu with the crown prince, my lord, nor are they serving in the garrison of˘ Nineveh. They loiter in the center of the town, each in his lodging place.”133 Another complaint, written by an unknown author, concerns the troubles caused by the soldiers who arrived in Kalhu: “The ˘ [troops] who a[rrived ...] and have been resid[ent] in [...] are loitering in the center of Kalhu with their riding horses like [...] common criminals and drunkards. What ˘ does my lord say?“134 Many soldiers had families – some married explicitly at the king’s request135 – so the accommodation in a city providing more privacy would be more appropriate than barracks in the armory palace. Other soldiers lived in the countryside, and the king or magnates summoned them when needed.136 6 Other armory palaces? The sources give evidence of only three armory complexes, and only two of them bore the name ekal māšarti without any doubt. Is it possible that buildings of similar functions – although of a lesser extent and without the explicit name ekal māšarti – existed in other Assyrian cities? In this regard, 131 Oates / Oates, 2004: 162. 132 See Postgate, 2007: 348–349; Oates / Oates, 2004: 162 (“barracks for the king’s household troops”); and Frahm, 1997: 275 (“the building was intended for the standing army, especially for the cavalry”). Administrative records SAA 7 8–12 provide some clues to the practice of temporary accommodation of the officials – for example, during a review – but these texts do not name a specific building and refer to an extraordinary (non-military) event (see Fales / Postgate, 1992: xvii–xix). 133 SAA 1 153: 6 – r. 6. 134 SAA 1 154: 2’ – r. 6. 135 See, e.g., SAA 13 82 (report on livestock and household equipment for cavalrymen and their households); and SAA 19 18 (the king wants the Aramean soldiers to get married). 136 See, e.g., SAA 7 30, especially r. ii 3’–22’, r. iii 6’. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 152 Kateřina Šašková I suppose there are at least two places to consider: Aššur and Arbela. Both were significant Assyrian cities and seats of the prominent warlike gods, some of whose festivals related to warfare. Moreover, they show several other similarities to Nineveh and Kalhu. ˘ 6.1 Aššur The excavations in Aššur, the oldest Assyrian capital and seat of the two most significant war deities, Aššur and Ištar, did not prove any specialized armory palace. But it is possible that, at least before the move of the ad- ministrative center to Kalhu, Aššur had a building or part of it that fulfilled similar functions as later˘ armory palaces137 since the city was the seat of the ruler and undoubtedly housed a reasonably large number of soldiers requiring the necessary facilities. Figure 5. Plan of Aššur.138 137 Reade, 2011: 110; cf. Kertai, 2011: 72. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 153 Aššur also shares some other similarities with Kalhu and Nineveh. It was the starting point of campaigns led by several Middle˘ and Neo-Assyrian 139 140 kings. Some rulers received tribute in this city and brought captives and booty there.141 The city also witnessed an exemplary execution of Iaū-bi-dı̄ from Hamāt when Sargon II brought him together with his family and his soldiers˘ to Aššur and flayed him in front of the city gate.142 A con- siderable number of Middle Assyrian texts dealing with horses originate from the city,143 and a group of Neo-Assyrian documents resembling the horse lists from Kalhu comes from the Old Palace at Aššur.144 ˘ If any palace with a military function existed in Aššur, it probably stood in the palatial-temple area, perhaps in the northwest corner of the city, because any secondary citadel with a large courtyard so typical for later armories does not occur in Aššur. 6.2 Arbela Another possible candidate is Arbela. Although modern Irbil covers the ancient city, the primary citadel and several tells are apparent at first glance. Archaeological research has shown the remains of the city wall in some places, while other sections are visible on aerial or satellite images.145 For the position of the secondary citadel, if it was there, the tell adjacent to the northeast part of the city wall seems to be the most suitable location. Although the written and material evidence does not document the ar- mory palace at Arbela, certain clues in Neo-Assyrian texts may indicate its existence. Arbela was the capital of the province bearing the same name and belonged to the most prominent Assyrian cities. Some rulers dwelt in Arbela for some 138 The plan draws on the following sources: Marzahn / Salje, 2003: end-leaf; Andrae, 1941: Tafel IV; Google Earth. Background map: Google Earth. 139 See above. 140 E.g., “They annually brought their valuable tribute and I received (it) in my city Aššur.” (Ashurnasirpal II 67: 9–10). Similarly, Shalmaneser III 2: ii 24, 26–27. 141 E.g., Shalmaneser III 2: ii 64–65, 74–75, 80; Sargon II 109: 5’; Sargon II 117: ii 20–21; Ashurbanipal 4: vi 70–76. 142 Sargon II 117: ii 4–11; Sargon II 35: 1–2. 143 Pedersén, 1985: 37. 144 KAV 31–38, 131–132 (Pedersén, 1985: 29; Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 41–43). This indicates that Aššur may have been one of the centers of cavalry organization (Dalley / Postgate, 1984: 43). 145 Nováček / Amin / Melčák, 2013: 27, Fig. 13; Nováček, 2020: 51–56. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 154 Kateřina Šašková time,146 and especially Ashurbanipal had a very positive attitude towards the city and its chief divine inhabitant, the war goddess Ištar.147 We can, therefore, assume that there was at least one royal palace in Arbela. Figure 6. Plan of Arbela.148 146 “(...) when I was in the king my lord’s (Sargon’s) presence in Arbela (...)” (SAA 19 166: r. 3–6). “When the king (Esarhaddon), my lord, was seated on the šaddattunu in Arbela” (SAA 16 121: 6–8). “During the month Abu (...), I resided in the city Arbela, the city that her (Ištar’s) heart loves (...)” (Ashurbanipal 3: v 16–19; Ashurbanipal 7: v 83–87). “Rusâ (...) sent his envoys to me in Arbela, to inquire about my well-being. I made Nabû-damiq (and) Umbadarâ, envoys of the land Elam, stand before them with writing boards (inscribed with) insolent messages.” (Ashurbanipal 35: 3–8). 147 Ashurbanipal 4: v 5’–28”. Ashurbanipal reconstructed the inner and the outer wall of the city, adorned the temple of the goddess Ištar, and renovated the city of Milqia, where the bı̄t akı̄ti of this goddess stood (Ashurbanipal 185: 1–8). He is also considered the author of the Hymn to the city of Arbela (SAA 3 8). It is likely that Ashurbanipal’s father, Esarhaddon, also had a very close relationship with Arbela, given the favorable prophecies of the local prophets for him (see SAA 9 1–6). 148 The plan draws on the following sources: Nováček, 2020: 53; Nováček / Amin / Melčák, 2013: 23, 27, 35; Google Earth; CORONA Atlas. Background map: Google Earth. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 Assyrian Armory Palaces 155 Administrative records and letters mention the presence of individual sol- diers, military units,149 and the army150 in the city or its vicinity. Arbela was a starting point of military campaigns led by Shalmaneser and possibly Ashurbanipal to the east, but above all, some campaigns ended in it.151 Several celebrations of the return from the war became a part of the akı̄tu festival of the goddess Ištar,152 during which the display of captives and the exemplary execution of rebels took place.153 7 Conclusion So far as we know, only three palaces called ekal māšarti (or ekal/bı̄t kutalli) appear in Assyrian written sources. The term ekal māšarti occurred relatively late, and it was perhaps a special designation for the armory at Kalhu. Even later, this name passed to structures in Dūr-Šarrukı̄n and Nineveh, ˘ but the building at Nineveh was sometimes still called bı̄t/ekal kutalli. Most of all, ekal māšartis differed from other palatial structures by their position outside the primary citadel and a large outer courtyard, an open space used as a training ground for riding horses and driving chariots. And, as far as I know, the temple building is not documented in them. However, many of their functions were analogous to other Assyrian palaces, and, on the contrary, some military activities known from Nineveh and Kalhu also appear in connection with other cities without documented armory ˘ palaces, especially Aššur and Arbela, but not with Dūr-Šarrukı̄n where this structure very probably stood. 149 CTN 3 102: iii 13’–21’; SAA 1 149; SAA 1 155: 4–10; SAA 16 120: 6–10. 150 “I shall assign my king’s men, chariotry and cavalry as the king wrote me, and I shall be in the king my lord’s presence in Arbela with my king’s men and army by the deadline set by the king, my lord.” (SAA 5 152: 22–27). 151 Shalmaneser III 2: ii 65–66; Shalmaneser III 6: ii 2; Shalmaneser III 8: 5’; Shalmaneser III 28: 42. See also the following notes. 152 Shalmaneser III 17: 59–60 (= SAA 3 17); SAA 10 254: 4’–5’ (Esarhaddon; see also SAA 13 149; Cole / Machinist, 1998: xv; Pongratz-Leisten, 1997: 249–250); Ashurbanipal 167: 7’–13’; possibly also Ashurbanipal 14: i’ 11’–22’. 153 “I, Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, after I made offerings (to) the goddess Šadru, performed the akı̄tu-festival, (and) seized the reigns (of the chariot) of the goddess Ištar, paraded into Arbela in (the midst of) celebration with Dunānu, Šama-gunu (Samgunu), Aplāia, and the decapitated head of Teumman, the king of the land Elam, (which) the goddess Ištar, the Lady, placed into my hands.” (Ashurbanipal 161: iii 18’–23’; Ashurbanipal 167: 7’–13’). See also Ashurbanipal 3: vi 66–74; Ashurbanipal 4: vi 70–81; Ashurbanipal 7: vii 3–10; Ashurbanipal 162: 3’–4’. Concerning other executions of enemies performed in Arbela, see the following texts: Aššur-dan II 1: 39–41; Ashurnasirpal II 1: i 67–68; Ashurnasirpal II 17: i 89. https://doi.org/10.24132/ZCU.2023.11672-131-162 156 Kateřina Šašková Abbreviations ATAE Novotny, J. R. et al., 2017: Archival Texts of the Assyrian Em- pire (ATAE). München / Philadelphia: Ludwig-Maximilians- Universität München / The Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus. http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/atae/. CAD Oppenheim, A. L. et al., 1956–2010: The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. CDLI Englund, R. K. et al., 2019: Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. Los Angeles / Oxford / Berlin: University of California / University of Oxford / Max Planck Institute for the History of Science. http://cdli.ucla.edu/. CTN 1 Kinnier Wilson, J. V., 1972: The Nimrud Wine Lists. Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 1. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq. 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