(PDF) Cardinal Legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists

(PDF) Cardinal Legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists
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Cardinal Legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists
Antonín Kalous
2019, Alla ricerca di soluzioni nuova luce sul concilio lateranense V: Studi per i 500 anni del Concilio, ed. Nelson H. Minnich (Roma: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2019), 305-320.
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Abstract
Cardinal Tamás Bakóc was chosen to represent the new pope Leo X in the lands of Central Europe, especially Hungary, as he was of Hungarian origin. He should have had a crucial role in negotiations with the Utraquists as well. He was, however, very well prepared from Rome - with bulls, theologians and knowledge of the problems of Bohemia and Moravia, as he left in 1513 and stayed in the region until his death in 1521. However, not much is known of the actual talks and more is done in this matter only 12 years later, even though also without success.
Key takeaways
AI
Cardinal Tamás Bakóc's primary mission was to negotiate the Utraquists' return to the Roman Church.
Bakóc served as papal legate from 1513 until his death in 1521, focusing on Central Europe.
His efforts to unite Utraquists were unsuccessful due to political and social unrest in Bohemia.
Bakóc's authority included overseeing crusade efforts against the Ottoman Turks, reflecting urgent geopolitical concerns.
Historical documentation reveals no records of Bakóc's negotiations with the Utraquists, indicating a failure in his mission.
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CARDINAL LEGATE TAMÁS BAKÓC AND THE UTRAQUISTS

Antonín Kalous

As clearly the most significant Hungarian prelate of the turn of the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Cardinal Tamás Bakóc might be described
as exceptional. He, however, might be also listed in the long row of prel-
ates and papal diplomats, who attempted to bring the Bohemian Utraquists,
identified as heretics since the Hussite revolution, back to the bosom of the
Roman Church, or at least were commissioned to do so. Nevertheless, his
name never appeared in historical treatments in this context. Why is that so?
Did he organise any such attempts? What were the results of his mission?
These are some questions that can be asked in this framework.
Tamás Bakóc Erdődi (of Erdőd) did not start his career at the top of the
society. Coming from a peasant family, he perfectly used all the chances for
a social advance that were given to people of such origin in the late-medie-
val European society. People could improve their social status through the
military, through the service at the sovereign’s court or – most significantly
– through the church. Thanks to King of Hungary and Bohemia Matthias
Corvinus, Tamás connected the latter two possibilities. King Matthias was a
newcomer to the throne and as such he had a need to use homines novi, new
men, who could enter his service without connections and bonds to the
principal aristocratic families of the country. This could have been done
only through the employment of foreigners or people of lower social status,
especially townspeople, but also educated people in general who could be
of use to the king.
Tamás’s uncle Bálint entered an ecclesiastical career and even with the
title of a provost of Titel (present-day Serbia) acquired the status of lower
nobility from the king in 1459. Tamás had a chance to study. He had studied
at universities in Kraków, which was one of the traditional destinations for
Hungarian students, and later in Italy at Ferrara and Bologna. Also, quite
early, at the age of about twenty-eight (1470), he could be found in the
service of Gabriel Rangoni, an active Franciscan friar, who came to Central
Europe together with John of Capistrano and in the early 1470s filled the
office of the Bishop of Transylvania. In the 1480s, Tamás had pursued an
ecclesiastical career with the good start of university studies and an experi-
ence in the service of Rangoni, who later became a cardinal in Rome. Pursu-

306 Antonín Kalous

ing such a career in Hungary, however, meant a career at the royal court or in
the king’s service in general, as the king – since the times of King Sigismund
and the Council of Constance – had patronage right over the Hungarian
Church. Effectively, the king distributed high church offices; in the case of
Tamás Bakóc, the king first used his services as royal secretary from 1480
and then gave him the office of the bishop of Győr. Bakóc was one of the
prelates and secular office holders, who best coped with the change on the
royal throne of Hungary. After secret understandings with some others,
like the Bishop of Várad and Secret Chancellor Jan Filipec, he acquired the
position of High Chancellor under King Wladislas, who succeeded Matthias
Corvinus after his death in 1490. In 1493, moreover, Tamás obtained a bet-
ter deal with filling the position of the Bishop of Eger. Four years later, to
complete the rise, he swapped positions with the then Archbishop of Esz-
tergom Ippolito d’Este and became the primate of Hungary. He held this
position until the end of his life in 1521 and was called cardinalis Strigoniensis,
after he was created cardinal by Pope Alexander VI in 1500.1
From peasant origin, Tamás Bakóc really rose to the heights of the
late-medieval society and his status was presented in the glorious and most
festive entry to Rome at the beginning of 1512. He supported Pope Julius II
against the organisers of the Council of Pisa and thus became active also in
the Fifth Lateran Council as a member of the commission for the reform of
the Curia and the Church. When Pope Julius II died, Bakóc became one of
the top candidates to the papal throne. In the first vote he came out second
with almost one third of the votes, but this was not enough: it was Cardinal
Giovanni Medici, who was elected pope on 9 March 1513 and assumed the
name Leo X.2
Tamás Bakóc was created papal legate not long after the conclave and
it seems that within the context, the reasons might have been related also
to the papal policy in Rome. It was strategic from the point of view of the
curial politics to stay in Rome. Cardinals who could not be present at the
conclave in Rome had no chance to voice their opinion or smaller chances

For general information on Bakóc, see V. Fraknói, Erdődi Bakócz Tamás élete, Budapest
1889; Gy. Székely, Reform und Politik im Leben des Kardinals Bakócz, « Reform, Reformation,
Revolution », a cura di S. Hoyer, Leipzig 1980, p. 81–86; F. S. Tompa, Cardinal Thomas de Erdeud
and his Clan. A genealogical and historical revision, Pender Island 2001; R. Horváth, Bakócz IV. Tamás,
« Esztergomi érsekek 1001–2003 », a cura di M. Beke, Budapest 2003, p. 228–232; R. Horváth,
Tamás Bakócz of Erdőd, « Matthias Corvinus, the King. Tradition and Renewal in the Hungarian
Royal Court, 1458–1490. Exhibition catalogue », a cura di P. Farbaky-E. Spekner-K. Szende-A.
Végh, Budapest 2008, p. 272–273.
Fraknói, Erdődi, p. 107–135.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 307

to be elected. Election capitulations of the popes, drafted usually in the con-
clave by the cardinals before electing the pope, stipulated that cardinals may
be sent on a legation, but only with the consent of other cardinals and under
no false pretence.3 It may be inferred that sending out Tamás Bakóc might
have had other reasons, namely dispatching an opponent from Rome might
have helped the positon of Pope Leo X. Whatever the reason was, it is clear,
however, that Cardinal Tamás Bakóc was asked in his commissions to deal
with the two most crucial tasks for the region of the period. First, it was the
crusade; second, the union of the Utraquists with the Roman Church.
Even though it was known in June that Tamás Bakóc would represent
the pope in Hungary as legate,4 the cardinal was created legate de latere on
15 July 1513 to the « lands of Hungary, Bohemia and Poland » and with
the commission for all of central and east-central Europe specified in later
bulls.5 As a legate de latere, he was given a huge authority over the region in
terms of spiritual as well as temporal jurisdiction, he had a number of fac-
ulties and powers that entitled him to various acts. He got powers to visit
and correct monasteries and other religious places; to consecrate churches,
monasteries and cemeteries; to concede a portable altar and allow serving
Holy Mass januis clausis and submissa voce in places of interdict; to reform
statutes of various institutions; to dispense irregularity of those who want-
ed to be promoted to Holy Orders; to hear cases of ecclesiastical tribunals;
to distribute indulgences during his pontifical mass; to act against heretics,

J. Burckard, Liber Notarum ab anno MCCCCLXXXIII usque ad annum MDVI, a cura di E.
Celani, Città di Castello 1907, election capitulation of 1484 p. 30–43, on cardinals legates p. 34;
cf. at least T. M. Krüger, Überlieferung und Relevanz der päpstlichen Wahlkapitulationen (1352–1522).
Zur Verfassungsgeschichte von Papsttum und Kardinalat, « Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen
Archiven und Bibliotheken » LXXXI (2001), p. 228–255; H.-J. Becker, Ansätze zur Kirchenreform in
den päpstlichen Wahlkapitulationen der Jahre 1458 (Pius II.), 1464 (Paul II.) und 1471 (Sixtus IV.), « Nach
dem Basler Konzil. Die Neuordnung der Kirche zwischen Konziliarismus und monarchischem
Papat (ca. 1450–1475)», a cura di J. Dendorfer-C. Märtl, Berlin 2008, p. 331–356.
Monumenta rusticorum in Hungaria rebellium anno MDXIV, a cura di A. Fekete Nagy-V.
Kenéz-L. Solymosi-G. Érszegi, Budapest 1979, p. 27–32, no. 1; Fraknói, p. 137; most recently
on the context of the legatine nomination G. Érszegi, Bakócz Tamás pápai követi megbízatása,
« Episcopus, Archiabbas benedictinus, Historicus ecclesiae. Tanulmányok Várszegi Asztrik 70.
születésnapjára », a cura di Á. Somorjai-I. Zombori, Budapest 2016, p. 193–202.
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (=BAV), Chig. L I 20, fol. 35v; P. de Grassi, Il diario di
Leone X, a cura di P. Delicati-M. Armellini, Roma 1884, p. 6; Monumenta rusticorum, p. 32–34,
no. 2, … ad carissimos in Christo filios Wladislaum Hungarie et Bohemie ac Sigismundum Polonie reges illustres
universaque eorum regna et dominia, Wallachiam, Slesiam, Lusatiam, Moraviam, Transylvaniam, Sclavoniam,
Crohatiam, Dalmatiam, Prussiam, Livoniam, Lythuaniam, Russiam, Moscoviam omnesque et singulas illorum
regnorum civitates, terras, oppida et loca atque alia eis adiacentia necnon ad Dacie, Norvegie, Svetie regem et
regna …; cf. Fraknói, p. 138 (with a date one month earlier).

308 Antonín Kalous

scismatics, simoniacs, falsifiers of apostolic letters; or to create notaries,
etc. etc.6 He had much more faculties and powers than these, and among
these, the most important ones were related to the crusade and the fight
against the Ottoman Turks. In relation to the crusade, the cardinal even got
a quinternum, i.e. a bull that had to be written in a booklet. This one closely
organised the financial matters of the crusade including indulgences, tithes,
testaments and other resources.7 The crusade definitely constituted the most
burning issue of the legation. On 5 September, the pope sent a letter to
King Wladislas (written by Pietro Bembo), where he mentioned the great
victories of the Hebrews of the Old Testament and then of recent Chris-
tian armies (Belgrade, Rhodes) and even called Wladislas the son of John
Hunyadi. That was probably for rhetorical reasons, as his son was the pre-
decessor of Wladislas King Matthias Corvinus. However, in this supportive
letter the pope mentioned that he had sent the cardinal to the king’s lands as
legate. Thus, the argumentation for the legation was mostly backed by the
idea of the crusade.8
However, among all the bulls and letters the legate acquired before leav-
ing Rome, also those can be found that related to the other main topic of
the legation, the Bohemian and Moravian Utraquists. The legate was well
informed about the previous dealings with the Utraquists and about the ar-
gumentation and requirements of the « heretics ». A bull that introduced this
task first mentioned and stressed the crusade as the critical part of the lega-
tion. In a general way, then, the pope declared that the state of affairs in Bo-
hemia and Moravia should no longer be neglected. As one sheep is followed
by the good shepherd, Bohemians, who were condemned at the councils of
Constance and Basel, should be brought back. And Tamás should use all
his force to achieve this goal, to restore the kingdom in the original pristine
form. Moreover, when brought back, with their bellicose nature Bohemians
should be used against the Tartars in Poland and the Turks in Hungary.
Practically, those, who want to return to the Roman Church, should abjure
heresy and take an oath that they would not do anything like that again.
Then, they would receive absolution in the usual form of the church. The

See Archivio Segreto Vaticano (=ASV), Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 26r–56r; 1007, fol. 141r–146v;
cf. J. Hergenroether, Leonis X. Pontificis Maximi Regesta, Freiburg im Breisgau 1884, p. 216,
219–220, no. 3633–3634, 3687–3703.
ASV, Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 34r–52r; ed. in Monumenta rusticorum, p. 35–54, no. 6.
Epistolarum Petri Bembi, Leonis decimi pontificis maximi nomine scriptarum liber XVI, Basileae
1566, p. 154–160.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 309

cardinal could even choose people who would lead the negotiations and
conclude a final treaty.9
Another bull that was published a few days later depicted Tamás Bakóc
as an « angel of peace » to Bohemia (ad partes Bohemie) as the pope and the
other cardinals decided to commission him with the task of uniting the
erring Bohemians with the Roman Church. The bull with the commission
went much into detail. It mentioned the Council of Constance, which con-
demned forty-five articles of John Wycliffe and thirty of Jan Hus10 and
which decided that the lay population should commune in one kind,11 and
the Council of Basel, which led the discussions with the Bohemians about
their Four Articles.12 These were then recounted in detail. First, as for the
communion sub utraque specie the traditional ways of the Church should be
preserved. In secret dealings with the Bohemians it was concluded that
the lay communion be allowed, but only under the condition they believed
that the whole Christ is contained in whatever kind of communion, which
should also be stressed by the present council (i.e. Fifth Lateran Council).
Kids should not commune at all, because of the danger of disrespect. And
added as instructions for the legate: it is not prudent to concede in the mat-
ter of the Eucharist, they should rather be encouraged to abandon this habit
completely. Second, public mortal sins should be punished whatever the
status of the sinners – a matter that was discussed in length by the Council
of Basel. The punishment should be administered only by those, who hold
the jurisdictional authority and not by private persons. Third, as for the free
preaching of the word of God, it should be done, according to the Coun-
cil of Basel, by appropriate priests who were examined by their superiors.
The fourth article, then, was the most complex one and it required that the
church property should be limited. The Council of Basel concluded that
the clerics and the church can have possessions and the temporal dominion.
However, the clerics were just administrators of the property as they admin-
ister it for their own good but also for the good of others; appropriation
is not allowed and it is punished as sacrilege. This article was even treated
as the most problematic and the cardinal was advised to proceed with utter

ASV, Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 56v–59r; 1007, fol. 134r–136v; Vetera Monumenta historica
Hungariam Sacram illustrantia, vol. II: Ab Innocentio PP. VI. usque ad Clementem PP. VII, a cura di A.
Theiner, Roma 1860, p. 608–610, no. 806.
10
Cf. COGD, vol. II/1, p. 550–558, 572–589.
11
Cf. COGD, vol. II/1, p. 562–564.
12
Discussed in a number of places in detail, cf. e.g. H. Kaminsky, A History of the Hussite
Revolution, Berkeley e Los Angeles 1967, p. 369–375; F. Šmahel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. I,
Hannover 2002, p. 636–674.

310 Antonín Kalous

care and vigilance. If the Bohemians were reduced in this matter, they would
more easily be united in others. If an agreement was reached, they would
be able to gather an army of ten or five thousand against the Ottomans.
The bull even suggested that the money and the property alienated from
the Church could be used for this purpose. They should also in future be-
lieve that the church and its institutions can have property. They might stay
in possession of some property they have taken from church institutions,
though not as owners but rather as feudal holders. The agreement, when
reached, should be confirmed by the Lateran Council. And finally, in other
cases, Bohemians should be treated as other Catholics, i.e. no special rights
were possible, but they could get the same dispensations and indults as other
believers.13 These were the basic powers and instructions Tamás Bakóc had
when leaving the Eternal City.
When a legate wanted to leave Rome, the rituals and ceremonies cor-
responded with the high position and dignity of the person. Tamás Bakóc
was no exception. He was created as legate in mid-July, but ceremoniously
left the Papal palace on 24 October 1513. The time between his nomination
and leaving Rome was dedicated to visits to other cardinals, to planning etc.
The ceremony itself took a habitual form: the pope read an antiphon and
a psalm, then prayed over the legate and gave him the legatine cross. After
kissing the foot and face of the pope the legate brought his familiaries to
kiss the foot of the pope. When the legate and his family were leaving the
palace, cannon shots were fired, which even Paride Grassi criticised, as he
thought this was too much. At the occasion of his leaving, the legate even
persuaded the pope to name four knights.14 Even though the rest of the
cardinals accompanied him to the gates of the City, the legate did not leave
Rome that day. He stayed for a few more days, but could not take part in any
public event. Then he left at the start of November 1513.15 The status of the
legate was once more confirmed on 19 December by the Council in Lateran,
so that Cardinal Tamás represented not only the pope himself, but also the
body of the council and the church, which assumed the dealings with the

ASV, Reg. Vat. 1007, fol. 137r–141r; Vetera Monumenta, p. 610–612, no. 807.
13

I diarii di Marino Sanudo, a cura di F. Stefani-G. Berchet-N. Barozzi, vol. XVII, Venezia
14

1886, col. 266; BAV, Chig. L I 20, fol. 39v–40v; Fraknói, p. 141; G. Érszegi, A Curia Romana
középkori levéltárai, « Levéltári Közlemények », XXVIII (1978), p. 326–344, here p. 337–338 (an
excerpt from Grassi’s diary).
15
Several dates appear between 6–9 November. See I diarii di Marino Sanudo, vol. XVII, col.
318; C. Eubel-L. Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica medii et recentioris aevi, vol. III: Saeculum
XVI ab anno 1503 complectens, Münster 19232, p. 7; Fraknói, p. 141.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 311

Utraquists and the unity of the church as one of the most crucial tasks they
wanted to accomplish.16
Cardinal Tamás travelled the traditional way on ground to Ancona and
then to Istria on sea. The retinue used Venetian ships, two galleys and one
cargo-ship. As they sailed at the time of nearing winter, the sea could be
dangerous, what proved to be the case. Only the legate’s ship reached the
goal and the two others were blown off the course and re-joined the car-
dinal only later.17 That was not the only problem on the way. According to
Venetian reports that were collected by Marino Sanudo, Tamás Bakóc was
even attacked on his way by highwaymen.18 Despite the troubles on the
road, the cardinal managed to reach Buda in the second half of March and
his festive entry as well as the whole trip from Rome to Buda was described
in verse by Stephen Stieröxel (Taurinus). In his Stauromachia, an epic poem
that recorded the 1514 peasant uprising, this Humanist author of Olomouc
origin added the travelling of Bakóc to Hungary as a prequel to the failed
crusade, which the cardinal was supposed to preach and organise.19
As mentioned earlier, the cardinal’s main task was organising the cru-
sade. Right after arriving to the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary he sat at
the royal council and explained the plans for this crusading attempt. A long
tradition of legates or nuncios organising or planning a crusade in Hungary
existed and Cardinal Tamás joined this line of prelates. The efforts, howev-
er, were unavailing, as the gathering of the armies did not lead to any cam-
paign and when the army was disbanded the whole campaign turned into a
peasant uprising led by a petty nobleman György Dózsa. Even the king was
threatened, could not leave the castle of Buda and asked for help from his
other lands, especially Bohemia and Moravia. Even though this was a com-
plete failure, the idea still did not disappear and further efforts were made
up until 1526, when the then King of Hungary drowned at Mohács, when
leaving the lost battle.20

16
COGD, vol. II/2, p. 1365–1368; for the conciliar context see N. Minnich, The Closing of
the Fifth Lateran Council (1512–17), « Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum », XLV (2013), p. 17–58,
here p. 28–35.
17
Fraknói, p. 141–142.
18
I diarii di Marino Sanudo, vol. XVII, col. 424, « Item, scrive è stà dito ch’el cardinal Strigonia,
che andò in Hongaria, nel passar a Segna su le nostre galie ha auto gran fortuna, e poi smontato è
stà da ladri assaltato in camin e svalizzato, toltoli per valuta di ducati 200 milia ».
19
S. Taurinus Olomucensis, Stauromachia, id est Cruciatorum servile bellum (Servilis belli pannonici
libri V), a cura di L. Juhász, Budapest 1944, p. 6–9.
20
There exists huge literature on the 1514 crusade and peasant uprising, e.g. G. Barta-A.
Fekete Nagy, Parasztháború 1514-ben, Budapest 1973; J. M. Bak, Delinquent lords and forsaken serfs:
thoughts on war and society during the crisis of feudalism, « Society in Change. Studies in Honor of Béla K.

312 Antonín Kalous

Also in his second task, the cardinal was to fill a place in a long line of at-
tempts, which never succeeded. The efforts to harmonise the results of the
Hussite revolution with the teachings and practice of the Roman Church
started already in the 1430s with the discussion of the Hussites and the
Council of Basel.21 These negotiations represented an altered attitude of the
Church towards the Hussites. When the crusades were not successful the
strategy changed and negotiations were supposed to bring Bohemians back
to the Church. Over the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, we can ob-
serve several crusading attempts and several attempts at negotiations. Fol-
lowing the talks between Bohemians and the Council of Basel, the compactata
were agreed on and published in Jihlava in 1436. They even became a part
of national law and it was believed in Bohemia that even Pope Eugenius IV
confirmed them, even though his bulls never stated anything like that.22 The
estates of the Kingdom of Bohemia even dispatched an embassy to Rome
to bring obedience to the pope in 1447, which, however, arrived only after
the death of Eugenius IV. Then, after meeting cardinals, they understood
that the church rather wants to correct them than to hear them and discuss
with them.23 The subsequent visit of Cardinal Juan Carvajal in Prague and
Bohemia did not bring any progress in the difficult relation.24 Already from
this time the cardinal questions and basic requests of the Utraquists were
the confirmation of the compactata and of the elected archbishop. After the
death of the last archbishop of Prague, there were only administrators who

Király », a cura di S. B. Vardy-A. H. Vardy, New York 1983, p. 291–304; N. Housley, Crusading
and social revolt. The Hungarian peasant rising of 1514, « Journal of Ecclesiastical History », XLIX
(1998), p. 1–29; G. Klaniczay, Images and designations for rebellious peasants in late medieval Hungary,
« The Man of Many Devices, Who Wandered Full Many Ways », a cura di B. Nagy-M. Sebők,
Budapest 1999, p. 115–127; most recently and with new interpretations a collection of studies,
Keresztesekből lázadók. Tanulmányok 1514 Magyarországáról, a cura di N. C. Tóth-T. Neumann,
Budapest 2015; as for sources, a large and very useful collection was published as Monumenta
rusticorum; in general on crusade and legates in central Europe, A. Kalous, Papal legates and crusading
activity in central Europe. The Hussites and the Ottoman Turks, « The Crusade in the Fifteenth Century.
Converging and competing cultures », a cura di N. Housley, London e New York 2017, p. 75–89.
21
Šmahel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. III, p. 1560–1690.
22
O. Odložilík, The Hussite King. Bohemia in European Affairs, 1440–1471, New Brunswick,
N.J. 1965, p. 139.
23
A report of the Czech embassy, Výbor z české literatury doby husitské, vol. II, a cura di B.
Havránek-J. Hrabák-J. Daňhelka et al., Praha 1964, p. 240–242; Staré letopisy české z rukopisu
křižovnického, a cura di F. Šimek-M. Kaňák, Praha 1959, p.197–202.
24
Staré letopisy české, p. 182–190, 200; L. Gómez Canedo, Don Juan de Carvajal, cardenal de
Sant’Angelo legado en Alemania y Hungria (?1399–1469). Un español al servicio de la Santa Sede, Madrid
1947, p. 105–126; report of Cardinal Carvajal, ibidem, p. 303–311 and Prameny dějin českých / Fontes
rerum bohemicarum, vol. VII, a cura di J. Emler, Praha s.d., p. 48–53.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 313

were confirmed by the Church and a Hussite archbishop, Jan Rokycana,
who was elected by the Land Diet but never confirmed and not even con-
secrated as bishop.25
Even though the situation of the 1450s and early 1460s was not totally
hostile, the negotiations had no positive results. Nicholas of Cusa never
even entered Bohemia, even if his legation apart from Germany comprised
also the Kingdom of Bohemia and he was even charged with the task to ne-
gotiate with the Utraquists.26 Later, when George of Poděbrady was elected
King of Bohemia, there were new hopes. The king signed a secret oath
before his coronation where he pledged obedience to the Roman Church
and Pope Calixtus III and also promised to protect and defend the true
faith and to lead his subjects away from all errors, sects and heresies back
into the obedience and unity with the Church.27 Cardinal Juan Carvajal con-
gratulated to the king on his election and the pope was also positive in a
letter to Carvajal, active again in central Europe in 1455–1461.28 Two papal
nuncios and orators operated in the region, namely Girolamo Lando and
Francesco da Toledo, who were supposed to bring some peace and under-
standing to the relations of the king and his subjects, some of whom still
opposed him.29

25
On Rokycana see at least, F. G. Heymann, John Rokycana – Church Reformer between Hus and
Luther, « Church History », XXVIII (1959), p. 240–280.
26
He wrote at least a treatise against the ‘heretical’ Czechs, De usu communionis ad Bohemos,
ed. in Nicholas of Cusa, Writings on Church and Reform, a cura di T. M. Izbicki, Cambridge, MA
e London 2008, p. 2–85.
27
ASV, A.A., Arm. I-XVIII, 639, a contemporary notarial instrument, …« fidelis et
obediens ero sacrosancte Romane et catholice ecclesie ac sanctissimo domino nostro Calisto
divina providencia pape tercio eiusque successoribus canonice intrantibus et eis obedienciam
et conformitatem more aliorum catholicorum et cristianorum regum in unitate orthodoxe fidei,
quam ipsa sancta Romana catholica et apostolica ecclesia confitetur, predicat et tenet fideliter
observabo ipsamque catholicam et orthodoxam fidem protegere, tueri et defendere volo toto
posse populumque michi subiectum secundum prudenciam a deo datam ab omnibus erroribus
sectis et heresibus et ab aliis articulis sancte Romane ecclesie et fidei catholice contrariis renovare
et ad vere catholice et orthodoxe fidei observacionem ac obedienciam, confornitatem et unitatem
ac ritum cultumque sancte Romane ecclesie reducere et restituere volo et laborabo … »; Vetera
Monumenta, p. 405–406, no. 580; cf. A. Kalous, The Politics of Church Unification. Efforts to Reunify
the Utraquists and Rome in the 1520s, « Friars, Nobles and Burghers–Sermons, Images and Prints.
Studies of Culture and Society in Early-Modern Europe, In Memoriam István György Tóth », a
cura di J. Miller-L. Kontler, Budapest e New York 2010, p. 179–197, here p. 181.
28
Urkundliche Betiräge zur Geschichte Böhmens und seiner Nachbarländer im Zeitalter Georg’s von
Podiebrad (1450–1471), a cura di F. Palacky, Wien 1860 (Fontes rerum austriacarum II/20), p.
140, no. 146; BAV, Vat. lat. 3924, fol. 337r; ASV, Arm. XXXIX 7, fol. 171v–172v.
29
Odložilík, p. 106–107; A. Kalous, Plenitudo potestatis in partibus? Papežští legáti a nunciové ve
střední Evropě na konci středověku (1450–1526), Brno 2010, p. 196–203.

314 Antonín Kalous

However, after a few attempts at incorporating the powerful King of
Bohemia into the plans of the Church on a crusade against the Turks, the
compactata were officially abolished by Pope Pius II in 1462 and after some
preparations a crusade was proclaimed against the King of Bohemia by
Pius’ successor Pope Paul II in 1468.30 This crusade, however, only joined
the already existent civil war between the king and his followers on one side
and the Catholic opposition on the other (even though the king’s followers
were Utraquists and Catholics alike). This fight turned into a war for the
Crown of Bohemia, as in 1471 King George died and was succeeded by
King Wladislas, the first-born son of Casimir, King of Poland, after an elec-
tion land diet in Kutná Hora. The 1470s also brought a turn towards nego-
tiations, but these were rather peace talks than anything related to the unity
of the Church. Cardinal Marco Barbo attempted to hush the conflict already
in 1472 and 1473, but unsuccessfully. Only after the 1474/5 armistice and
peace treaties of 1478 and 1479 (as a result of which King Wladislas ruled
in Bohemia and King Matthias in Moravia, Silesia and the two Lusatias) did
the situation bring some space for new talks on church unity.31
Some activity in this direction, however, may be seen only after the 1483
Prague Utraquist uprising and the 1485 religious peace of Kutná Hora32
and most importantly after the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary were
united in a personal union by King Wladislas whom the Hungarian estates
elected to the throne following the death of Matthias Corvinus in 1490. In
1493 a certain Nicholas Cola actively worked in Bohemia and Czech narra-
tive sources even mention meetings of the estates and the « legate » Cola in
Buda. Leaving aside the fact that he never was a legate, still, no results were
reached. In the same time a certain Franciscan representative travelled in
Bohemia and insulted the Czechs in the land diet by saying that at the Ro-
man Curia all call them « heretics ».33 The land representation (estates), who
was much more active in this sense than the king who now resided in Buda
in Hungary, even wrote before Christmas 1493 to Pope Alexander VI that
they plan to dispatch an embassy that would talk about the possible union.34
In the meantime (Autumn 1493) bishop of Teano Orso Orsini left Rome

30
A general account, Odložilík, p. 129–221.
31
For an overview of the conflicting developments, A. Kalous, Matyáš Korvín (1443–1490).
Uherský a český král, České Budějovice 2009, p. 122–222.
32
Cf. Šmahel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. III, p. 1819–1913; and in general, J. Macek,
Víra a zbožnost jagellonského věku, Praha 2001.
33
Staré letopisy české, p. 306–308; Archiv český, vol. XVI, a cura di J. Kalousek, Praha 1897,
p. 17, no. 30.
34
Biblioteca nazionale Marciana, Venezia, sign. Lat. X 178 (=3625), fol. 32r, 34r.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 315

as a papal nuncio with the commission to solve the situation, but neither
he was able to understand the complexity of the problem. In his reports to
Rome he described the talks of the land diet, efforts to send an embassy to
Rome, even though he himself urged the estates to send an embassy that
would submit to the pope unconditionally and admit their errors. However,
for the Bohemians the conditio sine qua non was still the confirmation of the
compactata, as for example proclaimed by the estates’ embassy to the nuncio
in Buda in May 1494.35 Even though the two sides carried on some negotia-
tions they were firm in their respective demands.
In 1500 a papal legate de latere came to Central Europe again. Cardinal Pi-
etro Isvalies was instructed to help organising a crusade, but apart from that
he should have focused on the Bohemian matters. However, aside from his
involvement in the « Olomouc matters », i.e. disputations between the Unity
of Brethren and the Dominicans, he did not participate in any attempts
to unify the church again.36 Further efforts are not known. Only in 1513
Cardinal Tamás Bakóc was dispatched with the commission to renew the
negotiations and to bring the Utraquists back to the bosom of the Church.
Clearly, he had a starting point, as there was a history of such talks. He
was also well prepared, as he brought with him some theologians so that the
discussions and disputations with the Bohemians did not lack precision and
erudition.37 And even a report from Buda, after the cardinal arrived, con-
firmed that « he brought other legates, bishops and doctors from Rome, that
were given to him by the Holy Father … ».38 However, not a single reference
to such talks survived or could be found in relevant sources.
The name of the cardinal appears in written sources of Czech origin;
these are, however, linked mostly to references to the failed crusade of 1514
and to another event of great significance that was partially organised by the
cardinal, namely the summit of 1515 in Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony) and
Vienna.39 A meeting was held in Bratislava between the King of Hungary

35
Ibidem, fol. 121r, 27r–v.
36
Kalous, The Politics of Church Unification, p. 185.
37
Fraknói, Erdődi, p. 141.
38
Monumenta rusticorum, p. 69–71, no. 27.
39
The relevant manuscripts of the Staré letopisy české, a large collection of annalistic reports
from mainly the fifteenth century contained in a number of manuscripts, do not refer in detail on
the 1514 events and on the 1515 summit only through the translation of the report of Johannes
Cuspinianus. See Knihovna Národního muzea, Prague, sign. III B 12 (Staré letopisy české, ms.
L), fol. 218v–234r, 237v–245r; sign. IV E 28 (ms. K), fol. 312r–v, 315r–326v; Národní knihovna,
Prague, sign. XIX A 50 (ms. M), fol. 445v, 454v–456v. Neither the historiography of the Unity
of Brethren had anything to say about possible moves of Tamás Bakóc for the union, he is only
referred to as one of the greedy bishops and office-holders, who made the king disband the army

316 Antonín Kalous

and Bohemia (and his two children) and his brother King Sigismund of
Poland. And later, all were invited to join the Emperor in Vienna so that the
treaties between the Habsburgs and the Jagiellonians could be signed and
confirmed by the double marriage of the children of King Wladislas and
the grand-children of Emperor Maximilian. We can guess that these two
events took most of the time of the cardinal. In 1516, moreover, the ageing
king died and was succeeded by his son, King Louis, who was ten years old.
Cardinal Tamás Bakóc was appointed as one of the guardians of the young
king by his dying father. Apart from these events, several charters published
by the cardinal also appear in the Czech archives, but these are all related to
his powers as a legate and concern indulgences, granting dispensations and
licenses, allowing processions etc.40 Not a trace concerning the negotiations
on the unity of the Church in the archives of the archbishopric of Prague
or bishopric of Olomouc, cathedral chapters of other ecclesiastical institu-
tions. Neither letters and chronicles of the period provide any guidance on
this problem.
What possibly hindered his attempts? What could have prevented him
from fulfilling one of the main tasks of his mission? Several factors may be
brought to the attention. The situation of the kingdom was not really ready
for such talks. The king resided outside the country. As mentioned earlier,
King Wladislas, after being elected King of Hungary, moved his court to
Buda and visited Bohemia only three times thereafter. The representation
of the country was divided by an internal struggle between the nobility and
royal towns for political and economic rights.41 The main religious problem

in 1514, saved the money and thus were responsible for the uprising, Národní knihovna, Prague,
sign. XVII F 51 a, p. 346–347.
40
For example, Cardinal Tamás Bakóc allowed a procession in Krnov (Land archives
Opava, branch Olomouc, Arcibiskupství Olomouc, Papírové listiny, sign. A 26, 6 Aug 1514);
lifted the interdict of the town of Uničov (State district archives Olomouc, Archiv města
Uničova, inv. no. 69, 20 Apr 1515); granted postponement of promotion to Higher Orders to Jan
Dubravius, Olomouc canon (Land archives Opava, branch Olomouc, Arcibiskupství Olomouc,
Pergameny, sign. A I a 35, 1 Jul 1515); allowed indulgences for the reconstruction of the parish
church in Most that burned down (State district archives Most, Archiv města Most, inv. no. 114,
115, 28 Jan 1516; L. Schlesinger, Stadtbuch von Brüx bis zum Jahre 1526, Prag 1876, p. 187, no.
447 – I would like to express my thanks to Jan Hrdina, who gave me the reference to the Most
case). Cf. now. J. Hrdina, Kirchbau und Ablass: ein Beispiel aus Böhmen in mitteleuropäischer Perspektive.
Die Ablasskampagne für die Kirche in Most (Brüx) in den Jahren 1517-1519, “Ablasskampagnen des
Spätmittelalters. Luthers Thesen von 1517 im Kontext”, a cura di A. Rehberg, Berlin e Boston,
2017, p. 369-388, here p. 372.
41
In detail J. Macek, Jagellonský věk v českých zemích (1471–1526), vol. III: Města, Praha 1998,
p. 322–372.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 317

in the eyes of the contemporaries was not really the division of the society
between the Catholics and the Utraquists (which was sanctioned by the re-
ligious peace of Kutná Hora of 1485), but rather the problem of the more
radical Bohemian reformation, the Unity of Brethren, which was repressed
by both sides. Bringing the Bohemians back to the bosom of the Church
could have also meant a certain subjugation of Bohemia. However, the king
was not really willing to support this idea, as even though he was not present
in the kingdom and not really effectively ruling there, he was much indebted
to Bohemians. Armies of the royal towns came to help him in the critical
year of 1514, when he was besieged at the Buda castle. All these factors
might have influenced the chances of successful negotiations or even chanc-
es of leading the negotiations at all.
The papal curia, however, foresaw troubles and obstacles, but on a dif-
ferent level, namely that of the interpretation of the fourth article of Prague
that concerned church property. The property held by various church in-
stitutions at the dawn the Hussite revolution was immense: between one
third and one half of all landed property.42 Such a property definitely rep-
resented one of the factors that brought about the Hussite movement and
many of the noble participants took advantage of the fight against church
institutions and improved their property status with alienated land. Still in
1453–1454, after the coronation of King Ladislas, two commissions of es-
tates registered the alienated property in revindication lists. Even though the
lists are not complete, they offer an overview. And the second half of the
century usually meant a new creation of domains of aristocracy and even
(in some cases) lesser nobility.43 One such family is Trčka of Lípa (Trčkové z
Lípy), a lesser nobility that rose to power during the fifteenth century thanks
to huge transfers of landed property. The basis for the domain created Mi-
kuláš Trčka of Lípa and Lipnice who earned pledges of ecclesiastical prop-
erty by King Sigismund in 1436. He acquired much of the later property of
the family, but spent almost no money. Later, his descendants increased the
family property by purchases mostly. Mikuláš acquired for example property
that originally belonged to the archbishopric of Prague and to the chapters
of Prague and Vyšehrad.44 The Trčka family presents just one example, but
there were other families that were in similar situation. The condition of the

Šmahel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. I, p. 147–167.
42

J. Petráň, Skladba pohusitské aristokracie v Čechách. Úvod do diskuze, « Proměny feudální třídy
43

v Čechách v pozdním feudalismu », a cura di J. Petráň, Praha 1976 (Acta Universitatis Carolinae,
Philosophica et Historica 1, Studia Historica XIV), p. 9–80, here p. 27–43.
44
L. Dvořáková, Trčkové z Lípy na přelomu 15. a 16. století, « Proměny feudální třídy », p.
113–135.

318 Antonín Kalous

kingdom was definitely not favourable to possible negotiations that would
entail handing back much of the property, when the archbishopric and other
institutions were to be reconstituted.
Twelve years after Tamás Bakóc left Rome a text was written that to
some extent corroborates the significance of the alienated church prop-
erty and the hindrance it caused to the negotiations. De origine bohemice her-
esis described attempts at unifying the Utraquists with the Roman Church
again from the point of view of the last attempts in 1524–25. The name
of Cardinal Tamás Bakóc appeared in a line of legates and nuncios, who
accepted such a task, but failed due to the church property.45 The last at-
tempt at an agreement between the two sides, which coincided with the
dynamic development of German Reformation, was in the hands – from
the papal side – of papal legate de latere Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggi, an
experienced diplomat, and a papal nuncio Antonio Burgio. Even though
talks really occurred and meetings were held in Buda at the royal court as
well as in Prague and even though a number of local personalities of highest
significance were involved the efforts went in vain again. First attempts fol-
lowed the Prague Utraquist uprising of 1523 and the main spiritus agens was
the then bishop of Eger and later archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai.
From the Bohemian side a number of noblemen, members of the estates,
were involved, as well as the leaders of the Utraquist party of the country
(Duke Charles of Münsterberg, grand-son of George of Poděbrady) and
of Prague. In February 1525 the possible union between the Utraquists and
the Catholics was mentioned for the first time.46 Further talks took place in
Buda in May and June 1525, but still no agreement appeared as the legate
could not confirm what even the pope and the College of Cardinals were
not able to confirm. A Czech report even spoke about a possible council in

45
BAV, Vat. lat. 3924, fol. 337v; ed. in Kalous, The Politics of Church Unification, p. 195, « His
flagitantibus ab Alexandro sexto episcopus quidam Ursinus (=Orso Orsini), et biennio postea
Petrus cardinalis Rheginus (=Pietro Isvalies) ad Hungariam mittuntur, et utrique datur potestas
cum Hussitis si resipiscere vellent aequis conditionibus concordandi, sed cum de omnibus
iam conventum constitutumque esset, me id negotium nomine regio agente, ratio bonorum
ecclesiasticorum tantam rem intercepit, omnesque nostri contatus irriti fuere. Hoc idem fuit
impedimento, ne sub Leone X a Thoma cardinali Strigoniensi (=Tamás Bakóc), cum caetera
omnia convenirent, extrema manus huic concordiae imponeretur ».
46
Relationes oratorum pontificiorum / Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526, a cura di
V. Fraknói, Budapest 1884 (Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia, II/1),
p. 148, no. 40; p. 149, no. 41; cf. F. Palacký, Geschichte von Böhmen, vol. V/2: König Wladislaw II und
König Ludwig I von 1500 bis 1526, Prag 1867, p. 537–539.

Cardinal legate Tamás Bakóc and the Utraquists 319

future.47 The talks failed again after the legate wanted the representatives to
reject all their « heretical » teachings and after it was clear the delegation did
not have full powers to decide.48 It seems that individual personal interests
constituted the biggest problem of the negotiations. Also personal differ-
ences between the leaders of the Catholic side (between Archbishop Lázsló
Szalkai and the legate Lorenzo Campeggi) contributed to the failure of the
project, and the king then – when writing to Pope Clement VII – could only
write about magna impedimenta.49 The legate thus observed, that he did not
find enthusiasm for the true Christian faith and neither Christian charity, but
rather individual hatreds, passions and interests.50
Even though we are much better informed about the later attempt, it did
not bring any positive results.51 The sources show that it was mostly the lo-
cal Bohemian land representation, the members of the royal court and Hun-
garian prelates, who were involved in the talks. Despite the fact that Tamás
Bakóc was commissioned by the pope to work for the union, in December
1515 the king entrusted Duke Charles of Münsterberg with the task. King
Wladislas wrote to the Prague administrator Jan Žák and the Prague chapter
that they should trust Charles as king in negotiations for a new archbishop
of Prague.52 Within the same framework also the Emperor was involved,
as two letters were preserved in the chapter of Prague archives. On 10 Oc-
tober 1516 the Emperor wrote in response to the Czech embassy in Vienna
that he was willing to talk to the pope and to support the plan that the new
Prague archbishop would know Czech, and would come from an esteemed
family. The cooperation with the King of Poland as one of the guardians of

47
Prameny dějin českých / Fontes rerum bohemicarum, vol. VI, a cura di J. V. Šimák, Praha 1907,
p. 154, 324; for the negotiations see ibidem, p. 152–157, 322–326; Relationes oratorum, passim. For
detailed studies, V. Fraknói, Magyarország egyházi és politikai összeköttetései a Római szent-székkel,
vol. II: 1418–1526, A konsztanczi zsinattól a mohácsi vészig, Budapest 1902, p. 355–361; I. Balogh,
Szalkay László, esztergomi érsek (†1526), Kassa [Košice] 1942, p. 47–52; A. Skýbová, Česká šlechta
a jednání o povolení kompaktát r. 1525, « Proměny feudální třídy », p. 81–108, here p. 93–107; W.
Eberhard, Konfessionsbildung und Stände in Böhmen 1478–1530, München e Wien 1981, p. 182–193.
48
Kalous, The Politics of Church Unification, p. 187–188.
49
Lettere di principi / Litterae principum ad papam (1518–1578) / Fejedelmi levelek a pápának
(1518–1578), Roma e Budapest 2002, a cura di J. Bessenyi, p. 33, no. V/1; p. 37, no. V/3.
50
Relationes oratorum, p. 197–198, no. 52, « Ma Monsignor mio, per le molte difficultà chio
vedo in questo negocio, io dubito assai di buona conclusione, perchè vedo che non per zelo de la
fede, nè per charità christiana, ma per particolari odii, passioni et interesse siano mossi, temendo
che da la potentia de Pichardi non fusseno oppressi. Dio l’inspiri qualche più santa intentione, si
che si possa fare bene ».
51
Kalous, The Politics of Church Unification.
52
Archiv pražské metropolitní kapituly, vol. II: Katalog listin a listů z let 1420–1561, a cura di J.
Eršil e J. Pražák, Praha 1986, p. 192, no. 550.

320 Antonín Kalous

the young king was also significant.53 Neither these attempts brought suc-
cess and it is only in 1561 that the new archbishop of Prague was confirmed.
Clearly, the union between the Utraquits and the Catholic Church, or
rather – as seen from Rome – brining the Utraquists back to the bosom of
the Church was not an easy task, which required a considerable amount of
time and involvement in local church and estates structures. Even though
cardinal Tamás Bakóc, as legate de latere, had a commission to solve the
problem, a number of hindrances held him back. We may consider that he
was attacked on his way in Istria. It is not even sure, that all the theologians,
who are reported to only in a very general way and never listed, reached
Hungary or Bohemia. Even more significantly, he took most of his efforts
to organise the crusade and the summit of central-European rulers. And
finally, the situation of the Kingdom of Bohemia was definitely not ready
for the progress towards unity with the Roman Church as the estates, who
were ultimately responsible, needed to solve other more burning problems.
The struggle for economic and political rights between the aristocracy and
royal towns overshadowed all other topics of high politics. And since this
problem concerned enterprises stationed on the original church property
that was alienated by the aristocracy, there was no will at all to solve the
problem of the church. Bohemia and Moravia had already reached a state of
a toleration out of necessity, brought about by the years of civil wars, they
reached political and religious compromise that did not press the estates to
seek for the unity with Rome again.

Ibidem, p. 194, no. 556. Cf. also Minnich, p. 34–35.
53
References (25)
at least T. M. krüger, Überlieferung und Relevanz der päpstlichen Wahlkapitulationen (1352-1522). Zur Verfassungsgeschichte von Papsttum und Kardinalat, « Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken » LXXXI (2001), p. 228-255; H.-J. Becker, Ansätze zur Kirchenreform in den päpstlichen Wahlkapitulationen der Jahre 1458 (Pius II.), 1464 (Paul II.) und 1471 (Sixtus IV.), « Nach dem Basler Konzil. Die Neuordnung der Kirche zwischen Konziliarismus und monarchischem Papat (ca. 1450-1475)
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Monumenta rusticorum in Hungaria rebellium anno MDXIV, a cura di A. fekete Nagy-V. keNéz-L. solyMosi-G. érszegi, Budapest 1979, p. 27-32, no. 1; frakNói, p. 137; most recently on the context of the legatine nomination G. érszegi, Bakócz Tamás pápai követi megbízatása, « Episcopus, Archiabbas benedictinus, Historicus ecclesiae. Tanulmányok Várszegi Asztrik 70. születésnapjára », a cura di Á. soMorJai-I. zoMBori, Budapest 2016, p. 193-202.
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (=BAV), Chig. L I 20, fol. 35v; P. de grassi, Il diario di
Leone X, a cura di P. delicati-M. arMelliNi, Roma 1884, p. 6; Monumenta rusticorum, p. 32-34, no. 2, … ad carissimos in Christo filios Wladislaum Hungarie et Bohemie ac Sigismundum Polonie reges illustres universaque eorum regna et dominia, Wallachiam, Slesiam, Lusatiam, Moraviam, Transylvaniam, Sclavoniam, Crohatiam, Dalmatiam, Prussiam, Livoniam, Lythuaniam, Russiam, Moscoviam omnesque et singulas illorum regnorum civitates, terras, oppida et loca atque alia eis adiacentia necnon ad Dacie, Norvegie, Svetie regem et regna …; cf. frakNói, p. 138 (with a date one month earlier).
See Archivio Segreto Vaticano (=ASV), Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 26r-56r; 1007, fol. 141r-146v;
J. HergeNroetHer, Leonis X. Pontificis Maximi Regesta, Freiburg im Breisgau 1884, p. 216, 219-220, no. 3633-3634, 3687-3703.
ASV, Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 34r-52r; ed. in Monumenta rusticorum, p. 35-54, no. 6.
Epistolarum Petri Bembi, Leonis decimi pontificis maximi nomine scriptarum liber XVI, Basileae 1566, p. 154-160.
ASV, Reg. Vat. 1006, fol. 56v-59r; 1007, fol. 134r-136v; Vetera Monumenta historica Hungariam Sacram illustrantia, vol. II: Ab Innocentio PP. VI. usque ad Clementem PP. VII, a cura di A. tHeiNer, Roma 1860, p. 608-610, no. 806. 10 Cf. COGD, vol. II/1, p. 550-558, 572-589.
Cf. COGD, vol. II/1, p. 562-564.
12 Discussed in a number of places in detail, cf. e.g. H. kaMiNsky, A History of the Hussite Revolution, Berkeley e Los Angeles 1967, p. 369-375;
F. ŠMaHel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. I, Hannover 2002, p. 636-674.
Király », a cura di S. B. vardy-A. H. vardy, New York 1983, p. 291-304; N. Housley, Crusading and social revolt. The Hungarian peasant rising of 1514, « Journal of Ecclesiastical History », XLIX (1998), p. 1-29; G. klaNiczay, Images and designations for rebellious peasants in late medieval Hungary, « The Man of Many Devices, Who Wandered Full Many Ways », a cura di B. Nagy-M. seBők, Budapest 1999, p. 115-127; most recently and with new interpretations a collection of studies, Keresztesekből lázadók. Tanulmányok 1514 Magyarországáról, a cura di N. c. tótH-T. NeuMaNN, Budapest 2015; as for sources, a large and very useful collection was published as Monumenta rusticorum; in general on crusade and legates in central Europe, A. kalous, Papal legates and crusading activity in central Europe. The Hussites and the Ottoman Turks, « The Crusade in the Fifteenth Century. Converging and competing cultures », a cura di N. Housley, London e New York 2017, p. 75-89. 21 ŠMaHel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. III, p. 1560-1690.
O. OdlOžilík, The Hussite King. Bohemia in European Affairs, 1440-1471, New Brunswick, N.J. 1965, p. 139. 23 A report of the Czech embassy, Výbor z české literatury doby husitské, vol. II, a cura di B. HavráNek-J. HraBák-J. daňhelka et al., Praha 1964, p. 240-242; Staré letopisy české z rukopisu křižovnického, a cura di F. ŠiMek-M. kaňák, Praha 1959, p.197-202. 24 Staré letopisy české, p. 182-190, 200; L. góMez caNedo, Don Juan de Carvajal, cardenal de Sant'Angelo legado en Alemania y Hungria (?1399-1469). Un español al servicio de la Santa Sede, Madrid 1947, p. 105-126; report of Cardinal Carvajal, ibidem, p. 303-311 and Prameny dějin českých / Fontes rerum bohemicarum, vol. VII, a cura di J. eMler, Praha s.d., p. 48-53.
in 1514, saved the money and thus were responsible for the uprising, Národní knihovna, Prague, sign. XVII F 51 a, p. 346-347. 40 For example, Cardinal Tamás Bakóc allowed a procession in Krnov (Land archives Opava, branch Olomouc, Arcibiskupství Olomouc, Papírové listiny, sign. A 26, 6 Aug 1514);
lifted the interdict of the town of Uničov (State district archives Olomouc, Archiv města Uničova, inv. no. 69, 20 Apr 1515); granted postponement of promotion to Higher Orders to Jan Dubravius, Olomouc canon (Land archives Opava, branch Olomouc, Arcibiskupství Olomouc, Pergameny, sign. A I a 35, 1 Jul 1515); allowed indulgences for the reconstruction of the parish church in Most that burned down (State district archives Most, Archiv města Most, inv. no. 114, 115, 28 Jan 1516; L. scHlesiNger, Stadtbuch von Brüx bis zum Jahre 1526, Prag 1876, p. 187, no.
-I would like to express my thanks to Jan Hrdina, who gave me the reference to the Most case). Cf. now. J. HrdiNa, Kirchbau und Ablass: ein Beispiel aus Böhmen in mitteleuropäischer Perspektive. Die Ablasskampagne für die Kirche in Most (Brüx) in den Jahren 1517-1519, "Ablasskampagnen des Spätmittelalters. Luthers Thesen von 1517 im Kontext", a cura di A. Rehberg, Berlin e Boston, 2017, p. 369-388, here p. 372. 41 In detail J. Macek, Jagellonský věk v českých zemích (1471-1526), vol. III: Města, Praha 1998, p. 322-372.
BAV, Vat. lat. 3924, fol. 337v; ed. in kalous, The Politics of Church Unification, p. 195, « His flagitantibus ab Alexandro sexto episcopus quidam Ursinus (=Orso Orsini), et biennio postea Petrus cardinalis Rheginus (=Pietro Isvalies) ad Hungariam mittuntur, et utrique datur potestas cum Hussitis si resipiscere vellent aequis conditionibus concordandi, sed cum de omnibus iam conventum constitutumque esset, me id negotium nomine regio agente, ratio bonorum ecclesiasticorum tantam rem intercepit, omnesque nostri contatus irriti fuere. Hoc idem fuit impedimento, ne sub Leone X a Thoma cardinali Strigoniensi (=Tamás Bakóc), cum caetera omnia convenirent, extrema manus huic concordiae imponeretur ». 46 Relationes oratorum pontificiorum / Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524-1526, a cura di V. frakNói, Budapest 1884 (Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia, II/1), p. 148, no. 40; p. 149, no. 41; cf. F. Palacký, Geschichte von Böhmen, vol. V/2: König Wladislaw II und König Ludwig I von 1500 bis 1526, Prag 1867, p. 537-539.
47 Prameny dějin českých / Fontes rerum bohemicarum, vol. VI, a cura di J. V. ŠiMák, Praha 1907, p. 154, 324; for the negotiations see ibidem, p. 152-157, 322-326; Relationes oratorum, passim. For detailed studies, V. frakNói, Magyarország egyházi és politikai összeköttetései a Római szent-székkel, vol. II: 1418-1526, A konsztanczi zsinattól a mohácsi vészig, Budapest 1902, p. 355-361;
I. BalogH, Szalkay László, esztergomi érsek ( †1526), Kassa [Košice] 1942, p. 47-52;
A. skýBová, Česká šlechta a jednání o povolení kompaktát r. 1525, « Proměny feudální třídy », p. 81-108, here p. 93-107;
W. eBerHard, Konfessionsbildung und Stände in Böhmen 1478-1530, München e Wien 1981, p. 182-193. 48 kalous, The Politics of Church Unification, p. 187-188.
Lettere di principi / Litterae principum ad papam (1518-1578) / Fejedelmi levelek a pápának (1518-1578), Roma e Budapest 2002, a cura di J. BesseNyi, p. 33, no. V/1; p. 37, no. V/3. 50 Relationes oratorum, p. 197-198, no. 52, « Ma Monsignor mio, per le molte difficultà chio vedo in questo negocio, io dubito assai di buona conclusione, perchè vedo che non per zelo de la fede, nè per charità christiana, ma per particolari odii, passioni et interesse siano mossi, temendo che da la potentia de Pichardi non fusseno oppressi. Dio l'inspiri qualche più santa intentione, si che si possa fare bene ». 51 kalous, The Politics of Church Unification.
Archiv pražské metropolitní kapituly, vol. II: Katalog listin a listů z let 1420-1561, a cura di J. erŠil e J. Pražák, Praha 1986, p. 192, no. 550.
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What were the key powers granted to Cardinal Bakóc as legate de latere?
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The paper reveals that Bakóc had extensive authority, including the ability to reform institutions, dispense irregularities for Holy Orders, and act against heretics in Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland.
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The study finds that Bakóc's peasant origins and royal patronage under King Matthias Corvinus significantly facilitated his ecclesiastical advancement, culminating in his position as Cardinal and High Chancellor.
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The research indicates that internal political strife within Bohemia and the divided loyalties of the nobility severely hindered Bakóc's attempts to unify the Utraquists with the Roman Church.
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The analysis shows that Bakóc's plans led to the disbandment of the army and a peasant uprising in 1514, marking a failure of his crusade initiatives.
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The findings suggest that Bakóc faced a legacy of unproductive discussions dating back to the 1430s, limiting his capacity to make progress during his legation.
January 16, 2021
Antonín Kalous
Palacky University, Olomouc, Faculty Member
I have studied at Palacký University, Olomouc (Department of History) and at Central European University (Department of Medieval Studies). I have my PhD from Olomouc (2005) and habilitation from Olomouc as well (2011). My research interests are medieval and early Renaissance history in general, with the specialisation in later Middle Ages, church and religious, cultural and political history. I am writing about medieval papal legates and nuncios and diplomacy, about mendicants, and also about Matthias Corvinus (Hunyadi), Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary and Central Europe in general.

Currenty, I teach at the Department of History (Palacký University), concentrating on the Midlle Ages (from various aspects) and I am also the Director of Studies of Euroculture Erasmus Mundus Programme at the same department.
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