(PDF) Charting Formosan waters: British surveys of Taiwan's ports and seas, 1817-1867

Charting Formosan waters: British surveys of Taiwan's ports and seas, 1817-1867 Douglas Fix (費德 )1 English Abstract: Between 1817 and 1867, officers and sailors of the British East India Company and the British Admiralty conducted numerous surveys of the ports and coastal waters of Taiwan and the Pescadores. Knowledge in the form of plans, charts, sketches, sailing directions, etc. produced via these surveys was transmitted to the Hydrographic Office in England, where staff of the British Admiralty catalogued, cross-referenced, and summarized that information. Subsequently, Admiralty cartographers retrieved the stored data to create a series of official maps that transformed the maritime space surrounding Taiwan and the off-shore islands into the flat surface of numbered Admiralty maps. With time, these cartographic representations became the standard authority used by foreign ship captains, merchants, explorers, and consular agents attempting to navigate "Formosan waters." Using this surveying of Taiwan as a case study, I seek to test claims regarding the roles played by British field agents in the development of "comprehensive knowledge of the peoples and territories" of the Qing empire. In particular, I examine the investigative practices and the epistemological objects of British surveyors, artists, and cartographers who produced the basic knowledge of Taiwan's maritime spaces. Secondly, I probe the impact of local knowledge, gained from fishermen, pilots, sailors, interpreters, officials, etc., in determining the content of the cartographic representations penned by British field agents. Finally, I analyze both the modalities and the networks by which this field-level information was communicated to "centers of calculation" in England, where it was processed as part of the larger epistemological complex of the British Empire. Sources for this article include cartographic charts, plans, surveys, landfall views, and textual supplements currently held in the British Hydrographic Office archives; Admiralty maps published by the Hydrographic Office; sailing directions in the India Directory (1836) and The China Pilot (1855, 1861, 1864); and various publications penned by captains and crew members of British surveying vessels. Keywords: hydrographic, British Admiralty, surveying, cartography 1 Douglas Fix, Elizabeth C. Ducey Professor of Asian Studies and Humanities, History Department, Reed College, Portland, Oregon, U.S.A. 1 I. Introduction2 Between 1817 and 1867, officers of the British East India Company, such as Captain Daniel Ross, the Company's marine surveyor, and personnel of the British Admiralty, including ship captains, naval surveyors, and their assistants, conducted numerous surveying missions in the ports and coastal waters of Taiwan,3 the Pescadores, and neighboring islands. Hydrographic knowledge in the form of harbor plans, coastal charts, landfall views, sailing directions, and the like that were produced via these surveys was transmitted to the Hydrographic Office in England, where staff of the British Admiralty catalogued, cross- referenced, summarized and stored this textual and visual information. Subsequently, Admiralty cartographers retrieved the stored data to create a series of official charts and plans that transformed the maritime space surrounding Taiwan and the off-shore islands into the flat surface of numbered Admiralty maps that were published and available for purchase by mercantile companies, diplomatic personnel, and others who sought to comprehend Formosa, its harbors, coasts and seas. Over time, these cartographic representations became the standard authority used by European and American ship captains, merchants who traded in East Asia, explorers who investigated the geography and natural history of Taiwan, and consular agents attempting to navigate "Formosan waters." Using this British surveying activities specific to Taiwan and the Pescadores as a case study, I seek to test the tentative claims made by James Hevia regarding the roles played by British field agents (e.g., surveyors) and local centers of collection (e.g., the Hong Kong naval station) in the development of the "comprehensive knowledge of the peoples and territories" of the Qing empire. In his English Lessons, Hevia argued that the British information empire, with its field agents and their investigative modalities situated in China, and the mundane paper shuffling procedures of bureaucrats residing in centers of calculation in England, enabled the production of an imperial archive with the capacity for creating an entirely new 'China' by the end of the nineteenth century. 4 It is precisely this epistemological complex, with its immutable mobiles, networks for generating and transmitting information, its creation of a host of proper names to be used in cataloguing exotic others, and its capacities for transforming and, indeed, assimilating others, that is of critical importance for understanding the nature of the new order imposed on China after 1860.5 2 This research was made possible by the assistance of staff in the archives division of the Hydrographic Office in Taunton, U.K. (in particular Dr. Adrian Webb, Jens Pagotto, and Matthew Millard) and by funding provided by the Dean's Office, Reed College. Digital scans of original charts and plans were provided by the Hydrographic Office; details of several scans are included below. Comments provided by two anonomous reviewers, and by participants at the "International Conference on Comparative Colonialism and Culture" (Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica, 7-8 September 2012) and Philip Brown were especially helpful in revising this paper for publication. 3 In order to reveal inconsistencies in the use of placenames by ship captains, surveyors, crew members, and Hydrographic Office personnel, I have retained many of the spellings from original documents when referring to a specific survey, publication or cartographic document. When geographical references are more general in nature, I use the more common spellings of placenames employed during the nineteenth century. 4 James Hevia, "Constructing a New Order," English Lessons (Duke University Press, 2003), pp. 123-155. 5 Ibid, p. 127. 2  In this article, I focus my attention on the specific investigative practices employed (and the epistemological objects created) by British hydrographic surveyors, sailors who served as ship artists, and cartographers who produced British knowledge of Taiwan's maritime spaces between 1817 and 1867. Secondly, I examine the impact of local knowledge gained from Taiwanese fishermen, harbor pilots, junk captains, Chinese interpreters, and Qing officials in determining the content of the cartographic representations penned by British field agents. In addition, I analyze both the surveying practices and the official networks by which this field-level information was communicated to the Hydrographic Office (the "center of calculation" in this maritime network) in England. Here it was processed as one part of the larger epistemological complex produced by officers and personnel of the British Empire, with the help of their collaborators. Ultimately, this research seeks to examine the impact of early British hydrographic knowledge production upon subsequent apprehensions of maritime Taiwan and the Pescadores. II. Summary of British surveying, 1817-1867 Although trading ships traversed the seas surrounding Taiwan or visited the Pescadores during the eighteenth century, hydrographic investigation and surveying activities conducted by British naval vessels began only in 1817, when Captain Daniel Ross, Marine Surveyor for the British East India Company, took soundings and bearings along the coast of south and southwest Taiwan aboard H.M.S Discovery.6 Over the next fifty years, hydrographic surveying carried out by British Admiralty ships gradually mapped the entire Formosan coastline, all the major harbors used by European and American ships, as well as the waters surrounding the Pescadores Islands. Editions of the British Admiralty charts of Formosa and the Pescadores issued late in the nineteenth century indicate that all the major hydrographic surveying carried out in this region of East Asia had been conducted by 1867. Corrections made subsequent to that date were infrequent and minor, and the new major hydrographic surveying of Taiwan seas was accomplished by the Japanese, after taking possession of the island in 1895. Thus, one might attempt to argue that British naval surveyors "mastered" the harbors and coastline of Taiwan within only fifty years after sending its first surveyor there in 1817. (See Table 1 for a summary of these surveying activities; a map of the ports and coastlines included in draft and published plans and charts, 1827-1868, is included in Appendix 2.) A closer look at this history provides an alternate narrative, however. During the first three decades (1817 to 1845) only three areas of Taiwan seas were given much attention. For these early surveyors, rocks off the southern end of the island, and the reefs and channels in the Pescadores Archipelago posed the most danger to European sailing vessels, and several surveys were made of these two regions. Granted, Lt. G. Parkyns, commander of H.M.S. Merope, did conduct a cursory survey of Killon (Kelung) harbor when his ship visited that port in September 1824. However, little attention was given to this or any other Taiwan harbor until Richard Collinson and his crew of H.M.S. Plover began to investigate the anchorages at Sau-o and Kelung in the mid-1840s. Therefore, the rapid growth in British hydrographic knowledge of waters surrounding Taiwan and the Pescadores occurred only between 1845 and 1867, the last twenty-some years of the period under investigation. 6 James Horsburgh, The India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Brazil, and the Interjacent Ports, Fourth edition (London: W.H. Allen and Co, 1836), pp. 446-450. 3 Table 1: British Surveying in Formosa, 1817-1867 Date of Ship & Places Visited / Mapped Survey Tracks, Survey Commander Harbor Plans, Activities Coastline Charts, Landfall Views June 1817 Discovery; Capt. Southeast: Botel Tobago; South: Gadd's Rock, Vele Rete Rocks, Daniel Ross Southwest Point; Southwest: Lamay Island, Pong-li; Pescadores Islands Sept 1824 Merope; Lt. G. Northeast: Kelung harbour cursory plan Parkyns 7-8 Apr 1827 Blossom; F.W. Southeast: Botel Tobago; South: Vele Rete Rocks, Lamay Island; Beechey Formosa Channel 8-9 May 1827 Blossom; F.W. Southeast: Botel Tobago, Samasana rough plan; two Beechey views 27-29 Nov Samarang; Capt. Southeast: Samasana; East Coast 1843 Edward Belcher June to Aug Plover; Richard Pescadores Islands chart, with three 1844 Collinson views 2-3 June 1845 Samarang; Capt. South: Gadd's Rock; Southeast: eastward of Botel Tobago, Samasana Edward Belcher Jul to Plover; Richard South: South Cape; East Coast: Black Rock Bay, Chockeday Bay, track of surveying Aug1845 Collinson Double Peak, Sau-o Bay; Northeast: Steep Island, Northeast Point, Dome vessel, plans, a chart Point, Kelung Island, Kelung Bay 30 Aug to 6 Samarang; Capt. Southeast: Botel Tobago; South: Gadd's Rock, Vele Rete Rocks Sept 1845 Edward Belcher 20 Sept to Royalist; Lt. Northeast: Northeast Point, Petow, Chin-mo, Pe-ta-oa Bay, Kelung four charts, a plan, after 16 Oct D.M. Gordon harbour, Reef Island, Kelung Island, Dome Peak, Bush Island, Ma-soo warning to mariners, 1846 Bay, Double Rock, North Point; perhaps Sau-o; Northwest: Tamsui coal field report, harbour, Nam-cam-sui, Table Hill, Houng-mo Keng, Port Heong-san, sailing directions Teuck-cham, Cheung Cong Kai, Single Peak, Mow-lung-sui; 24 Feb to 28 Saracen; John Southwest: West Point, Kok-si-kon, Joss Islet, An-ping, Fort Zelandia, two plans, two draft Mar 1855 Richards Twa-si-mui-oa, Ar-con-tien, Ung-lo, So-co, Whale's Back, Ape's Hill, charts, a chart, a view Takow 8 June to 1 Jul Inflexible; Capt. south Pescadores Islands; Southwest: Kok-si-kon, Lok-he-mung, Joss a tracing, views, 1858 Brooker Islet, Fort Zelandia, Taiwan-foo, Ape's Hill, Takow, Pong-li, Lamay plans, and a chart Island, Liang-kiow; South: Southwest Point, South Cape, Vele Rete Rocks; Southeast: Botel Tobago, Samasana; East Coast: Black Rock Bay, Chockeday, Dome Point, Sau-o Bay, Kaleewan River, Ke-ta-kan; Northeast: Steep Island, Kelung Island, Kelung harbour, Masoo Peninsula; Northwest: Tamsui harbor, Haw-be; West Coast (but not close in); Southwest: Taiwan-foo, Takow, Kok-si-kon; Pescadores Islands Sept 1864 Swallow; E. Formosa Channel; perhaps Pescadores Islands a view Wilds; Dove; G. Stanley Apr to May Swallow; E. South: South Cape, Kwa-leang Bay, Southwest Point; Southwest: numerous views, 1865 Wilds; Dove; G. Gooswa Promontory, Chim-hong-o Bay, Lung-keaou Bay, Che-tong-ka, several charts, plans Stanley Lamay Island, Tang-kang River, Hong-swa, Saracen's Head, Takow, Ape's Hill, Kakaou, Paw-teh-chui, Ang-hay-kang; West: Wanckan Reef, Formosa Banks 6 May to 20 Serpent; Cmdr. Southwest: Takow; Formosa Channel, Makung; West Coast: Wanckan a track survey, Jun 1866 Charles T. Reef, Gilim Bay, Mow-lung-sui; Northwest: Tamsui; Northeast: Kelung; corrections to earlier Bullock East Coast: Sau-o Bay plans June to Jul Sylvia; E.W. East Coast: Sau-o Bay, Black Rock Bay; Southeast: Samasana, Botel track of ship's work, 1867 Brooker Tobago; South: Gadd's Rock, South Cape, Vele Rete Rocks numerous views, plan [Aug 1867] Sylvia; E.W. West Coast: Wanckan, Monkiang, Baliau, Sei-kiang, Quang-wa, Lo- charts Brooker kiang, Goche, Kobien, Tyan Kiang, Toti Kiang, Wani, Tyka, Single Peak, Tongsiau Sept 1867 Sylvia; E.W. Northeast: Kelung harbour; Northwest: Tamsui harbour, Foki Point a view, a plan Brooker Sources: Hydrographic Office archives, British Admiralty charts, The India Directory, The China Pilot, and the published reports of each survey vessel by captains and crew who were responsible for the surveying activities. Please see the appendix for a cartographic representation of this data. The speed of that investigative process and the cartographic production of those last two decades of surveying Formosan waters is remarkable. When Collinson surveyed Sau-o and Kelung harbors in 1845, he also charted the coastline along the eastern periphery of Taiwan. During the early fall of the next year, the crew of H.M.S. Royalist, commanded by Lt. D.M. Gordon, investigated the northeast and northwest coastlines and conducted a survey of Tamsui harbor. The Saracen mapped two harbors on the southwest coast, Kok-si-kon and Takow, in 1855. Three years later, H.M.S. Inflexible visited the south Pescadores and 4 circumnavigated the island of Taiwan, looking for Europeans who were rumored to be held captive on the island. Brooker, the captain of the vessel, had borrowed a surveyor from the Actaeon, William Blackney, who carried out surveys of Sau-o Bay and Kelung harbor, while collecting soundings and bearings on the southwest and east coasts that enabled corrections of earlier charts published by the Admiralty. The southwest coastline was thoroughly surveyed by the Swallow and the Dove in 1865, and two years later, H.M.S. Sylvia finished the last leg of the coastal survey (the segment between Kok-si-kon in the southwest and Tongsiau in the northwest), while conducting new surveys of Sau-o Bay and Tamsui and correcting the east coast chart with new soundings and bearings. In short, during the brief period between 1845 and 1867, Admiralty ships had completed a comprehensive survey of the entire coastline, and large-scale surveys of five of Taiwan's major harbors. The coastal charts and harbor plans, with accompanying views of ports and coastlines, produced from these surveys, soon became the new hydrographic standard for this region of East Asia -- at least for Anglo-American naval and consular personal, and those who privileged British hydrographic investigative expertise. The degree to which these surveys produced a new view of maritime Taiwan for Qing officials, merchants and ship captains who traveled the surrounding seas, and others for whom this knowledge was essential will be discussed in a later section of the article. However, to get a quick visual sense of the difference in knowledge produced by these hydrographic activities off the coasts and in the harbors of Taiwan, one only needs to compare different versions of Admiralty Chart No. 1968 (see Image 1). III. Surveying practices Reviewing the record of investigative activities carried out by British naval vessels in Formosan waters in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, one sees that soundings of water depths and the calculation of latitude and longitude measurements occupied most surveyors' time, that coastal surveys were considered too dangerous to undertake, and that harbor surveys were rather exceptional activities.7 This can be explained, in part, by the delay in the institutional and financial development of the Hydrographic Office (relative to its later years), and the immediate needs of British vessels sailing in these waters. In general, British ships avoided Taiwan ports prior to the 1840s, even though they skirted the southern tip of the island, sailed up the eastern coast of Formosa and occasionally visited the Pescadores.8 These habitual sailing routes necessitated a greater understanding of dangerous reefs and rocks off the southern tip of Taiwan, as well as the locations of suitable anchorages for ships in distress or those seeking shelter in a violent ocean storm. Thus, during this earlier period, British naval surveyors focused their attention specifically on these immediate needs. 7 My knowledge of the details of general surveying practices promoted by the British Admiralty comes primarily from two sources: G.S. Ritchie, The Admiralty Chart: British Naval Hydrography in the Nineteenth Century (New York: American Elsevier Publishing Co., 1967); and A.H.W. Robinson, Marine Cartography in Britain: A History of the Sea Chart to 1855 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962). 8 My record of British navigation in these period is limited to official and published sources. 5 Image 1: Admiralty Chart No. 1968, comparing editions from 1850 (left) and 1886 (right) 6  Taking water depth measurements, i.e., soundings, was a regular task throughout the period covered by this research. Survey reports, remark books, draft surveys, sailing directions, and published charts and plans all testify to the importance of this work as a foundational practice. Taking a sounding required little equipment, though different lengths of lines were used, and a variety of weights were employed, some of which helped gather samples from the ocean bed (especially for anchorages near the shoreline). To be useful to other mariners, however, soundings also required geographical locations of the spots where each water depth was measured, which meant plotting latitudes and longitudes, or obtaining triangular sitings from fixed points whose latitudes and longitudes were known. Fathom measurements and compass bearings were reported by surveyors and later published in sailing directions, such as this example from Captain Daniel Ross's work in June, 1817: In steering from the S.W. point of Formosa, along the west coast, the Discovery had no soundings off the S.W. point until within about ½ mile of the shore, then had 120 fathoms; and with Lamay Island bearing about W.N.W., got 30 and 40 fathoms on the mud bank when about 1½ mile off Formosa, and passed between the island and the coast. At anchor in 15 fathoms, very soft holding ground, about 3 miles off the town of Pong-lieu bearing N. 59° E., Lamay Island bore from S. 86½° W., the N.W. extreme of the coast, a small black hummock N. 41° W., southern extreme of the coast S. 22½° E.9 Off the southern tip of the island and elsewhere along portions of the eastern and northern coastline, taking soundings and plotting bearings could be delicate, even dangerous activity. Accurate geographical placement of significant (i.e., dangerous) locations were nearly impossible to ascertain. In April, 1827, crew of H.M.S. Blossom compensated for this lack by describing what they had seen, heard, and smelled, while also attempting to measure the speed of the current flowing off the waters of South Cape. [The Vele Rete rocks] lie off the south end of Formosa,10 and are surrounded by breakers, which in thick weather could not be approached with safety. We observed strong ripples in the water near them, but the wind did not permit us to enter any for the purpose of sounding; late in the evening, however, when we were several leagues from them, the weather being nearly calm, we were drawn into one of these ripples and continued in it several hours, during which time we tried for soundings with a hundred fathoms of line without success. Upon trial a current was found to set S.E. seven furlongs per hour; this experiment, however, was made from the ship by mooring a buoy, and probably incorrect, as the water was much agitated; and had a vessel seen it, or even heard it in the night-time (for it made a considerable noise), she would have taken it for breakers and put about.11 When Richard Collinson and the crew of H.M.S. Plover surveyed the Pescadores islands in the summer of 1844, their sitings of rocks, coral reefs, shoals and safe anchorages 9 The India Directory (1836), Vol 2, p. 520. 10 [Original footnote:] "The large rock bears S. 29° 09' 15" E. from the west end of Lamay Island." 11 Frederick William Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Bearing's Strait, to Co-operate with the Polar Expeditions: Performed in His Majesty's ship Blossom, under the Command of Captain F.W. Beechey . . . in the Years 1825, 26, 27, 28; published by the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1831), pp. 129-130. 7 were both more detailed and more precise than those take by Ross or Beechey. Comparing Collinson's draft survey of the archipelago (Image 2) with his published sailing directions,12 one notices the density of water depth measurements, the increased complexity in pinpointing coral reefs and rocks (large and small), and the detail in which island topography and archipelago configuration are represented. At the end of his published sailing directions, Collinson provided a table of "Astronomical positions," which included latitude and longitude measurements for specific spots on thirteen islands, reefs and rocks.13 This data suggests that surveying assistants in the Plover's crew approached these positions in small boats in order to take the proper latitude and longitude measurements. In contrast, the locations of most landmarks (especially rocks, reefs, coral patches, etc.) in the archipelago's configuration were more frequently given in compass bearings relative to a neighboring island or major landmark (e.g., the lighthouse on Fisher's Island; the old Dutch fort on Penghu Island). Image 2: Detail from "澎湖 Panghu or Pescadore Islands."14 These lines of sight from a fixed position, and the compass bearings associated with such viewing, are infrequently represented in the textual and visual data I have examined. 12 Richard Collinson, "Sailing Directions for the Panghu, or Pescadore Archipelago, with Notices of the Islands," Chinese Repository 14 (1845): 249-257. 13 Reports from the Inflexible's surveying in 1858 confirm the use of chronometers for calculating longitude and using meridian altitudes of stars for determining latitude. See G.A.C. Brooker, "Observations on Taï-wan or Formoza," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 28, i (November 1858): 562; and page 66 of "Remarks on the South & Eastern Coasts of Taiwan or Formosa, Made during the Visit of H.M.S. Inflexible, Commander Brooker, in Search of Missing Europeans"; Hydrographic Office archives, M 13 / 15. However, Vele Rete Rocks had already been located with the use of a chronometer by Captain Daniel Ross in the Discovery in 1817. See The India directory, Vol 2, p. 447. 14 Draft survey, Richard Collinson, H.M.S. Plover and Young Hebe, 1844; Hydrographic Office archives, L4368 Shelf 13G. 8 Beechey's simple sketch of Botel Tobago, completed in May, 1827, provides the first example of this phenomenon.15 Likewise, draft charts produced by surveyors aboard the Inflexible indicate that this practice was used to ascertain more accurate locations for Pong-li and Lamay Island in 1858.16 The "Diagram of Ta-kau-kon Formosa,"17 sketched by surveyors in the Swallow in 1865, focused entirely on this aspect of coastal surveying. Obtaining soundings and coordinates was often a very tedious, repetitive and time- consuming practice. A detail taken from the draft "Plan of Port Cock-si-con" (Image 3) indicates that when this activity was conducted in and around harbors, smaller boats, such as gigs and cutters, were used for the purpose. Image 3: Detail from "Plan of Port Cock-Si-Con."18 Following standard procedures, surveyors and their assistants traversed back and forth across the region under investigation. Along broader expanses of coastal seas, or in areas where micro-surveying was deemed inappropriate or dangerous, this same criss-crossing survey was accomplished from the mother ship, as is seen in this quotation from Edward Belcher, captain of H.M.S. Samarang: The breeze deserted us on rounding the western dangers, and between these islands and the southern limit of Formosa, we were harassed by contrary currents and light baffling airs, reaching Botel Tobago on the 30th [of August 1845]. In this neighbourhood we continued to make many traverses, taking advantage of every change in order to cross the position assigned to Gadd's Rock, or Cumbrian Reef; but 15 "Rough Plan of Botel Tobago Xima," Capt. F.W. Beechey; Hydrographic Archives, E777 Shelf Pacific folio 1. 16 "Tracing Shewing [sic] the Additions and Alterations Made to the Chart of Formosa during the Cruise of H.M.S. Inflexible (Commander Brooker) in Search of Missing Europeans," William Blackney, June 1858; Hydrographic Office archives, D3850 Shelf El. 17 Hydrographic Office archives, DS8807 Folio 17. 18 Mr. John W. Reed, 2nd Master R.N., 1855; Hydrographic Office archives, D1463 Shelf 35a. 9  without noticing the slightest indication of ripple or breaker, sufficiently distinct to warrant the idea of a shoal.19 Cartographic documentation of this practice can also be seen in the draft charts of the Saracen, and British ships that surveyed Formosan waters some years later. For more accurate surveying of coastlines and harbors, landing on shore was unavoidable. One of Collinson's assistant surveyors went on shore in Black Rock Bay on the east coast of Taiwan in 1845 to "take up a position to make a survey of the place."20 Lt. David Gordon's surveys of northern Taiwan, especially that of Kelung harbor, were accomplished only by sending surveyors ashore. Gordon's inspection of coal pits in the region, perhaps the first European investigation of this resource, was accomplished on such a visit.21 Because the ostensible purpose behind the expedition carried out by the Inflexible was locating and freeing any European captives on Taiwan, their presence on shore in the summer of 1858 was inevitable. However, the multiple reports of this expedition, authored by Blackney, Brooker, and Swinhoe, show that surveys produced by the Inflexible's crew also depended upon such visits.22 Sometimes this work on or near shore could be dangerous. Crew in a surveying boat dispatched from the Dove in 1865 were attacked near shore not far from South Cape. During the survey of Kwa-leang Bay, the Dove's gig was briskly attacked, and in less than ten minutes hit in twelve places, one man being wounded -- the surveying party just escaped being cut off, and murdered.23 A similar attack was repeated in 1867, when a surveying party from H.M.S. Sylvia attempted to gather bearings and soundings off the southern tip of the island.24 The threat of such a response was also experienced by crew from the Inflexible on the east coast near a spot ("Lat 24° 6' 18") later given the name of Chock-e-day.25 Violence was avoided, however, when a 19 Captain Edward Belcher, Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Samarang, during the Years 1843-46 (London: Reeve, Benham, and Reeve, 1848), Vol 2, p. 72. 20 Admiral Collinson's responses to Swinhoe's "Notes on the Island of Formosa," Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society VIII (February 1864): 25. A very simple sketch of the coastline surrounding Black Rock Bay from that surveying work is included in the Hydrographic Office archives. 21 Lieut. [David MacDougal] Gordon, "Observations on Coal in the N. E. Part of the Island of Formosa," Journal of the Royal Geographic Society of London 19 (1849): 22-25. 22 Their reports of visiting Sau-o and Kelung are perhaps the most detailed. See Blackney, "Taï-wan, or Formoza [sic] Island," The Mercantile Marine Magazine and Nautical Record 6 (1859): 44-45, 85-86; Brooker, 1858:565-566, 567-568; Brooker, "Journal of H.M.S. 'Inflexible' on a Visit to Formosa, in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 28, i (January 1859): 7-8, and Swinhoe, "Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa," Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 1, ii (1859): 153-155, 157-159. 23 Master George Stanley, R.N., "Remarks on the Coast of Formosa between the South Cape and Takau-kon," p. 17; Hydrographic Office archives, M 17 / 13, included in OD 156, OD. CD.3 / 5. 24 Edward W. Brooker, H.M. surveying vessel Sylvia, 1867, "Remarks on the Coast of Formosa, and Islands and Dangers East of it," Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 37, ix (September 1868): 505. 25 For details, see the accounts of: Blackney, 1859: 44; and Swinhoe, 1859: 151-152. 10 heavy surf prevented the gig from landing. These three incidents appear to be the only such violent attacks upon British naval crew members documented by British reports, despite the numerous landings at a variety of locations along Taiwan's long coast. The more common encounter was peaceful, as noted by Richards in 1855: Whenever we landed we were treated with the greatest civility and deference, and our surveying marks, although sometimes made of an article most tempting to them (white calico), were never in one case interfered with.26 Rowing close to the coast or landing on shore enabled surveyors and their assistants to post more detailed cartographic arguments onto their charts and plans.27 A detail (Image 4) taken from the draft chart of Captain John Richards' survey of the southwest coast in 1855 provides one example. When captain and crew members visited Anping harbor and the surrounding region, they collected data on the configuration of mud flats, inner seas and channels between them, as well as coastal sand dunes and cultivated fields nearby. Image 4: Detail from "Formosa Island. West Coast. From West Point to Apes Hill"28 Where those details did matter, however, surveys done on land did produce exceptional knowledge of some places. Blackney's draft chart of the coastal region of Kilung (Kelung) harbor (a detail of which can be seen in Image 5), completed in 1858, demonstrates that fact. In addition to the foundational water depth measurements provided on all charts 26 John Richards, "Harbours of Kok-si-kon and Taku-kon at the South-west End of Taï-wan or Formosa," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle (1855): 373. The locals referenced here were fishermen residing on the sandbanks off Kok-si-kon and Anping. 27 For an in-depth discussion of postings and cartographic propositions, see Denis Wood, Rethinking the Power of Maps (New York: Guilford Press, 2010). 28 Draft survey, John Richards, H.M.S. Saracen; Hydrographic Office archives, D1464 Shelf 35a. 11 and harbor plans, Blackney gave topographical contour data, altitudes for the major peaks, locations for local settlements, and a detailed sketch of coral reefs and rocks along the shoreline of each island in Kelung harbor. Although this chart does not depict the settlement at Anping (nor the city of Taiwanfu) with any accuracy, this can be explained by the crew's limited access to Anping, and no time spent in Taiwanfu. Because these hydrographic surveys prioritized knowledge of coastlines, harbors, navigational dangers and anchorages, much less attention was given to geographical or topographical detail for inland areas. Image 5: Detail from "China Sea. East Coast of Taïwan or Formoza. Kilung Harbour."29 A surveying activity that has received little attention in the historical literature, but which was essential to nineteenth-century maritime travel, is the composition of landfall silhouettes, commonly known as "views."30 Most charts and harbor plans for regions of East Asia produced by the British Admiralty include engravings of such views. The original versions were drawn by crew members designated for that work, though few if any had previously received any artistic training.31 Sketched from the sea (normally from a distance), these views were intended to provide sea captains and their crews a unique and accurate view of landfall as seen from a safe distance. The example given here (Image 6), of Ape's Hill in Takau harbor, is perhaps an exception both in terms of its close-up perspective and the artist's use of watercolors to create the image. When mechanically reproduced on published 29 Draft harbor plan, drawn by Wm. Blackney, H.M.S. Inflexible; Hydrographic Office archives, D3841 Shelf Zu. 30 For a more detailed analysis of this type of visual representations of Taiwan, see my "Spotting Heights: Topographical Sketches and Panoramas in Nineteenth-century Euroamerican Cartography of Taiwan," paper for "New Perspectives on Geographic Space," National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, 6-7 November 2008. 31 Though see Eyes of the Admiralty: T.S. Serres, an Artist in the Channel Fleet, 1799-1800, by M.K. Barritt (Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, 2008) for an exception to this general tendency. 12 Admiralty charts, these landfall views were reduced in size, bleached of their color, and often relegated to the peripheries of these cartographic aids. Image 6: "Ape Hill N. 10 E. 1.7 mls."32 IV. Local knowledge The preceding section may give one the impression that British surveying activities were conducted independent of local assistance or knowledge, but that would be a mistaken inference to make. Although there are fewer references to encounters between British crew members and local residents or Chinese officials stationed on the island in the sources I have analyzed,33 one can construct a general picture of the nature of British reliance upon local knowledge when conducting hydrographic investigations. In 1845, when Richard Collinson reported the results of his survey of the Pescadores archipelago, he noted that vessels seeking to navigate the northern passage between Fisher's Island and Panghu Island should hire a local pilot to guide them around the dangers in that channel. Charles Bullock, commander of H.M.S. Serpent, repeated a similar warning two decades later, when he advised ship captains to hire a local pilot to navigate foreign vessels across the bar at Tamsui harbor. Though the records left by these two captains of British surveying vessels do not document their own use of such local seamen as pilots, reports from 32 View, Grandell, 1864 aboard H.M.S. Swallow; Hydrographic Office archives, "East Coast of Asia," Vol II, 5A, Page 25. 33 Although I have used the relevant remarks books from the Hydrographic Office archives for this , I have not yet examined the ship logs for British Admiralty vessels, as those records were housed at a separate depository. Based on my knowledge of American naval ship logs, it is possible that additional information may be found in this source. 13 other surveying expeditions do testify to such assistance. The incidence of employing local pilots is greatest for the Inflexible, perhaps because that British naval vessel circumnavigated the island of Taiwan (in 1858), while other Admiralty vessels were given the task of surveying only portions of the Formosan coast. Published reports and documents in the Hydrographic Office archives show that Commander Brooker or his crew used local fishermen as pilots to enter the ports at Anping (actually Lok-he-mung) and to cross the surf and enter the Kaleewan River on the northeast coast. Furthermore, the Inflexible relied on local fishermen for knowledge of the sandbanks off the west coast near Kok-si-kon and for safe passage into Sau-o Bay. When the Saracen surveyed Kok-si-kon in 1855, a local pilot was employed to guide entry into the inner harbor area. H.M.S. Dove's captain, G. Stanley, also hired a Taiwanese fisherman to gain access to the inner harbor at Takow in 1865. I suspect this is hardly a complete record of British reliance on local nautical knowledge during the period under study. When orders from the Admiralty included the investigation of inland regions, local guides often were deemed necessary. In his report on the coal fields in northern Taiwan, Lt. D.M. Gordon remarked on the use of "Chinamen" as guides. Village headmen near Lung- keaou Bay pointed out "Kwei-tsei-luh" settlements for crew of the Salamander who were surveying hill country at the southern tip of Formosa in 1851.34 Before Captain Brooker left Amoy in 1858, he hired a "Chinese messenger" who had previously traveled through towns and the countryside in southwest Taiwan to assist the Inflexible in locating possible news of Europeans held captive on the island.35 However, when Brooker and crew members, including Robert Swinhoe (his translator), explored the sulphur mines in northern Taiwan, the captain hired a local guide to lead the way. Documents also indicate that local informants were sources for other knowledge that found its way onto surveyors' charts or into their reports and sailing directions. Nearly all captains and commanders of these British surveying ships mention Chinese junks and their use (or disuse) of specific coastal ports. Many surveying reports mention the residences and activities of local fishermen (and in one case fisherwomen), and, as I noted above, some of these instances cite local fishermen as informants and/or as pilots. Chw. T. Brooker and some of his crew from the Inflexible visited a village near Pongli to interview a local strongman, "Bancheong," believed to have knowledge of European shipwrecks off the southwestern coast.36 E.W. Brooker, captain of the Sylvia, spoke with residents of Samasana Island in 1867 to expand his knowledge of that region, as well as previous encounters of the island's residents with European vessels. The draft charts and plans in the Hydrographic Office archives are filled with local placenames, and many of these charts and plans contain Chinese characters in addition to romanized versions of those names. However, we don't 34 "Salamander's Visit to Formosa," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 20 (October 1851): 525. 35 It is possible that this "messenger" was the Xiamen resident called "Urian" or "Oo-sian" who assisted with the recovery of the survivors of the Larpent shipwreck. For information on his journey to the Pescadores and Taiwan, see Urian, "Translation of a Report by Urian, Who was Sent to Formosa by the United States Consul at Amoy, to Search for Missing Europeans," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 28, i (January 1859): 9- 11. A record of that itinerary is also given in the Timeline section of my digital library, "Formosa: Nineteenth Century Images" (http://cdm.reed.edu/cdm4/formosa/). 36 This local strongman was Lin Wanzhang. See Brooker's report, "Journal of H.M.S. 'Inflexible' on a Visit to Formosa, in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 28, i (January 1859): 4-5. In 1851 Lin had assisted Captain Ellman of the Salamander by sending Lin Tsieh with the ship to explain its purposes to village headman in Lung-keaou Bay. See "Salamander's Visit to Formosa," p. 524. 14 know who provided this linguistic expertise nor at what stage in the drafting process these additions were made.37 The most likely sources for this local geographical knowledge are local residents, village headmen, or guides hired by ship captains. Officers of British naval vessels did communicate with British consular officials whenever they stopped in Hong Kong or docked at designated treaty ports in Taiwan and south China. In some instances, they also conferred with Qing officials on Taiwan. It is possible that some of this linguistic expertise was provided by these officials or by translators on their staffs. European traders in the region were another source for some knowledge of Formosan geographical data and hydrographic information, even prior to 1860, when designated ports on Taiwan were opened for international trade. Chw. T. Brooker's reports of the Inflexible's expedition mention discussions with a Mr. Rooney,38 who had placed a receiving ship inside Takow harbor to store goods he was importing and exporting from that harbor. From these reports, it is clear that Brooker relied on Rooney for knowledge of the course of the Tamsui River, and Chinese towns along that river in northern Taiwan, as well as for the location of a safe harbor near South Cape, which the Inflexible later used.39 If one systematically analyzed the letters of ship captains and surveyors, as well as all of the official and private communications of consular officials and commanders of the British naval station at Hong Kong, additional information on non-Chinese sources for hydrographic or geographic knowledge of Taiwan would, no doubt, appear. V. Reporting results Based on the materials that I have examined,40 the standard practice of reporting survey results to the British Admiralty consisted of filing three types of materials: a. the original official report of the survey expedition (OD series in the Hydrographic Office archives), separated into discrete geographical segments. b. the draft charts, plans and views produced by the surveyor and his assistants, which were sometimes supplemented by a chart of the track made by the surveying ship. c. the ship commander's remark book.41 In addition, commanders of surveying expeditions often wrote letters to their superior officers in the Admiralty. This latter type of document dealt primarily with miscellaneous 37 Some place names do evoke an earlier era of European cartography and show the influence of Dutch names for Taiwan places. 38 In Alexander Christie's memoir of his travels in East Asia, he calls Rooney an Irish-American. See A Cruise in an Opium Clipper (London: Chapman and Hall, 1891), p. 52. 39 Brooker, 1859: 4; "Remarks on the South & Eastern Coasts of Taiwan or Formosa, Made during the Visit of H.M.S. Inflexible, Commander Brooker, in Search of Missing Europeans," p. 54; Hydrographic Office archives, M 13 / 15; "Tracing shewing [sic] the additions and alterations." 40 My analysis is incomplete for the first two decades of these activities, as early surveys were conducted by surveyors of the British East India Company and most of those records are located in the British Library. 41 Alexander Dalrymple was instrumental in establishing remark books as a record kept by all H.M. ships as early as 1804. See Ritchie, The Admiralty Chart, p. 93. 15 and/or mundane matters. None of the letters I examined contained any substantive information regarding the content of the hydrographic survey activities conducted in Taiwan.42 It often took three to seven months for these original survey materials to be sent from survey ships to the Hydrographic Office in England.43 It is uncertain when these original charts and plans were drafted by official surveyors, though it is likely that they were completed not long after the detailed data (soundings, bearings, coastline terrain, etc.) had been collected. In the case of William Blackney of the Inflexible survey expedition, because he was loaned from another surveying vessel, it is possible that some of the final drafting of his charts and plans were carried out after he had returned to his mother ship. This interim delay may have occurred also in the production of landfall views, in particular views painted with watercolors. Once these original documents had been received by the Hydrographic Office, they were indexed and filed for use in preparing sailing directions and official Admiralty charts. The indexing of remark books and the preparing of sailing directions was initiated by W.E. Parry, who succeeded Thomas Hurd as Admiralty Hydrographer in 1823 and remained in that position till 1829. Already in 1809, Hurd, Parry's predecessor, had established the dissemination of chart boxes to vessels of the British Admiralty, as well as the system by which those boxes would be returned, inspected and replenished with new or additional charts whenever ships changed their official naval stations.44 However, a considerable amount of time might lapse between the receipt of original survey reports and hydrographic documents and the subsequent dissemination of a new or revised Admiralty chart or harbor plan to the Admiralty's fleet of ships.45 In the meantime, when nautical dangers along prominent shipping lanes were significant, warnings to mariners were often issued in the relevant regional journals, such as the Hongkong Register. It would appear that the networks involved in the reporting of survey results were rather circumscribed. Commanders and crew of British surveying vessels may have reported some of their results to the commander of the naval station to which they were attached. Subsequently their draft charts, plans, views, and remark books would have been transferred to the Hydrographic Office of the British Admiralty within a few months. Perhaps this transfer process involved an additional British navel vessel, in particular when surveying ships were dispatched to a new maritime region. However, in most instances, it is unlikely that the substance of their surveying results would have been shared with anyone outside of official channels. 42 I examined letters written by Beechey, Collinson, Belcher, Gordon, Richards, Brooker and Wilds, each for the years of their respective surveys of Taiwan. None of these letters contained substantive information regarding the surveys or encounters with Euroamericans or Chinese along the way. I suspect that more useful information will be found in ship logs and other official communication contained in the British National Archives, which I have not yet examined. 43 This dating is based on a comparison of the dates of surveying activities and the date of receipt by the Hydrographic Office, stamped on draft charts, plans and views in the Hydrographic Office archives. 44 See Ritchie, The Admiralty chart, p. 159 and p. 98, respectively for these two innovations and their dates. 45 For example, while the surveys of Collinson and Gordon had been conducted in 1844-45 and 1846, respectively, the first official Admiralty chart of the island of Formosa and the Pescadores was not published until April 1850. See Admiralty Chart No. 1968, "Formosa Island, the North and East Coasts." 16  However, ship captains did share some of their draft charts or surveying knowledge with private ships owned by British merchants or vessels owned and commanded by other European or American nationals. An oblique reference in one British naval captain's travel report suggests such sharing may have been practiced, if only infrequently: At daylight proceeded up the river under steam, and with the help of a tracing of Capt. Bate's survey, which he was good enough to give me before we left Hong-Kong, found no difficulty, although it is evident that the shoal south of the entrance of the river has extended considerably since the survey was made.46 Testimony from Robert Swinhoe, when he was serving as British consul stationed in southern Taiwan at Takow, confirms that tracings of original charts and harbor plans were shared by commanders of surveying vessels with British diplomatic personnel. Mr. Stanley, commanding the Dove, has kindly given me a tracing of the Takow chart for my office, and Mr. Wilds has promised me similar tracings of the south and north coast, and Formosa Channel. The chart of Takow is an excellent piece of work, and shows that no labour has been spared to ensure its correctness. It comprises, besides the harbour, the approach from the sea.47 VI. Publishing official charts and plans The work of integrating new hydrographic data received from surveying vessels in order to compile official sailing directions and Admiralty charts was conducted by staff in the Hydrographic Office in England. Their compilations might appear in a variety of formats: 1. official Admiralty charts and harbor plans. 2. sailing directions and related nautical information, published in the India Directory, the China pilot (and later, the China directory). 3. warnings to mariners, and sailing directions published in journals subsidized by the Admiralty, such as the Hongkong Register and The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle.48 In addition to these official publications, ship captains, official surveyors and sometimes other members of a vessel's crew did publish travel reports in journals or magazines, some of which were published in Hong Kong or in the treaty ports in China. Much later in time, some individuals responsible for these surveying activities also published memoirs of their naval career, in which revised versions of their travel reports and hydrographic charts or harbor plans might be included. 46 Commander P. Cracroft, "Notes on a Voyage to China in Her Majesty's Late Screw Steamer Reynard," Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 21, x (Oct 1852): 520. 47 Robert Swinhoe, "Additional Notes on Formosa, "Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London 10 (1866): 128. 48 The Nautical Magazine, subsidized by the Admiralty and the Mercantile Marine Fund, was first published in 1832 under the direction of the Admiralty's hydrographer. It initially served to disseminate "Notices to mariners," but later this work was taken over by the official publications of the Hydrographic Office. See Ritchie, 1967, p. 193. 17  In order to see how this process worked in the case of the early surveys of Formosan waters, let me use the expedition carried out in 1858 by H.M.S. Inflexible, commanded by Captain Chw. T. Brooker, as an example. Taiwan and the southern Pescadores Islands were only a small part of the Inflexible's larger surveying expedition, but the Inflexible was also the only Admiralty vessel to circumnavigate and survey the entire coastline of Taiwan prior to 1867. On the other hand, less than one month was allotted for this complex survey work: from 8 June to 1 July 1858. Although the ostensible purpose behind the Inflexible's visit to Taiwan was to search for European captives rumored to be working in the island's sulphur mines, Captain Brooker specifically borrowed an official surveyor, William Blackney, from H.M.S. Actaeon before he left Amoy. Thus, surveying activities were intended as part of the Inflexible's mission from the very beginning. Several original documents were compiled by the captain and crew of the Inflexible on this expedition: 1. Brooker's remark book: "Remarks on the South & Eastern Coasts of Taiwan or Formosa, Made during the Visit of H.M.S. Inflexible, Commander Brooker, in Search of Missing Europeans." 2. a "Tracing Shewing [sic] the Additions and Alterations Made to the Chart of Formosa during the Cruise of H.M.S. Inflexible." 3. draft harbor plans of Kelung harbour and Sau-o Bay, both in two, slightly different versions. 4. landfall views, sketched by William Blackney. All of these items were received by the Hydrographic Office by 22 November 1858, though some materials had arrived nearly two months earlier. Within a year, reports of the visit were published by Captain Brooker, William Blackney (the surveyor) and Robert Swinhoe (the ship's interpreter). Brooker's "Observations on Taï-wan or Formoza" and "Journal of H.M.S. 'Inflexible' on a Visit to Formosa, in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen" appeared in the Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, while Blackney's less detailed report was published in The Mercantile Marine Magazine and Nautical Record. Both of these publications were closely affiliated with the Hydrographic Office. Swinhoe's "Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa" was the exception, for it was published in China by the treaty-port magazine, Journal of the North- China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Considered together, this publishing record indicates that early results of the survey of Taiwan's coastline and selected harbors reached an audience beyond the narrow maritime network of British naval officers and captains of British merchant vessels to include their non-British counterparts in the American, French and (perhaps) German naval and merchant communities. Furthermore, Swinhoe's article made details of the surveying mission available to a broader public, after Swinhoe had reported in person to that branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in Shanghai. Consular staff from the European and American nations with consulates in China also read at least some of these published reports from the Inflexible's Formosan survey. Official Hydrographic Office publications that incorporated the survey data from the Inflexible's 1858 visit to Taiwan were disseminated somewhat later. Surprisingly, none of the Admiralty Charts or harbor plans specifically cite the Inflexible or Capt. Chw. T. Brooker as 18 its source for hydrographic data, whether it be information regarding the harbors of Kelung, the bay of Sau-o or the coastline surrounding the island. Perhaps this can be explained by the relative compression in the interval between the Inflexible's mission and subsequent British surveys, or by the dates on which charts and harbor plans for this region in East Asia were disseminated relative to these various surveys.49 The one official source that does specifically cite hydrographic information from the Inflexible's survey is the third edition of The China pilot of 1861, yet Blackney is the only person from the crew cited by name in this work.50 If each hydrographic survey impacted the production of Admiralty charts and publications in different ways, the importance of these individual surveys upon the work of subsequent hydrographic investigations cannot be denied. Early in the history of British surveying in Formosan waters, Belcher, commander of the Samarang, which visited Botel Tobago in 1843 and 1845, cited the data collected by Daniel Ross in 1817. Thereafter, nearly every captain cited the surveys of their immediate predecessor. Collinson referred to Horsburgh's chart and directory; Chw. T. Brooker cited Richards' longitude readings, plans, charts and surveys; Stanley, captain of the Dove, referenced previous charts of the west coast of Taiwan in his reports; Charles Bullock compared his surveys with extant charts of the Formosa Channel and Sau-o harbor; and E.W. Brooker, captain of the Sylvia, cited D.M. Gordon's surveys of the northern coastline and of Tamsui harbor. It is impossible to tell whether each of these ship captains was using tracings from original charts and plans drafted by their predecessors or whether their chart boxes had been replenished with newly published versions of Admiralty Charts. However, such reference to specific surveyor, combined with the existence in Hydrographic Office archives of published charts with penned in corrections, associated with individual survey missions, suggests that published charts and tracings of original drafts were available during official survey missions. Because compilers of published charts often reduced the detail of information originally collected by surveyors and their assistants, survey vessel commanders and their crews needed the more complex hydrographic data found in those original materials. Thus, the intercommunication between various survey missions tended to be intensive and never limited to the data collected by a survey ship's most recent predecessor. VII. The reach of this new knowledge According to data collected from various primary documents, at least forty-six foreign vessels were recorded to have wrecked in the seas surrounding Taiwan or the Pescadores between 1842 and 1869;51 though the actual number of foreign shipwrecks surely exceeded 49 In addition, I have not yet found an original copy of the first edition of Admiralty Chart No. 2376, "China Sea -- Harbours in Formosa," which is cited in The China Pilot, 3rd edition. This chart contained a plan of Sau-o Bay, and hydrographic information for that plan had to come either from Collinson and the Plover (1845) or from the visit of the Inflexible (1858). 50 The China Pilot. The Coasts of China, Korea, and Tartary; the Sea of Japan, Gulfs of Tartary and Amur, and Sea of Okhotsk; Babyan, Bashi, Formosa, Meiaco-sima, Lu-chu, Ladrones, Bonin, Japan, Saghalin, and Kuril Islands, compiled from various sources by John W. King, Master, R.N., Third edition (London: Hydrographic Office, Admiralty, 1861). Blackney's surveying activities in Formosan waters is cited on pages 279, 280, 282, and 292. 51 Most of the shipwreck data I have compiled can be accessed via a keyword search (using "wreck" in the Event field) on the Timeline function of my digital library, "Formosa: Nineteenth Century Images." I am aware that Tang Xiyong (湯熙勇) and his collaborators have compiled a more extensive database of shipwrecks in this region of East Asia, both for the nineteenth century and for earlier periods in Taiwan's maritime history. However, I did not have access to that database when writing this article. 19 this amount. In 1868, a total of 111 foreign vessels (the majority of which were British ships) arrived and departed Tamsui and Kelung harbors, and during the same year, 131 foreign vessels (primarily North-German ships) entered the ports of Takow and Anping, while only 125 departed in that same period.52 Surely this volume of trade and such high incidence of maritime disaster in Formosan waters was sufficient reason in diplomatic and commercial circles for conducting rapid and extensive hydrographic surveys in this maritime region of East Asia. However, that begs the question of how useful these British surveys of Formosan waters were to mariners sailing (or steaming) in the region. Admiralty charts went on sale to merchant fleets in 1823,53 so availability of these published results to ship captains and other consumers in East Asia was only limited by factors related to the publishing enterprise: cost of the charts, the printing run and in-stock supply of any chart, as well as the ease of access to Admiralty publications so far from its headquarters in England.54 Unfortunately, few merchant ship captains published journals of their maritime travels, and of those who did, few mentioned cartographic aids related to Taiwan or the Pescadores. It is from other, more official sources that I have obtained some references to these hydrographic materials related to Formosa. When Ferdinand von Richthofen visited Tamsui briefly in 1860 as part of the Prussian expedition to East Asia, he cited "the English marine charts of the island and the separate chart of Tamsui harbor" when describing the northwest coast of Taiwan.55 If this confirms my general assumption that European navies were careful to acquire current hydrographic survey data from rival nations, it doesn't tell us whether captains of "North- German" vessels sailing into Taiwan's ports used the same English marine charts. Though Robert Swinhoe had access to the more recent Admiralty chart of Sawo (Sau-o) Bay when he visited that harbor in May of 1865, his testimony merely demonstrates the sharing of information between diplomatic and naval divisions of the British government.56 A more detailed, yet also institutionally close, set of anecdotes comes from P. Cracroft, the commander of H.M.S. Reynard, which sailed from Great Britain to China in 1850, visiting only Killon (Kelung) in Formosan waters in early May of that year. Interested in purchasing coal from the port, Cracroft had prepared for the visit by reading three different sources of information on Kelung's coal resources: 1. a memo from Chin-Siensang, a Chinese trader; this item was furnished by the British consul at Amoy. 52 This data comes from the relevant trade reports for this year, Reports on trade at the treaty ports in China for the year 1868 (Shanghai: Customs' Press, 1869). 53 Ritchie, 1967, p. 189. 54 At present, I lack specific information on each of these three factors for the time period and specific region covered by this . 55 Ferdinand von Richthofen, "Ueber den Gebirgsbau an der Nordküste von Formosa" [On the Geological Composition of Formosa's North Coast], Zeitschrift der Deutschen geologischen Gesellschaft 2 (1860): 533; English translation by Tina Schneider available at "Formosa: Nineteenth Century Images," http://cdm.reed.edu/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/formosa&CISOPTR=733&REC=2, accessed 1 May 2014. 56 Robert Swinhoe, "Additional notes on Formosa," p. 123. 20  2. Martin Montgomery's book on China: China; Political, Commercial, and Social; in an Official Report to Her Majesty's Government (London: J. Madden, 1847), Vol 1, p. 27. 3. Lieut. [David MacDougal] Gordon's report on the coal field: "Observations on Coal in the N.E. Part of the Island of Formosa," Journal of the Royal Geographic Society of London 19 (1849): 22-25. Only the last item on this list was the product of official British hydrographic surveys. Gordon had examined the coal mines near Kelung in late September or early October 1846, when the Royalist remained in the harbor for twenty days. In other sections of "Notes of a Voyage to China," Cracroft provides additional information on his sources for cartographic information necessary for sailing in Chinese waters. If these notes do not relate directly to Formosan coasts, harbors or coastal seas, they do hint at the importance of Admiralty charts, plans and sailing directions relative to other sources. When navigating the Min River in Fujian in his steamship, prior to visiting Kelung, Cracroft revealed two of his most important sources: 1. "The Chinaman I have on board as a spy or informer, was once taken prisoner and detained here several weeks."57 2. "At daylight proceeded up the river under steam, and with the help of a tracing of Capt. Bate's survey, which he was good enough to give me before we left Hong- Kong, found no difficulty, although it is evident that the shoal south of the entrance of the river has extended considerably since the survey was made."58 Like any experienced ship captain, Cracroft was aware of the need to compare received information (whether it be the personal experience of a Chinese informant or the most recent chart completed by a British surveying ship) with actual conditions on site. On the other hand, Cracroft concluded that these received sources were essential when to navigating in Chinese waters. However, in the very same passage where he praised this official British work, Cracroft also revealed additional, private sources for his hydrographic knowledge: How thankful every navigator of these seas ought to feel to Captain Collinson for his invaluable charts; the two dollars I invested in my copy of these rocks and dangers were amply repaid me last night. I shall take this opportunity of noting that all the charts of this coast by which the ship has been navigated since December, were either purchased by myself or were tracings of manuscript copies kindly lent us by the captains of opium ships.59 It is impossible to tell whether opium ship captains were drafting their own charts or merely sharing tracings from Admiralty charts that had come into their possession. Cracroft's record does suggest that the production of cartographic knowledge was a collaborative enterprise, not monopolized by the British Admiralty. 57 P. Cracroft, "Notes on a voyage to China," p. 520. 58 Ibid. 59 P. Cracroft, "Notes on a voyage to China," pp. 574-575. 21 VIII. Conclusions In the mid-1880s and later in the century, obtaining a set of British Admiralty charts of the coastlines, harbors, and seas in China and Formosa would not have been difficult. Among those charts and harbor plans, one would have found five maps devoted specifically to Formosan waters: a chart of the Pescadores Islands; a large-format chart of Formosa Island and the Formosa Strait; a set of harbor plans that included maps of Tamsui, Sau-o Bay, Port Kok-si-kon, and Port Ta-kau-kon; a chart specifically devoted to the west coast of Formosa and the Pescadores Channel, and a harbor plan of Kelung.60 With the exception of one harbor plan in this set (i.e., the map of Tamsui), all of the charts and plans and their inset landfall views were based primarily on the Admiralty surveys conducted prior to 1868. Thus, nineteenth-century British hydrographic knowledge concerning Formosa and the Pescadores was a product of the surveying activities analyzed in this article. As the thumbnail of the 1886 edition of the map of Formosa Island and the Pescadores (Admiralty Chart No. 196861) shown in Image 1 above indicates, this hydrographic knowledge consisted of a general outline of the coast of Formosa and the neighboring islands, the names (romanized) and locations of a substantive number of coastal towns and ports, altitudes and locations for the major mountains visible from the sea and altitudes and locations for prominent coastal hills, brief and scattered information on currents, and an intensity of sounding measurements for the northern and western coast of Formosa and the Pescadores. Regional charts of the Pescadores Islands and the west coast amplify the cartographic scale while adding more detail on coastal terrain and inland shoaling, and greater intensity of water depth measurements along the shores and among the islands of the Pescadores Archipelago. Harbor plans in this set are even larger in scale, and the detail on port facilities, sandbars, beacons and buoys, potential anchorages, and water depths is much greater. Landfall views, small in scale and often relegated to the peripheries of maps, are included on both charts and harbor plans. This comprises the content of the hydrographic knowledge of Formosa and the Pescadores represented in the Admiralty's published charts by 1868. However, this data was not the extent of the hydrographic knowledge of this region produced by British naval surveys prior to 1868. There were many draft charts, harbor plans, and landfall views in the Hydrographic Office files that were not reproduced in all of their complexity when this data was incorporated into published Admiralty charts. For example, while the published chart of the west coast of Formosa was one rectangular map, draft charts from on-site surveys divided that coast into three separate segments, and the detail of each 60 These are, respectively, Admiralty Charts 1961, 1968, 2376, 2409 and 2618. The set that I have used contains many more maps of China's coasts, rivers, harbors, and seas. Today it is part of the collection at Cornell University, and it appears to have been produced as an atlas of hydrographic maps when it was published in the late 1880s. 61 Complete bibliographical data for this map includes the following: Admiralty Chart No. 1968, "Formosa Id. and Strait," compiled from the surveys of Captains Henry Kellett & R. Collinson, R.N., Lieut. M. Gordon, R.N., J. Richards, E. Wilds and G. Stanley, Masters, R.N., 1867; additions by Commd. Brooker, R.N. 1868; magnetic variation in 1883; additions to the topography of Formosa from a map compiled by Gen. Chs. W. Le Gendre, U.S. Consul, Amoy & Formosa, 1870. Annotations at the bottom of the map include: "London. Published at the Admiralty Augt. 15th 1867 under the superintendence of Captain G.H. Richards, R.N. F.R.S. Hydrographer. Large corrections Feby. 1873, July '81, June 1886." Given these dates, it had to be published in 1886 or after that date. 22 was greater than the whole of the published chart, "West Coast of Formosa and Pescadores Channel," of 1869.62 Harbor plans drafted by the surveyors and crew of the Serpent in 1866 and the Sylvia in 1867 were far more detailed in their water depth soundings and coastline terrain than the published plans of Tamsui harbor, Kelung harbor, and Sau-o Bay. Landfall views drawn by crew members of the Swallow and the Sylvia were far greater in number than those found on the published charts and plans, and the aesthetic beauty of watercolor views was never reproduced in the printed Admiralty charts. Sailing directions included in the various new editions of The China pilot were often updated, but anyone who has compared different editions of that maritime manual is reminded of the repetition found in respective editions of Chinese gazetteers for the same district or prefecture. The new details on coasts, harbors, islands, rocks and reefs, and channels included in captains' remark books were never fully incorporated in revised editions of The China pilot. When considered as a whole body of knowledge (i.e., both draft data and published charts, plans and views), British Admiralty hydrographic mappings of Formosa and the Pescadores were limited in both scope and content. Only a small number of Taiwan's ports were included in the harbor plans -- primarily the ports opened by the Treaty of Tianjin and those ports deemed more suitable for European and American sailing vessels and steamships. On the other hand, Sau-o never became a prominent port of call for Euroamerican ships in the nineteenth century. Furthermore, Kok-si-kon had silted in as early as 1858, when the crew of the Inflexible noticed that Chinese junks had shifted from that port to Lok-he-mung, further south towards Anping. And of the four ports formally opened to foreign trade after 1860, Anping (often called the "roadstead off Taiwanfu") was never privileged with its own harbor plan in published Admiralty charts. Furthermore, given the constant attention to the locations of Chinese trading junks in captains' remark books and original documents, as well as the attention given to sea-going junks entering and leaving the harbors cited in the annual trade reports of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, there is a surprising lack of hydrographic knowledge relevant to the junk trade across the Formosa Strait and along the coast of Taiwan. There are more limits to this British hydrographic knowledge. Landfall views on Admiralty charts were seldom updated. If a ship captain encountered the coastline in a path that exactly replicated the course of the ship whose crew member drew the landfall view, it is possible that this visual data would help the captain find a "hidden" harbor. However, landfall silhouettes of the same coast or harbor entrance are multiple when viewed from different angles. This fact explains the various views of the southern tip of Taiwan, taken from different perspectives, that one can find in the Hydrographic Office archives. Other significant variations involve the silting in of island harbors, the shifting locations of sandbars across harbor entrances, and the changes in shoaling along coastlines, especially on the western coast of Taiwan. If corrections and alterations were made by successive British naval surveys, not all of this detail was incorporated into the published Admiralty charts. What role did British seamen, cartographers and bureaucrats play in generating and sustaining a new imperial imaginary of China, as posited by James Hevia?63 Did this British 62 The British Library contains this edition, published in 1869, based on data collected by Collinson (1844), Richards (1855), Wilds (1865) and E.W. Brooker (1867) and others not cited. The geographical parameters of Admiralty Chart 2409 did change over time between its first printing in 1855 and the final chart of the mid- 1880s; the earliest chart contained only the coastline from "Port Kok-si-kon to Ta-kau-kon." 63 Hevia, English Lessons, p. 127. 23 hydrographic knowledge production create a new understanding of Formosa, the Pescadores and the neighboring channels and seas? In one sense it did. For an armchair audience outside the region, and a readership who knew little about Formosa's existence, a careful reading of relevant sections of the 1874 edition of The China pilot together with thoughtful analysis of all the published Admiralty charts would enable a new, though limited apprehension of Formosa. For the ship captain with ample maritime experience in the waters surrounding Formosa and the Pescadores, this hydrographic knowledge was only one part of a greater understanding of seas, harbors, currents, junks, pirates, winds, typhoons, etc. in the region. For foreign diplomatic personnel in the region or their superiors in Great Britain, these charts and plans contributed to the on-going production of a larger picture of the island, its geography (physical and human), its resources and trade potential, and (on occasion) its strategic importance to British interests in East Asia. However, when any local crisis erupted (such as the Rover shipwreck of 1867 or the bombardment of Anping in 186864), this body of knowledge was suddenly insufficient. Furthermore, a comparison of the romanized place names employed on the draft and published cartographic materials reveals the limitations of order and standardization attributed to this data. Finally, the degree to which this hydrographic knowledge was produced independent of non-British sources is a matter more difficult to determine. Non-British maps contained in the Hydrographic Office archives and place names contained in the earlier charts show that British hydrographic charts were composed on a foundation created by earlier European cartographers, in particular the Dutch. American and French maps were also acknowledged in the textual and cartographic materials produced by British mapmakers. The very brief references to specific surveying practices that I have culled from the textual and visual sources infers that ship surveyors and their assistants did all of their work independent of local assistance. On the other hand, my research has shown that local guides were employed to investigate coal mines, pilots were hired to enter harbors, and fishermen and junk captains provided valuable information about safe anchorages and nautical dangers. Some ships, such as the Inflexible, carried Chinese interpreters who had previously visited the island. Chinese officials and non-British mariners also provided information essential to some surveying missions. What is yet impossible for me to determine is just how often a local villager or fisherman assisted the surveyor and his assistants as they marked out distances along the coast or plumbed reefs, rocks and shoals in coastal waters or harbors. We can document instances of local input, but the nature of the sources -- British documents that did not respect the contributions of local informants enough to consistently note their input, and the lack of relevant Chinese-language records -- limits my ability to specify precisely the degree of local input. Anecdotal data found in mariners' published reports suggests that British hydrographic knowledge was not entirely British in its construction.65 64 For information on both events, see Charles Le Gendre, Notes of travel in Formosa, Douglas Fix and John Shufelt, eds. (Tainan: National Museum of Taiwan History, 2012), pp. 149-155, and Chapter 15. 65 I wish to thank Philip Brown for suggesting a more accurate description of this limitation of source materials. 24 Appendix 1: Place name glossary Amoy 門 An-ping 安 Ang-hay-kang 紅蝦港 Ape Hill, Apes Hill, Ape's Hill 猴山 Ar-con-tien 阿公店 Baliau 麥寮 Black Rock Bay 烏岸灣 Botel Tobago 紅頭嶼 Bush Island 桶盤嶼 Che-tong-ka 莿桐腳 Chekodai Bay 擢 黎灣 Cheung Cong Kai 中港溪 Chim-hong-o Bay 蟳廣澳灣 Chin-mo [鼻頭角附近的海灣] Chock-e-day 擢 黎 Chockeday Bay 擢 黎灣 Cock-Si-Con 國聖港 Dome Peak 鼻頭山 Dome Point 鼻頭角 Double Peak 都蘭山 Double Rock 燭臺嶼 Foki Point 富貴角 Formosa Banks 福爾摩沙淺灘 Formosa Channel 臺灣海峽 Fort Zelandia 熱蘭遮城 Gadd's Rock (Cumbrian Reef) [紅頭嶼附近的暗礁] Gilim Bay 林灣 Goche 棲 Gooswa Promontory 龜山角 Haw-be 滬尾 Hong-swa 鳳山 Houng-mo Keng 紅毛港 Joss Islet [鹿耳門附近的小島] Kakaou 位置在馬沙溝附近，無法辨識 Kaleewan River 加禮宛河 Ke-ta-kan 叭連港 Kelung 雞籠 Kelung Bay 雞籠灣 Kelung harbour 雞籠港 Kelung Island 雞籠嶼 Killon harbour 雞籠港 Kilung harbour 雞籠港 Kilung Island 雞籠嶼 Kobien 高美 Kok-si-kon 國聖港 Kwa-leang Bay 鵝鑾灣 Kwei-tsei-luh 龜仔角 Lamay Island 小琉球島 Lambay Island 小琉球島 Liang-kiow 琅� Lo-kiang 鹿港 25 Lok-he-mung 鹿耳門 Lung-keaou Bay 琅�灣 Ma-soo Bay 馬鋉灣 Macedonian Mound 中山仔島 Makung 馬公 Masoo Peninsula 馬鋉半島 Monkiang 蚊港 Mow-lung-sui 後壟水 North Point 方澳 Nam-cam-sui 南崁水 Northeast Point 貂角 Palm Island 社寮島 Panghu 澎湖 Petow 鼻頭角 Paw-teh-chui 袋嘴 Pe-ta-oa Bay [桶盤嶼附近的海灣] Pescadores Islands 澎湖群島 Pong-li 枋寮 Pong-lieu 枋寮 Port Heong-san 香山港 Quang-wa 番挖 Reef Island 中山仔島 Samasana 火燒島 Saracen's Head 沙拉心頭 Sau-o 蘇澳 Sau-o Bay 蘇澳灣 Sawo Bay 蘇澳灣 Sei-kiang 西港 Single Peak [竹塹附近] So-a-ou 蘇澳 So-co Hill [國聖港附近] South Cape 南岬 Steep Island 龜山島 Southwest Point 南西岬 Takau 打狗 Ta-kau-kon, Takau-kon 打狗港 Ta-kow-con 打狗港 Table Hill [竹塹附近的丘陵] Tai-wan-foo, Taiwanfu 臺灣府 Taiwan 臺灣 Takow 打狗 Tamsui 淡水 Tamsui harbour 淡水港 Tamsui River 淡水河 Tang-kang River 東港溪 Tayowan Fu-sia 臺灣府城 Teuck-cham 竹塹 Tongsiau 吞霄 Toti Kiang 無法辨識，位置在 里溪出海口，應為 裡港 Twa-si-mui-oa [臺灣府城內海] Tyan Kiang 大安港 Tyka 大 Ung-lo 鳳 山 26 Un pene 安 Vele Rete Rocks 七星岩 Wanckan 魍港 Wanckan Reef 魍港暗礁 Wani 苑裡 West Point [國聖港北邊的山丘] Whale's Back 半屏山 27 Appendix 2: Territory Covered in British Hydrographic Plans, Charts, & Views, 1827- 1868 28 Sources Cited: Primary Documents Admiralty Chart No. 1968, "Formosa Island, the North and East Coasts." From surveys and sketches by Captn. R. Collinson and Lieutt. M. Gordon, R.N.,1845. 1850. Admiralty Chart No. 1968, "Formosa Id. and Strait." Compiled from the surveys of Captains Henry Kellett & R. Collinson, R.N., Lieut. M. Gordon, R.N., J. Richards, E. Wilds and G. Stanley, Masters, R.N. 1886. Admiralty Chart No. 2376, "China Sea -- Harbours in Formosa." 1868. Admiralty Chart No. 2409, "China. West Coast of Formosa and Pescadores Channel." 1869. Anon. 1851. "Salamander's Visit to Formosa." The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 20: 520-525. Beechey, F.W., Capt. "Rough Plan of Botel Tobago Xima." Hydrographic Archives, E777 Shelf Pacific folio 1. Beechey, Frederick William. 1831. Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Bearing's Strait, to Co-operate with the Polar Expeditions: Performed in His Majesty's Ship Blossom, under the Command of Captain F.W. Beechey . . . in the Years 1825, 26, 27, 28. Published by the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. 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(Comments, paraphrased, as part of the discussion of Robert Swinhoe's paper, "Notes on the Island of Formosa," presented to the third meeting, 14 December 1863). Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London 8: 25- 28. Cracroft, P., Commander. 1852. "Notes on a Voyage to China in Her Majesty's Late Screw Steamer Reynard." Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 21.10 (October): 519- 527; 21.11 (November): 572-580. "Diagram of Ta-kau-kon Formosa." Hydrographic Office archives, DS8807 Folio 17. Gordon, [David MacDougal]. Lieut. 1849. "Observations on Coal in the N.E. part of the Island of Formosa." Journal of the Royal Geographic Society of London 19: 22-25. Grandell, F.B., aboard H.M.S. Swallow. 1864. "Ape Hill N. 10 E. 1.7 mls." Hydrographic Office archives, "East Coast of Asia," Vol II, 5A, p. 25. Horsburgh, James. 1836. The India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Brazil, and the Interjacent Ports. 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New York: Guilford Press. 31  繪製福爾摩沙海域：英國海軍對臺灣港口 海域之測量，1817-1867 費德 瑞德學院 66 中文摘要 1817-1867 間，英國東印度公司和英國海軍的軍官和水手，在臺灣沿海及澎 湖海域進行了數次測量工作 些調查 產生與建構的知識 例如海圖 港口 圖 航行指南等 都被傳送至英國海軍部的海洋局，讓 職員編目並作 交叉引用表 摘 要 索引等工 隨後，海洋局製圖人員再檢索 儲的知識，以繪製一系列的官方地 圖，使臺灣海洋空間轉 為一系列海軍地圖 的 坦表面 隨著時間的推移， 些圖 表資料即 為試圖航行臺灣水域的外國船長 商人 探險家和領 人員等 使用的標 準權威了 以此測量活動作為個案研究，試圖檢驗英國外勤職員在製作清帝國人民和領 土的綜合知識 扮演的角色 亦欲探討建構臺灣海洋空間基本知識的英國測量師 藝術家和製圖家的調查對象與方法 同時，並探測 當地漁民，領港員，水手， 及官員等 提供的知識，對英國外勤人員，在製造圖表資料內容 有何影響 最後， 也試圖分析地方層面的信息傳 給在英國 運算中心 的模式和網絡，而在 處又 如何被容於大英帝國更大的綜合認識體內 本文 使用的資料包括：英國海洋局檔案館 藏之海圖 港口 圖 測量圖 登陸 面圖及補充文 資料，海洋局 出版有關臺灣 澎湖海域的海圖，在 印度指 南 1836 及 中國航海指南 1855，1861，1864 公佈的航海訊息，以及 英國測量船的船長與水手 著的各種出版物 關鍵詞：海 測量，海域測量，英國海軍部，製圖學，測量 66 費德 ，歷史系教授，瑞德學院，破特蘭 ，美國 32