(PDF) Countering violent extremism: developing an evidence-base for policy and practice

COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM: Developing an evidence-base for policy and practice EDITED BY SARA ZEIGER & ANNE ALY ISSN: 2205-7013 CHAPTER 13 The Evolving Identities of Former Child Soldiers in Colombia Ines Marchand, Agape for Colombia Myriam Denov, McGill University KEYWORDS: child soldiers, Colombia, identity, reintegration For the last fifty years, Colombia has suffered the effects of violent guerrilla warfare, making it Latin America’s longest running armed conflict. Inequality and injustice in the appropriation of land ownership and other economic resources are said to be important factors in the development and prolongation of the conflict. Drug trafficking and the lack of political and socio-economic opportunities are also key contribut- ing factors (Basta ya, 2012). In its study of Colombia’s armed conflict, the Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (National Centre for His- torical Memory) has identified four critical periods in the conflict’s evolution. The first period, from 1958 to 1982, marked the transition from bipartisan violence to subversive violence, alongside the proliferation of guerrilla groups. (Basta ya, 2012). The second period, between 1982 and 1996, saw the political projec- tion and military growth of the guerrillas, the emergence of paramilitary groups, as well the proliferation of conflict-related drug trafficking. This period also marked the creation of a new constitution in 1991, alongside several failed peace agreement attempts. The third period, from 1996 to 2005, was one of the bloodiest due to the growth and strengthening of the illegal armed groups and the radicalization of politi- cal views in favor of a military solution to the armed conflict. The fourth period, from 2005 to the present, has been marked by a resurgence of a strong military offensive on the part of the Colombian government military, significantly debilitating illegal armed groups. This period has also seen peace negotiations with FARC, which remain ongoing. At the early stages of Colombia’s armed conflict, there was very little evidence to suggest that children were used in hostilities. However, as the armed conflict has progressed, paramilitary and guerrilla groups began to adopt new recruitment strategies that included the mobilization of children. Due to the perceived benefits in using the young, vulnerable, and obedient, the recruitment of children became endemic in the 1990s. By 2003, Human Rights Watch (2003) estimated that there were at least 11,000 children recruited into armed groups in the country. Children are now said to compose 30% of all members of armed groups in Colombia, while over 60% of those in urban militias are believed to be children (Burgess, 2009). The challenges that children and youth face in the context of armed groups and armed violence are signifi- cant and undeniable, including multiple forms of physical, psychological and sexual violence, exploitation, deprivation and other gross human rights violations. These challenges do not abruptly end upon exiting an armed group, but instead change shape (Jones & Denov, 2015). The difficult and complex transition from a militarized life in an armed group to a civilian life has been well documented (Helmus & Glenn 2004; Marlowe, 2001). Given the extended periods of time that children and youth are often associated with an armed group, upon exiting, they are faced with the need to be reintegrated into norms and institu- EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 120 tions from which they had been isolated, often for years. To assist with child soldier reintegration, since 1999, the Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF) has provided assistance to former child soldiers (those under the age of 18) from all armed groups who have been captured by the Colombian army or have deserted and handed themselves in to the authorities. Known as the “Attention Program for Children and Adolescents”, a total of 4,811 children were assisted through this program between 1999 and 2011, of which 72% were boys and 28% were girls (Watchlist, 2012). For a child who has been demobilized from an armed group, the care aspect of ICBF programming involves support and protection. Family reunification is a priority. However, for security reasons it is not always possible for the child to return to his or her fam- ily of origin. Such children may be placed within an institutional or foster family setting. In these cases, the Attention Program focuses on psychosocial care, education, job training, and support for productive initiatives. When the child becomes an adult s/he may join the reintegration program for former adult combatants where s/he can continue to receive support, as needed. Given the challenges of reintegration post-demobilization, this paper traces the realities and experiences of 22 former Colombian child soldiers regarding their perspectives of reintegration, particularly as it re- lates to identity. Drawing on their own voices, this paper explores the process of identity construction in child soldiers both during and following their involvement in an armed group, exploring issues of identity transformation, gender, and reflections on reintegration and reconciliation. Methodology This study, funded by the Social Science and lated into English. All our respondents had been Humanities Research Council of Canada recruited by an armed group when they were un- (SSHRC), has examined the reintegration experi- der 18 (ranging between 8 and 16 years old) and ences of a group of demobilized youth who had had remained with the group for an extended pe- been associated with various armed groups during riod of time (ranging from 3 months to 8 years). the course of an armed conflict. A qualitative re- All 22 participants had been displaced from their search design was employed because it is particu- communities of origin, had received support from larly conducive to garnering young people’s direct ICBF and were living in an urban context. experiences of and perspectives on reintegration. A key aim of the fieldwork was to gain not only As with all self-report data, the interviews with an understanding of the youth’s experiences fol- participants were invariably affected by their will- lowing demobilization, but as well their reflections ingness to divulge personal information and expe- and interpretations of these experiences, as well as riences. The potential fear of stigmatization and their psychosocial effects. recrimination may have prevented some partici- pants from openly disclosing some of their experi- To explore participants’ experiences of reintegra- ences, while it may have led others to alter aspects tion, in 2010, the authors conducted semi-struc- of their stories. The potential flaws of self-disclo- tured interviews in Spanish with 22 respondents sure must therefore be taken into account when who had been formerly associated with an armed considering participants’ stories. Moreover, given group in Colombia — twelve male and ten female. the small sample size, the findings of the study can At the time of the interviews, all respondents were in no way be generalized to the larger population over 18 (ranging from 19-27 years) and living in of former child soldiers in Colombia. an urban context in the province of Quindio. The in-depth interviews were audio-recorded with per- mission and subsequently transcribed and trans- EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 121 Evolving Identities: The Making and construction and transformation among Colom- Unmaking of a Warrior bian former child soldiers, in the following section we highlight the voices and perspectives of our The notion of identity is vital to understanding study participants. In particular, we explore iden- the conflict and post-conflict realities of former tity as it relates to military recruitment or becom- child soldiers as they transition from civilian life ing a warrior, identity, war and gender, as well as to military life (as in the case of military recruit- identity construction following demobilization or ment), and then once again as they transition from becoming a civilian. military life to a civilian existence (during demo- bilization and reintegration). In this paper, we Militarized Identities: Becoming a Warrior refer to the concept of identity as it is presented in Colombia’s Attention Program. Identity is un- The day they took me and kept me, was very difficult be- derstood as “the versions or theories that we build cause … I began to cry, I was only twelve years old. … about ourselves in the conversations with others I missed my mother…but everything takes practice, and and in different cultural family or social contexts” one gets used to it … I got used to it and I forgot every- (“Support Modules,” 2007, p. 25). Accordingly, thing [about my past] (male child soldier, March 2010). the concept of identity is multidimensional: “it is possible to be a victim of the armed conflict, and Many of our participants were abducted by at the same time be a student, and a demobilized armed groups and coercively made to participate person.” (Support modules 1, 2007, p. 25). Iden- in armed conflict. Others, however, made the de- tity, therefore, changes and alters over time and cision to join. For participants who reported join- through diverse experiences and social realities. ing an armed group, several factors were reported In this sense, identity is not singular - most people as paramount in their decision to join. These in- learn to have multiple identities. One can be a cluded: conflict in their family of origin, lack of mother and a physician, or an athlete and a com- education and job opportunities, the presence munity leader. However, the identity that becomes of armed groups in the area, poverty and prom- prominent depends largely on the context (Wessels ises of financial rewards, a search for power, and 2006, p. 82). In addition, the relational aspect of self-worth. The glamour associated with armed identity is significant: identity is not “an essence, groups was also enticing. As this participant ex- an attribute or an intrinsic property of the subject, plained: but has a relational character and it emerges and is confirmed only in the confrontation with other I was not forced to leave my family … We didn’t have identities (Gimenez, 2002, p. 4). much money and we would see that my friend’s brother had a great life, he went to the city, bought a car, had Alongside the notion of identity, the concept of money and he made us dream about it … so we joined social representations is also significant to under- the group. But when we got there, it was all the opposite standing the reality of former child soldiers. “Be- (male child soldier, 2010). longing to a group implies sharing to some degree the core of the social representations that charac- Importantly, whether joining the group by force terizes and defines that group.” These represen- or non-force, participants did not enter the armed tations “serve and frame the perceptions and in- groups with a militarized identity. Rather, this de- terpretations of reality and provide guidelines for veloped over time and was linked to multiple fac- behaviors and social practices” (Gimenez, 2002, tors. As the quotes below illustrate, these factors p. 7). included military and ideological indoctrination, radicalization, fear and threats, a search for pow- To explore and understand the realities of identity er, and promises of benefits - all of which - came EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 122 early in the recruitment and training process: as justified, all conveyed an identity - a feeling of belonging, power and pride that was – for many The first combat that I had was very hard. A partner - attractive and enticing. Over time, through a would yell at me: if you don’t fight, if you don’t calm complex and powerful mix of coercion and indi- down and start firing they will kill you… Do it for your vidual agency, many former child soldiers became daughter, remember that you have a daughter, then one immersed in and ultimately adopted a militarized loses fear and gets used to it but … they start killing identity and, in their words, “became a warrior.” partners beside you and they ask you for help and you cannot help them because if you do, then they kill you Gender, Femininity and Identity (female child soldier, 2010). Participation in an armed group often disrupted With a uniform and after four months I was the second gender norms, roles and responsibilities for many operator of the machine gun… If you show that you young women coming from traditional Colom- are courageous, that you are a warrior, you gain certain bian households. Within armed groups, many benefits (male child soldier, 2010). female participants reported being treated as ‘equals’ with their male counterparts. Within the In one year one learns how to participate in combat … wartime context of hyper-masculinity, this meant they tell you that the government is your enemy (male an abandonment of traditionally feminine quali- child soldier, 2010). ties and roles: A guerrillera doctor examines you, she undresses you and When one goes over there [to war], one does men things looks at everything… to make sure you don’t have any ve- and does not have women’s intimacy. It gets lost. You do nereal disease. Then comes the training, to learn how to men things and you are with men. … The punishments move forward on the ground, learn how to walk without are equal. We have to open trenches, go through the same making noise, without breaking branches. After a year, training and wear the same camouflage. Everything, eve- they make you pass a life or death test, they set up barbed rything. … One acts the same and gets used to it, and wire …with explosives and light them up. They make loses the feeling of being a woman (female child soldier, you go under without touching that, I have the marks… 2010). then they give you a rifle, a gun, the uniform and they tell you that you are a normal guerrilla man (male child This participant explained how her feminine soldier, 2010). identity was suppressed within the armed group: There is a book in the guerrilla, a book that is called I did not value myself, I felt like I was not a woman ‘The Four Corners’ and that book lists all the things a but a man. I would dress like a man. I would act as a guerrillero can do, … the rights and obligations, it is a man…and I did not feel the difference because they do book like the ones the government has about the rights and not let you feel the difference (female child soldier, 2010). obligations (male child soldier, 2010). Moreover, expressing one’s femininity after leav- I liked it, when I entered the FARC, I was in love with ing the armed group was described as both chal- it …even if they took me by force...by being there, being lenging and satisfying: able to manipulate the weapons, to have the power… and it makes you feel good (male child soldier, 2010). [After demobilization] Now...I can wear a skirt, I can fix my hair, I can dye it, I can wear makeup…I can be The training participants received, the uniform, more like myself...I had no idea what would look nice the use of arms, and the use of indoctrination into on me, what I could wear and slowly I got used to it. a militarized world vision that identified violence The adaptation was very difficult (female child soldier, 2010). EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 123 For some female participants, entering mother- Reflections on Recruitment and Demo- hood following demobilization jolted them back bilization: The Unmaking of a Warrior in touch with their femininity, restoring a sense of purpose: Within the logic and context of war, extreme vio- lence and killing often became normalized and When I got pregnant, I was very happy from the first even - at the extreme - acts deserving of recog- time that I found out until the end...my baby. When I nition and praise. However, in the aftermath of found out, it brought me such happiness, such an internal violence and in the context of social reintegration, satisfaction just to know that I was going to take care of young people’s awareness of the ethical implica- a little person for whom I would live. That made me feel tions and the consequences of their violent actions many things and in a way I feel that my son is the final as warriors become evident. Participants’ narra- touch in feeling like a woman and a good one. I felt that tives not only demonstrate their capacity to reflect (female child soldier, 2010). on the consequences of their violent past, but also their profound implications: For this participant, becoming a mother report- edly gave her more confidence and certainty over I did forgive myself, but there are many things about my who she was: past, knowing that one has killed another person is…sad even though one knows …that it was that person [killed] It gave more security, I would walk on the streets and or oneself. It does hurt… (female child soldier, 2010). feel safer, safer about what I could say or affirm as a woman(female child soldier, 2010). On one hand, to have that experience is good...I am ca- pable to know what is good and bad… when I am going Becoming a mother also represented hope for a to do something, I think about it a lot…. But on the new start during a difficult period in their lives. bad side of it, I lost my family because of it and I can’t For many, the journey from war to civil society was forgive myself for that. To lose your family for something bitter and lonely. Many participants did not return that is not worth three pesos (male child soldier, 2010). to their families and their communities, but were forced to relocate, due to fear of retaliation by Consequences in the sense that I cannot live safely in armed groups. Becoming a mother offered some any community or village or city …One remains very female participants the chance to redefine them- reactive, very alert, on the defensive (female child soldier, selves with renewed hope and purpose: 2013). It was a unique experience, an experience that emanates You cannot forget so easily so there are nightmares. If I a lot of tenderness. A lot of hope, one feels that one has am sleeping while it rains and there is lightening, it is someone to fight for, someone who will accompany you, horrible for me because I wake up disturbed, I think of part of you that will start living, a hope (female child things that are not related. I feel paranoid (female child soldier, 2010). soldier, 2010). Given the hyper-masculinity associated with the The experiences of recruitment, of life in the armed groups, some females reported that notions armed groups, and of demobilization, left a pow- of identity, femininity and accepted gender roles erful imprint on the minds of our participants. had to be relearned in the post-demobilization Moreover, during the process of reintegration context. Pregnancy for some was the ultimate con- and through the Attention Program they had the firmation of femininity. opportunity to reflect on their wartime actions and to confront their former and current view of EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 124 themselves, their worldview and the consequences in an armed group] treat me badly and say that I will be of their actions. Participants asserted that despite a terrorist, a guerrillero (male child soldier, 2010). the horrors they experienced and participated in, their participation in war provided important life In response to the varied reactions, children and lessons that will remain with them: youth appeared to develop strategies to cope and manage the reactions. In many cases, respondents One has sequels … you learn something...if you do some- made efforts to conceal their past in order to pre- thing and if you like it you keep doing it … like killing vent physical harm to themselves or their families, someone, I liked it, I used to like it … when I left (the and to avoid blame and rejection: group) some people made me change… (Now) I would not do it, not even for money (male child soldier, 2010). Society can help. I think they are already helping….try- ing to defend us and providing us with support because I think everything in life teaches you, in a more personal if you come from there, it is very hard to find employment way, in a profound way, a lesson. Everything that I have but they do help us and train us (female child soldier, learned there I will not repeat. I can choose because now 2010). I know... it was personal growth, a learning process. I think that it has been a unique experience (female child Maybe I don’t talk about it because of what people think soldier, 2010). ...people know that you are a killer and they are mean and people think you are mean. They don’t give a job to Reconciliation & Former Child Soldiers someone like me (male child soldier, 2010). There are an array of societal reactions to child I came here today camouflaged, I brought this small hat participation in armed conflict, as well as their and these glasses (male child soldier, 2010). reintegration into civil society. Societal and com- munity reactions in Colombia have tended to vary Importantly, former child soldiers in our sample on a continuum from outright social stigma and were not trying to obliterate, negate or deny their rejection to full support for their plight. These violent past. However, they made attempts to hide participants discussed the stigma that they experi- their former identities as child soldiers in order to enced and its implications: protect themselves. They made efforts to adjust to civilian life and to see themselves as good citizens, People in the community knew who we were [that we and they also wanted to be perceived as such. Par- were former child soldiers]. So one would ask to talk to ticipants viewed their lives within the illegal armed someone and they would reject you. One would go to the groups as part of a learning experience that they store to buy something and people would look at you as did not wish to repeat. However, they realized that if you were the worst thing… So we were getting tired their “biographical past as unchangeable and in- of that because we would be rejected everywhere. Where alienable” (Gimenez, 2002, p.5). they didn’t reject us, they would give us the things while staring at us … it was hard for the identity of the per- Given the realities of stigma and rejection in the son…When we arrived, after a month [of experiencing post-conflict lives of former child soldiers, process- rejection], everyone wanted to leave [and return to the es of reconciliation are vital. Agape por Colombia, is armed groups] (male child soldier, 2010). a reconciliation program run by volunteers (many of them victims of the armed conflict themselves) One needs to get used to it, life here is very hard. One goes and involves the participation of former child out in the street and [people] look at you and say: ‘Look soldiers and other war victims, including victims at the guerrillero’ [guerilla boy] even though you don’t of forced displacement, refugees, people who suf- look like that anymore … people who know [that I was fered kidnappings, as well as members of civil EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 125 society. Within the context of this reconciliation armed groups has, in our experience, repeatedly program, these diverse groups meet for three days, provoked instances of spontaneous reconciliation during which they are encouraged to share their initiated by former child soldiers, who have asked wartime experiences in a secure environment. for - and have often been granted - forgiveness. Contact among the former child-soldiers, other Significantly, Agape has reported and document- victims and members of the civil society takes ed these spontaneous reconciliation experiences in place in a supportive atmosphere that invites dia- virtually every reconciliation gathering. logue capable of changing perceptions and mu- tual stereotypes. The presence of civil society has proven to be cru- cial as, for the most part, victims share their ex- The presence of former child soldiers in the rec- periences among other victims. The presence of onciliation process is essential to the program, as civil society can lead to an awareness on the part it contributes to the increased awareness in the of those participants for whom the war has not Colombian community with regards to the reali- touched their lives directly. In many cases they ties of child recruitment. Through their contri- have come to realize that in one way or another, butions, the former child-soldiers are no longer all citizens are in some way responsible for the on- passive subjects of institutional attention: they ac- going armed conflict in a society that is character- tively contribute to enhance the Colombian social ized by profound social and economic inequality. fabric and help other participants to reflect collec- Members of civil society can also bear witness tively on the impact of the war on everyone’s lives. and lend support to the plight of the victims, fa- In this sense, former child soldiers become active cilitating the restoring of victims’ dignity through agents and promoters of reconciliation. Their life recognition and support and also through the re- stories and their experiences give invaluable testi- lationships established through Agape’s program. mony of the complexities and damages caused by the armed conflict. Their input is crucial in the The reconciliation gatherings present an opportu- exchange dynamics that is established between the nity for all to clarify concepts, and experience the former child-soldiers, other victims and members benefits of forgiveness and reconciliation. Impor- of civil society. tant networks have also been established through the Agape’s reconciliation gatherings and the re- Furthermore, former child soldiers have often lationships established have continued through never had the opportunity to personally meet time. Ultimately, these experiences further illus- those who have been direct victims of the armed trate the evolving character of the identities of groups. Former child soldiers have often never be- former child soldiers and the enormous possibili- fore heard the stories and perspectives, of civilians ties to overcome adversity and to become healthy and the impact of the war on their lives. Getting and productive members of society. to know first-hand the ravages caused by the illegal Conclusion This paper has highlighted the complex and often painful realities of former child soldiers and their coura- geous struggle to determine who they were during recruitment, who they have become, and how they are perceived as they adjust to civilian life, alone and far away from their families. Our work supports the idea that these youth have the capacity for reflexivity and the ability to examine themselves, their actions, their options for the future and to make choices that reflect the lessons learned through recruitment, demobiliza- tion and reintegration. EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 126 Through the narratives of these youth, we can see how the idea of “who I am” and “how I am perceived” evolves in multiple contexts. Values learned during training and becoming a warrior, as well as through demobilization and reintegration are learned and unlearned. Throughout their stories and experiences, we get a glimpse of the reality of the “making” and “unmaking” of child soldiers and the many aspects of their lives that have been impacted by the horrors of war (Denov, 2010). While former child soldiers appear to make no effort to negate their past, they do conceal it in order to protect themselves from the stigma associated with their former affiliations. Moreover, they appear to re- construct their identities as civilians and worthy members of society, precisely because of their past experi- ence during the recruitment and in opposition to it. There are valuable lessons to be learned through the demobilization experiences of Colombian former child soldiers. It is particularly important to understand the conditions that make possible not only their reintegration but also their de-radicalization. Besides well designed government reintegration programs, one of the key ingredients of de-radicalization is the presence and help of a supportive community, that allows children and youth to reflect on their identities and social representations that are different to the ones they had acquired during recruitment. EVOLVING IDENTITIES OF FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS 127 References Basta ya, Colombia: memorias de guerra y dignidad (2012). Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. Burgess, R. (2009). Colombia’s children at risk of recruitment into armed groups: Exploring a community- based, psychosocial pedagogy. Journal of Education for International Development, 4 (1): 1-11. Support modules for demobilized children and adolescents (2007). Corporación Vinculos. Modules 1. Bogotá: Vínculos ICBF, OIM. Denov, M. (2010) Child Soldiers: Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gimenez, G. (2003). Materiales para una teoria de las indentidades sociales. Frontera Norte, 9(18). Julio-Diciembre1997 Helmus, T.C. & Glenn, R.W. (2004). Steeling the Mind: Combat stress reactions and their implications for urban warfare. (RAND MG-191-A). Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. Human Rights Watch. (2003). You’ll Learn Not to Cry: Child Combatants in Colombia. Jones, L., & Denov, M. (2015). Mothering in the Context of Isolation and Insecurity: Young Women Formerly Associated with Armed Groups in Colombia. In Takseva, T. (eds.) Mothering Under Fire. Halifax: Fernwood Press. Marlowe, D. (2001). Psychological and Psychosocial Consequences of Combat and Deployment. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. Watchlist (2004). Colombia’s War on Children. Retrieved on September 10, 2011 from http://watchlist.org/ reports/files/colombia.report.php. Watchlist (2012). No one to trust: Children and armed conflict in Colombia. New York. Wessells M. (2006). Child soldiers from violence to protection. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. This volume reports on the range of papers presented at the Annual Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) Research Conference 2014 from 7-8 December 2014 in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. The Conference, hosted by Hedayah, Curtin University and People against Violent Extremism (PaVE), provided a platform for researchers, policymakers and practitioners to discuss and disseminate cutting-edge research on countering violent extremism (CVE). The resulting publication begins to fill a gap in the literature related to CVE by providing insights into some of the local push and pull factors that lead to radicalization and recruitment in different contexts, and suggest some policy and programming recommendations to better counter these factors. The essays in this volume also highlight existing programs in countering the narrative of violent extremists, deconstruct programs related to disengagement, deradicalization and reintegration of former violent extremists, and provide case examples of CVE programming at the community level. hedayah.ae | curtin.edu.au ISSN: 2205-7013