(PDF) PCA14 2024 Tumova-Cirelli
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PCA14 2024 Tumova-Cirelli
Enrico Cirelli
October 11, 2025
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Abstract
Post-Classical Archaeologies (PCA) is an independent, international, peer-reviewed journal devoted to the communication of post-classical research. PCA publishes a variety of manuscript types, including original research, discussions and review articles. Topics of interest include all subjects that relate to the science and practice of archaeology, particularly multidisciplinary research which use specialist methodologies, such as zooarchaeology, paleobotany, archaeometallurgy, archaeometry, spatial analysis, as well as other experimental methodologies applied to the archaeology of post-classical Europe. Submission of a manuscript implies that the work has not been published before, that it is not under consideration for publication elsewhere and that it has been approved by all co-authors. Authors must clear reproduction rights for any photos or illustration, credited to a third party that they wishe to use (including content found on the Internet). For more information about ethics (including plagiarism), copyright practices and guidelines please visit the website www.postclassical.it. PCA is published once a year in May. Manuscripts should be submitted to
[email protected]
in accordance to the guidelines for contributors in the webpage http://www.postclassical.it. Post-Classical Archaeologies' manuscript review process is rigorous and is intended to identify the strengths and weaknesses in each submitted manuscript, to determine which manuscripts are suitable for publication, and to work with the authors to improve their manuscript prior to publication. This journal has the option to publish in open access. For more information on our open access policy please visit the website www.postclassical.it. How to quote: please use "PCA" as abbreviation and "European Journal of Post-Classical Archaeologies" as full title. Cover image: the production of past lifes layers at present society (by Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero). "Post-Classical Archaeologies" is indexed in Scopus and classified as Q3 by the Scimago Journal Rank (2022). It was approved on 2015-05-13 according to ERIH PLUS criteria for inclusion and indexed in Carhus+2018. Classified A by ANVUR (Agenzia Nazionale di Valutazione del sistema Universitario e della Ricerca).
Figures (18)
volume 14/2024
Fig. 1. Ravenna with the port district of Civitas Classis (by H. Tumova).
Fig. 2. Classe and Ravenna in Late Antiquity. Digital Reconstruction by Ravennantica Foundation.
to identify not only the original river beds or arms of the Po, but also the streams mentioned by ancient authors such as Pliny and Martialis. For the Knowledge of old river courses and waterways we should rely on old maps, even if we have only non-detailed, rather hypothetical maps for the Ravenna region with its waterways before the 16'" century (Andraghetti 2007, p. 7). The watercourses in the Po Valley and in northern Italy, the modern provinces of Emilia-Romagna, Veneto-Friuli, Lombardy and Liguria, have been greatly altered by floods that have plagued the region for a long time and continue to do so today, as we unfortunately saw in Emilia-Romagna in May 2023. In Roman times were well aware of the dangers of flooding, calling them vis maior, or v. divina, cui resisti non potest (Maganzani 2023, p. 126). Paulus Diaconus describes in its 9th cent. book one of the most devastating floods that happened in AD 589, which destroyed many roads and paths (Destructa sunt itinera, dissipatae viae...) of this territory (Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Lang., \II,23). And alongside these changes, which included changes to the river courses, the character of settlements along major waterways also changed overall the area between Bagnacavallo, Russi and Godo (Fabbri 1991, p. 21), flat territories between Ravenna and Faventia. From Pliny’s account, it is evident that the Po River and its tributaries had a dissimilar morphology in the past compared to the present-day area; even the mouth of the Po was originally more southerly, Po di Primaro or Primarius, modern Reno River, that now flows through Bologna and flowed into the Adriatic Sea about 20 km north of Ravenna. In the 19th cen-
Fig. 4. Ancient viae in the Po Valley and in the Venetia-Histria region. 1. via Popilia (connecting Rimini and Adria); 2. via Postumia (passing through modern Genoa — Tortona — Piacenza — Cremona — Ve- rona — Vicenza — Oderzo — Aquileia); 3. via Aemilia; 4. via Annia (passing through Adria — Padova — Altino - Concordia Sagittaria where it joined via Postumia and led to Aquileia). According to Google.com/maps.
Fig. 5. Ravenna on the Tabula Peutingeriana (according to Miller, Konrad; Castorius, 1887, CCO, via Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tabula_Peutingeriana-nc.tif; cit. 22-4- 2023).
Fig. 6. Distribution map of the 2"¢ century archaeological evidence and reconstruction of the city landscape at the same time by Enrico Cirelli.
BC. In the first imperial Age, the city and its ports experienced a rapid growth and the development of neighbouring regions. Ravenna was also connected to the Po by an artificial canal called Fossa Augusta, an expansion and regulariza- tion of the Padus/Padenna; which course inside the city should have been called Padusa, formerly Messanicus (Plin. Nat. Hist. IIl,20,16). In the same times, a large number of artificial canals (fossae) were built within the valley to facilitate the transport of goods, the mobility of people and to prevent floods (Maganzani 2023, pp. 125-126). Pliny the Elder describes the system of artificial canals that created a network of waterways branches arms and islands between them, cre- ating the “Seven Seas”. The waters of one of the Po’s smaller tributaries, the Padusa, were artificially diverted into the Fossa Augusta, providing a river link between Ravenna and the port of Classe and the Po’s infrastructure. The river transport infrastructure in the Ravenna region has changed over the centuries: just as it is uncertain when the Fossa Augusta was used. A new waterways ap- peared in the 6! century at the latest, called Padoreno, which connected Raven- na to the Po, and the Fossa Asconis"9. This new canal is a modification of another
ertheless, the rivers adjacent to the city walls are visible on them (fig. 8). One of he primary waterways referenced by historical writers is the Lamone River (or Fiume Amone) coming from the Appenine through Faenza, now flowing north of Ravenna, for which course, however, we have evidence only from the early Middle Ages. We have further uncertainties regarding the contemporary rivers Montone and Ronco. Montone is by some authors identified with an ancient Bedesis or in he forms of Bedeso, Bedese (Plin., Nat. Hist. II],20,15), and it was supposed to low between the watercourses of Bidente and Lamone rivers, ultimately merging with them in the vicinity of Ravenna. Modern toponyms in Ravenna, such as Via Fiume Montone Abbandonaio, are also reminiscent of the river’s original Course. River Montone has been also identified with the ancient Vitis, while the present- day river Ronco has been related to the ancient Bedesis or in its later form “Be- deso”. In the case of the river Bidente — identified as the modern Ronco River — he original course remains unknown, but it is likely that it flowed in close proximity o the city, as evidenced by more recent maps of Ravenna and its hinterlands. Ronco and Montone now flow south of Ravenna, where their confluence is also lo- cated, and they continue to flow together as Fiumi uniti along via Marabina and low into the sea north of Lido di Dante (figs. 9-10). Giovanni Antonio Magini’s map, which was published by Sebastiano Bononi in Bologna in 1620, illustrates the rivers Montone, flowing north of the city of Rayianno | ama fo and tha “Ranaca nr Banrn” markad nn tha man ac oa rivar_
Fig. 9. Digital reconstructed aerial view of Ravenna and its surroundings, showing the amount of rivers located around and across the city during the Middle Ages (E. Cirelli, with Ravennantica and tre.digital.srl).
Fig. 10. Ravenna with the Montone and Ronco Rivers and their confluence as Fiumi Uniti on the mar from 1904 (modified according to Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain, 3rd Military Mapping Survey) of Austria-Hungary: Ravenna, sheet 30-44).
Fig. 11. Detail of the rivers and waterways in the Ravenna region. Modified according to Giovanni An- tonio Magini, Romagna olim Flaminia, publ. by Sebastiano Bononi, Bologna, 1620.
Fig. 12. Pianta del Territorio di Ravenna antica, unknown autor, dated between 1604 and 1605 (source: Wikimedia Commons, Public domain, an unknown author, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Territorio_Ravenna_1604-05.jpg; cit. 22-4-2023).
Fig. 13. Map of Ravenna and its hinterland “Atlante Veneto” by Vincenzo Coronelli, between 1691 and 1692 (source: Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Atlante_Veneto_Volume_2_035.jpg; cit. 25-4-2023).
Fig. 14. Map of the proposed regulation of the Montone and Ronco Rivers, by Bernardino Zendrini, Eustachio Manfredi, 1731 (source: Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wiki- media.org/wiki/File:Ronco_Montone_Ravenna.jpg, cit. 22-4-2023).
Fig. 15. The depiction of the river’s courses from the map of 1731 to a contemporary satellite image, modified after Zendrini, Eustachio Manfredi.
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pca
Volume 14
2024
european journal of
postclassicalarchaeologies
2024
SAP
Società
Archeologica
pca
european journal of
postclassicalarchaeologies
volume 14/2024
SAP Società Archeologica s.r.l.
Mantova 2024
pca
EDITORS
EDITORIAL BOARD
Alexandra Chavarría (chief editor)
Paul Arthur (Università del Salento)
Gian Pietro Brogiolo (executive editor)
Alicia Castillo Mena (Universidad Complutense de Madrid)
Margarita Díaz-Andreu (ICREA - Universitat de Barcelona)
Enrico Cirelli (Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna)
José M. Martín Civantos (Universidad de Granada)
Caterina Giostra (Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano)
Matthew H. Johnson (Northwestern University of Chicago)
Vasco La Salvia (Università degli Studi G. D’Annunzio di Chieti e Pescara)
Bastien Lefebvre (Université Toulouse - Jean Jaurès)
Alberto León (Universidad de Córdoba)
Tamara Lewit (University of Melbourne)
Yuri Marano (Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene)
Federico Marazzi (Università degli Studi Suor Orsola Benincasa di Napoli)
Maurizio Marinato (Università degli Studi di Padova)
Johannes Preiser-Kapeller (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften)
Andrew Reynolds (University College London)
Mauro Rottoli (Laboratorio di archeobiologia dei Musei Civici di Como)
Colin Rynne (University College Cork)
Marco Valenti (Università degli Studi di Siena)
Giuliano Volpe (Università degli Studi di Foggia)
Post-Classical Archaeologies (PCA) is an independent, international, peer-reviewed journal devoted to the communication of post-classical research. PCA publishes a variety of manuscript types, including original research, discussions and review articles. Topics of interest include all subjects that relate to the science and practice of archaeology,
particularly multidisciplinary research which use specialist methodologies, such as zooarchaeology, paleobotany, archaeometallurgy, archaeometry, spatial analysis, as well as other experimental methodologies applied to the archaeology of post-classical Europe.
Submission of a manuscript implies that the work has not been published before, that it is not under consideration
for publication elsewhere and that it has been approved by all co-authors. Authors must clear reproduction rights
for any photos or illustration, credited to a third party that they wishe to use (including content found on the Internet).
For more information about ethics (including plagiarism), copyright practices and guidelines please visit the website
www.postclassical.it.
PCA is published once a year in May. Manuscripts should be submitted to
[email protected]
in accordance
to the guidelines for contributors in the webpage http://www.postclassical.it.
Post-Classical Archaeologies’ manuscript review process is rigorous and is intended to identify the strengths and
weaknesses in each submitted manuscript, to determine which manuscripts are suitable for publication, and to work
with the authors to improve their manuscript prior to publication.
This journal has the option to publish in open access. For more information on our open access policy please visit
the website www.postclassical.it.
How to quote: please use “PCA” as abbreviation and “European Journal of Post-Classical Archaeologies” as full title.
Cover image: the production of past lifes layers at present society (by Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero).
“Post-Classical Archaeologies” is indexed in Scopus and classified as Q3 by the Scimago Journal Rank (2022). It was
approved on 2015-05-13 according to ERIH PLUS criteria for inclusion and indexed in Carhus+2018. Classified A by
ANVUR (Agenzia Nazionale di Valutazione del sistema Universitario e della Ricerca).
DESIGN:
Paolo Vedovetto
PUBLISHER:
SAP Società Archeologica s.r.l.
Strada Fienili 39/a, 46020 Quingentole, Mantua, Italy
www.saplibri.it
Authorised by Mantua court no. 4/2011 of April 8, 2011
For subscription and all other information visit the website www.postclassical.it.
ISSN 2039-7895
Volume funded by the
University of Padova
Department of Cultural Heritage
pca
european journal of
postclassicalarchaeologies
volume 14/2024
CONTENTS PAGES
EDITORIAL
RESEARCH - WHY AND FOR WHOM ARE WE DOING ARCHAEOLOGY
TODAY?
G. Ruiz Zapatero Archaeology today: people, knowledge and dissemination
C. Lewis
Who cares? Why and for whom are we now doing archaeology in the UK?
31
M. Nevell
The public benefit of archaeology during an era of financial
austerity: three British case studies from the commercial,
university, and museum sectors
55
J.-P. Demoule French archaeology: for whom, but also against whom?
67
G.P. Brogiolo Archeologia e ‘coscienze generazionali’. Quali prospettive
in Italia?
79
BEYOND THE THEME
C. Croci
Da Giove Capitolino a San Pietro: Costantino e il tramonto
della Roma antica
89
H. Tůmová, E. Cirelli Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes
and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
121
Indagini GPR e LiDAR sulla rocca di Garda. Una finestra
sull’abitato del castrum tardoantico e altomedievale
145
G.P. Brogiolo, F. Malaspina Storie di un territorio di frontiera tra i fiumi Serio
e Oglio (VI-XIII secolo)
163
L. Pugliese
M. Fecchio, M. Marinato Change in diet or visibility problem? Observations
on the marine isotopic values of early medieval populations
in coastal Croatia
195
The urban fabric as a source for an archaeological history
of the topography of medieval Florence
217
G. Vannini
DOSSIER - CITIZEN SCIENCE IN ARCHAEOLOGY
F. Pinna, M. Sanna Montanelli Citizen Archaeology. Un contributo alla costruzione di una archeologia pubblica come “scienza normale”
237
F. Frandi, G. Pastura Cittadinanza dell’archeologia e infrastrutture ferroviarie. Sostenibilità sociale di un rapporto necessario
257
L’utilizzo delle interviste qualitative non strutturate nell’archeologia partecipata: il caso studio di Lio Piccolo (laguna
nord di Venezia)
267
The development of post-medieval and industrial archaeology in Ireland
287
A. Arrighetti, M. Repole Expeditious archaeoseismological analysis of a
medieval town centre. The case of Siena and the PROTECT
project
303
REVIEWS
325
M. Paladini
RETROSPECT
C. Rynne
PROJECT
Slavko Ciglenečki, Between Ravenna and Constantinople: Rethinking Late Antique
Settlement Patterns - by A. Chavarría Arnau
Rafael Hidalgo Prieto, Inmaculada Carrasco Gómez, Adalberto Ottati (eds), Palatia.
Ville e palazzi imperiali di época romana (secoli I-V d.C.)/Imperial villas and
palaces of the Roman period (1st-5th centuries AD) - by J.A. Pintado
Isabel María Sánchez, Yolanda Peña Cervantes (eds), Fundus Ecclesiae. Evidencias
materiales de las actividades económicas de la iglesia en Hispania durante
la Antigüedad Tardía y Alta Edad Media - by V. Amorós-Ruiz
Jana Kopáčková, Olevm et Vinvm Adriaticvm. Production of Olive Oil and Wine in
Roman Histria and Dalmatia - by T. Lewit
Beth Munro, Recycling the Roman Villa. Material Salvage and the Medieval Circular
Economy - by A. Chavarría Arnau
Cristina Godoy Fernández, Andreu Muñoz Melgar (eds), El monument tardoromà de
Centcelles. Dades, context, propostes - by G.P. Brogiolo
Roberta Conversi (ed), Il sito della Piana di San Martino a Pianello Val Tidone. Dal
castrum tardoantico all’abbandono nel XVIII secolo. Scavi e ricerche 20182021 - by G.P. Brogiolo
Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani (ed), Roma Altomedievale. Paesaggio urbano, società
e cultura (secoli V-X) - by A. Chavarría Arnau
PCA volume 14/2024 ISSN: 2039-7895
Post-Classical Archaeologies
beyond the
theme
Helena Tůmová*, Enrico Cirelli**
Ravenna surrounded by waters.
Landscape changes and
urban transformations in Late Antiquity
Procopius describes Ravenna as “a strong city situated almost at the end of
the Ionian Gulf” (Proc., Bellum Gothicum, III,2) (fig. 1). Among the coastal cities
on the east coast of Italy, Ravenna and Classe, together with Caesarea are mentioned several times in Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia et Guidonis geographica (Pinder, Parthey 1860, pp. 258, 326, 461, 504, 508). However, Ravenna,
unlike Mediolanum or Aquileia, is not included in Ausonius’ Ordo Urbium Nobilium of the 4th century, the list of cities that the author considered, subjectively,
“most important”, although he did not even rank the cities that struck gold coins.
The provincial character of Ravenna with an estimated population of 50.000 in the
late 4th and early 5th century, comparable to other Aemilian cities, as it is mentioned in the Itinerarium Antonini (It. Ant. 126,5), prior to its status as sedes imperii, is evident when comparing its urban layout and infrastructure with, for example, Rome with 500.000 inhabitants, Milan, Trier, Arles with 75.000 inhabitants
or Constantinople (Fischer, Lejdegård, Victor 2010, pp. 282-283; p. 287, Tab. II).
The number of inhabitants in many Late Antique cities in the Mediterranean Sea
decreased significantly, but this process varied greatly in different regions and
micro-regions (Cameron 2012, p. 147). A great change has been observed after
the Gothic wars, when Ravenna’s estimated population decrease to 9.000 or
10.000 inhabitants (Cosentino 2005, pp. 411-412), we see a radical change as a
result of a prolonged crisis that has inevitably affected not only the economy of
the region, but also the urban character of the city and the maintenance of its infrastructure. Its great urban growth took place at the beginning of the 5th century,
when it became the seat of the imperial court of Honorius (395-423), replacing
the previous imperial seat in Milan, which was threatened by Gothic raids. It is
certain that by 402 at the latest, Ravenna had become the centre of the Emperor’s power, sedes imperii (Fischer, Lejdegård, Victor 2010, p. 283). Honorius de* Charles University, Institute of Classical Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, Prague, helena.tumova@ff.
cuni.cz.
** University of Bologna, Department of History and Cultures,
[email protected]
PCA 14 (2024) ISSN: 2039-7895 (pp. 121-144) DOI: 10.69106/pca202407
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Fig. 1. Ravenna with the port district of Civitas Classis (by H. Tůmová).
cision was guided by a number of factors: alongside political considerations, the
strategic position near the coastline, the defensive nature of the lagoon-like and
marshy terrain, in response to the threat of barbarian invasions and subsequent
sieges of Trier, Milan, Rome, and Arles. The region’s good infrastructure, including inland waterways, canals, ports, and its connections to other Adriatic and
south-east Mediterranean city-ports, Constantinople not excluded, all played a
significant role. On the other hand, the lagoon area around Ravenna as a supposed and strategic reason should be taken with a pinch of salt, as the marshy
areas had already been partially drained by that time (Andraghetti 2007, p. 44).
In a certain sense, Ravenna adhered to the tradition of temporary or “emergency”
(Ward-Perkins 2000, p. 75, n. 17) imperial residences (Cirelli 2008, p. 29; Deliyannis 2010, pp. 1-5, 46-51; Herrin 2020). Pope Gelasius mentions Ravenna in the
second half of the 5th century among other, temporary imperial residences, such
as Milan, Sirmium and Trier, where the Emperor stayed many times ‘multis temporibus... constitit imperator’ (Gelasius, Epistolae et Decreta, Epistola XIII – Ejusdem Epistolae. Forma Brevior). However, Ravenna served as the hub of administrative and managerial activities with great competence and continuity, attending as the seat of Western Roman emperors, Ostrogoth king Theoderic, and the
Exarchate. Nonetheless, Procopius notes that Honorius relocated to Ravenna
from Rome, where he had resided earlier, due to fears of being attacked by barbarians in Italy (Proc. Bellum Gothicum, III,2). It is widely acknowledged that the
relocation of the imperial court and government offices brought about rapid
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changes, marking a decisive turning point in the urban character of both Ravenna and its surroundings (Cirelli 2022, p. 66). What were the effects of the city’s
change to sedes imperialis, sometimes called “the main imperial centre in the
west” (Cameron 2012, p. 18) or “political capital” (Schoolman 2016, p. 218)?
However, Ravenna did not replace Rome when it became the new, in some periods only a temporary, alternative Imperial seat, differently from Rome, which remained the caput imperii or caput orbis in the 5th century even when it was dramatically depopulated after Alaric sack (Fischer, Lejdegård, Victor 2010, pp. 281,
283). How did this change impact urban diversity? The influx of new élites and
the associated private construction (Cirelli 2008, p. 113), the release of funds for
urban infrastructure and civil construction created favourable conditions for its
urban and architectural development which has to be considered from two points
of view: the public building activity directed by the new ruling élites, artificially introduced into the existing urban layout (Deliyannis 2010, p. 7) and the original
urban structure with its more modest private buildings. These constructions promoted the development of the inner urban core and facilitated its subsequent expansion. It’s worth mentioning, however, that most of the city’s buildings were still
constructed using perishable materials like wood and clay. The period from the
early 5th to late 6th century, is widely recognized as the peak of construction activity in Ravenna’s urban area, as evidenced by the large number of stone artefacts including sarcophagi, architectural elements and ornatus basilicae. The
peak occurred, during Ostrogoth rule in the 5th and 6th centuries, followed by a
period of stagnation for almost two centuries. A revival in the late 8th and 9th centuries can be observed with new actors and different patterns, centring the old
fashion heritage as a new cultural input for northern Adriatic aristocracies (Cirelli
2023, p. 135). The 5th and 6th centuries, by the way, were evidently much more
prosperous for urban life due to the presence of the imperial apparatus and its financial resources, but overall due to Theoderic investments in its attempt to create a new ‘Byzantine culture’ capital (Tůmová 2013, pp. 215-229).
In the search of the main factors that determined the development and territorial expansion of Ravenna with the area that surrounded the basilica of S.
Lorenzo in Caesarea and the city of Classe1 in Late Antiquity (fig. 2), we must
take into account not only the political circumstances that determined its multiple
expansion over the centuries, but also the geomorphological conditions, that is
to say, in the case of Ravenna and the Aemilian area, “its changing hydrological
situation” (Maioli, Stoppioni 1987, p. 21).
The paleohydrographic and paleoenvironmental evolution in the area of the
present province of Emilia-Romagna is the subject of many contemporary stud-
1 Jord., Getica, XXIX, 151: “Trino si quidem urbs ipsa vocabulo gloriatur trigeminaque positione exultat, id est prima Ravenna, ultima Classis, media Caesarea inter urbem et mare, plena mollitiae harenaque minuta vectationibus apta”.
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Fig. 2. Classe and Ravenna in Late Antiquity. Digital Reconstruction by Ravennantica Foundation.
ies, based on interdisciplinary field research compared with the testimony of ancient sources. Since the Paleolithic period, the whole area between the modern
towns of Ravenna, Spina, Comacchio, Argenta and Bagnacavallo has been a lagoon, crossed by the ancient riverbeds of the Po (Padus = Eridanus)2, Padovetere (Padus vetus)3, with tributaries rivers from the Alps and the Apennines:
Bidente, Lamone, Montone (= Bedesis), Rasina, Santerno (= Vatrenus) and
Senio, forming a navigable river network, that used to brought silt from the mountains and invade the land (gravis terrae)4. This character of the landscape continued north of Spina and Comacchio, with wider and deeper lagoons (Andraghetti 2007). The pinewood stretched between the urban area and the sea
and was interwoven with a network of canals leading to the sea5, still visible in
postmedieval maps (fig. 3). Due to the complex and changing paleohydrographic
situation over the centuries, both in the arms of the Po river and in the individual
streams that flow into the lagoon area from the Apennines, it is almost impossible
2 Plin., Nat. Hist. III,20,16; Andreas Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XXXVIII.
3 Andreas Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XXII,53: “non longe ubi ecclesia beatae Mariae in Pado vetere”. Identified by Holder-Egger as Volano in the 19th century (HOLDER-EGGER 1878, note 85).
4 Plin., Nat. Hist. III,20,16: “...tantum Appenninos Alpinosque navigabiles capiens, sed lacus quoque
inmensos in eum sese exonerantes, omni numero XXX flumina in mare Hadriaticum defert”.
5 Dante Alighieri, in his Divine Comedy, portrays the landscape surrounding Ravenna: see RICCI
1906, pp. 46-48.
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Fig. 3. A 16th century map with visualization of the network of rivers that surrounded Ravenna and the properties of the
monastery of S. Vitale, including depictions of pine forests, valleys and port landings.
to identify not only the original river beds or arms of the Po, but also the streams
mentioned by ancient authors such as Pliny and Martialis. For the knowledge of
old river courses and waterways we should rely on old maps, even if we have only
non-detailed, rather hypothetical maps for the Ravenna region with its waterways
before the 16th century (Andraghetti 2007, p. 7). The watercourses in the Po Valley
and in northern Italy, the modern provinces of Emilia-Romagna, Veneto-Friuli,
Lombardy and Liguria, have been greatly altered by floods that have plagued the
region for a long time and continue to do so today, as we unfortunately saw in
Emilia-Romagna in May 2023. In Roman times were well aware of the dangers of
flooding, calling them vis maior, or v. divina, cui resisti non potest (Maganzani
2023, p. 126). Paulus Diaconus describes in its 9th cent. book one of the most
devastating floods that happened in AD 589, which destroyed many roads and
paths (Destructa sunt itinera, dissipatae viae...) of this territory (Paulus Diaconus,
Hist. Lang., III,23). And alongside these changes, which included changes to the
river courses, the character of settlements along major waterways also changed
overall the area between Bagnacavallo, Russi and Godo (Fabbri 1991, p. 21), flat
territories between Ravenna and Faventia. From Pliny’s account, it is evident that
the Po River and its tributaries had a dissimilar morphology in the past compared
to the present-day area; even the mouth of the Po was originally more southerly,
Po di Primaro or Primarius, modern Reno River, that now flows through Bologna
and flowed into the Adriatic Sea about 20 km north of Ravenna. In the 19th cen-
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tury the Reno was connected to the Primaro with a branch of the Po, later precisely called the Po the Primaro (Stauffer 2008, pp. 111-112, n. 6). However, over
time, its mouth has shifted northwards (Plin. Nat. Hist. I.20 (15)), as registered by
Lord Byron that indicated the distance of the coast from Ravenna in “four miles”
(Stauffer 2008, p. 111), while the current course of the Po is quite different, flowing northwards from Brescello and reaching the sea in the Po Delta Park between
Goro and Rosolina (Amorosi, Sammartino 2007, p. 392).
The geomorphology of the hinterland of Ravenna has been subject to the
continuous effects of changes in the course of the rivers throughout history, as
modern research has shown. These studies show the rapid socio-cultural adaptation of the inhabitants of Ravenna and its hinterland to the environmental
changes, during the period when Ravenna was a sedes imperii, the seat of the
Ostrogoth king Theoderic and during the Byzantine administration (Andraghetti
2007, p. 23).
Ravenna’s urban development was closely linked not only to the geomorphological characteristics of its lagoon and marshy terrain, but also to the development of its infrastructure, waterways, fortifications and strategic points of public
interest, such as the water supply. Ravenna was, from the very beginning – or
rather, when it began to emerge from the mists of the unknown – a settlement
surrounded by waterways and lagoons, intersected by a network of navigable or
drainage canals, which linked the hinterland to the coast or the Po infrastructure,
such as the Fossa Augusta and its course inside Ravenna (Padenna or Padusa),
flumisellum Lamone, Vatrenus (probably modern Santerno), Bidente (modern
Ronco), Montone (ancient Bedesis or Vitis) and others6. The geomorphological
conditions became the strategic, added value of this “disembedded city” city of
Ravenna in times of crisis, especially during the Gothic wars (Deliyannis 2010, p.
3). So that the entire surrounding landscape remotely resembled today’s Venice
lagoon or, rather, the Comacchio valleys, which corresponded to the general
character of the lowland, lagoon landscape in the region of the eastern coast of
the present Italian provinces of Emilia-Romagna and Veneto-Friuli. The local fertile soil in the floodplain certainly played a role in the settlement of the area.
These circumstances were the result of a combination of the natural conditions
of the Po Valley, in particular the phenomenon of floods that fertilised the soil,
and human activity. The urban settlement grew gradually on the site of older settlements with a diversified population, which had the character of individual scattered settlements along the waterways, possibly at the beginnings of the 5th cent.
6 Plin., Nat. Hist., III,20,16. Plinius the Elder mentions Ravenna in several chapters as one of the cities
within the eighth region of Italy (as “town of the Sabines, with the river Bedesis”), together with the
Padus (Plin. Nat. Hist. III,20,15). He describes also its hydromophological and geomorphological landscape: “(Po) forms deep channels in its course: hence it is that, although aportion of its stream is
drawn off by rivers and canals between Ravenna and Altinum, fora space of 120 miles, still, at the spot
where it discharges the vast body of its waters, it issaid to form seven seas” (Nat. Hist., III,20,16).
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BC. The first written mention of the name Ravenna is dated to the 1st century BC.
The city probably received the status of civitas foederata in the first half of the 3rd
century BC. This could have occurred in either 266 BC, when Sarsina became
an ally of Rome, or in 218 BC when the settlement was fortified during the Punic
Wars (Beltrami 1791, p. 1).
Favourable circumstances, in particular the waterway infrastructure of the
Padus and the presence of a natural harbour on the Adriatic Sea, mentioned as
‘Port of Vatrenus’, favoured the creation of the fortified permanent settlement7.
According to Pliny, the wide bed of the Po (Padus), reinforced by the inflow from
the Alps, allowed the creation of a system of “deep” channels and smaller
riverbeds, which together form a kind of link within the region: from Ravenna to
Altino and north to Venice8.
Ravenna was settled over a strategic position on the coast and the inner lagoon, where the military port and the seat of the Roman Fleet, the classis, were
located, which facilitated the control of the northern Adriatic Sea (Montanari
1996, p. 241). According to early medieval historians the city was surrounded by
rivers that flow to the sea on the east side (habet ab oriente mare), enclosing the
city like an island (in modum insulae), and marshy land on the west side (ab occidente vero habet paludes) (Jord., Getica, XXIX, 146). The most important turning point in the city’s development was the construction of the Via Popilia in 132
BC. The road was used as topographic base for the construction of the city, with
an angle of 45° respect the straight road that connected Hadria to Ariminum.
Along this road started to develop the suburbs of Caesarea, and the one around
the port of the civitas Classis (fig. 4). The city was part of the Roman cursus publicus system since the beginnings, as can be seen on the Tabula Peutingeriana
(fig. 5). In Ravenna’s area, the 4th century route was used also in the 7th century
and restored later to connect northern Adriatic emporia (Facella et al. 2021, pp.
80, 84, n. 12).
The urban development of Ravenna and its agglomeration in the republican
period and then in the Roman Imperial period as colonia (fig. 6) was quite consistent in terms of the spatial arrangement of the city and its gradual expansion,
always along natural, but also artificial waterways, navigable or drainage canals,
fossae: the Lamone, the Padenna (Flumen Padennae and Flumisellum Padennae), but these watercourses, which crossed the city, only received their names
in the Middle Ages. From the 1st century BC, also the Fossa Amnis, known as the
Fossa Lamisa or Fossa Lamises, which had to cross the republican oppidum in
a west-east direction, creating a waterway between the Lamone and the Paden-
7 The Roman assignment of the area is dated, on the basis of the archaeological evidence, to the
end of the 3rd century BC, with the construction of a strength brick city wall. See MANZELLI 2000.
8 Plin. Nat. I.20,15; Cassiodorus mentions that the Venetic area was connected to Ravenna by a network of canals (CASSIOD., Var., XII,24).
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Fig. 4. Ancient viae in the Po Valley and in the Venetia-Histria region. 1. via Popilia (connecting Rimini
and Adria); 2. via Postumia (passing through modern Genoa – Tortona – Piacenza – Cremona – Verona – Vicenza – Oderzo – Aquileia); 3. via Aemilia; 4. via Annia (passing through Adria – Padova –
Altino – Concordia Sagittaria where it joined via Postumia and led to Aquileia). According to
Google.com/maps.
Fig. 5. Ravenna on the Tabula Peutingeriana (according to Miller, Konrad; Castorius, 1887, CC0, via
Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tabula_Peutingeriana-nc.tif; cit. 22-42023).
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Fig. 6. Distribution map of the 2nd century archaeological evidence and reconstruction of the city
landscape at the same time by Enrico Cirelli.
na, into which it flowed (Andraghetti 2007, p. 39). This canal (Fossa Amnis) is
also mentioned in connection with the construction of bishop Ursus’ church
(basilica Ursiana, Anastasis), in regione Herculana, in the area of the old roman
city, close to the bishop house (Domus Ursi), as seen in mostly every late roman
episcopal church in urban settlements (Chavarría Arnau 2017, p. 372). The complex was built at the end of the 4th century in a region surrounded by canals and
rivers, close to the bridge of the Bakers quartiers (sub pontem Pistorum)9. The
inhabited area of the roman town was clearly delimited both by the city walls,
from the extent and the course of which we can get an idea of the size of the city
at that time (Gelichi 2000, p. 115), and by the sea coast to the east, as it was
throughout the entire period of the ancient city (fig. 7). The original fortification of
the republican city centre, whose construction dates back to the second half of
the 3rd century BC, are still recognisable in the later layout of the 5th century
walls. The rectangular shape of Ravenna, is in line with the practice of establishing Roman colonies in the region of Gallia Cisalpina in the 3rd and 2nd centuries
9 Andreas Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XVI,23: “Habitabat autem sanctissimus vir infra episcopium,
qui est positus iuxta fossam amnis, qua egreditur de loco qui vocatur Organaria, emanans sub pontem Pistorum...”.
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Fig. 7. Ravenna quadrata.
BC. In the first imperial Age, the city and its ports experienced a rapid growth
and the development of neighbouring regions. Ravenna was also connected to
the Po by an artificial canal called Fossa Augusta, an expansion and regularization of the Padus/Padenna; which course inside the city should have been called
Padusa, formerly Messanicus (Plin. Nat. Hist. III,20,16). In the same times, a
large number of artificial canals (fossae) were built within the valley to facilitate
the transport of goods, the mobility of people and to prevent floods (Maganzani
2023, pp. 125-126). Pliny the Elder describes the system of artificial canals that
created a network of waterways branches arms and islands between them, creating the “Seven Seas”. The waters of one of the Po’s smaller tributaries, the
Padusa, were artificially diverted into the Fossa Augusta, providing a river link
between Ravenna and the port of Classe and the Po’s infrastructure. The river
transport infrastructure in the Ravenna region has changed over the centuries:
just as it is uncertain when the Fossa Augusta was used. A new waterways appeared in the 6th century at the latest, called Padoreno, which connected Ravenna to the Po, and the Fossa Asconis10. This new canal is a modification of another
10 Part of the canal that crossed the city may have been filled during the 4th century: MAIOLI, STOPPIONI
1987, p. 30.
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tributary of the Po, flowing to the north of the city11, still used in the 19th century
and mentioned as fossa Sconii12.
We have minor archaeological evidence of the period before 402 AD, overall
related to monumental building, with non-idea of the ludic spaces, forms and
exact position of the temples, the Forum and other community dwellings, compared to Late Antique and Early Medieval periods, even if the prestigious architecture was developed before the city’s status as sedes imperii, as can be seen
from the imposing private houses (Cirelli 2008, p. 113). One of the reasons for
this is the complete reconstruction of the old city core after the relocation of the
Imperial court at the beginning of the 5th century. Despite the lack of material for
this period, it is possible to trace the main residential areas, mainly urban
dwellings and the road system, places of public interest, although most of the
communitarian buildings had to be partially or completely dismantled for the
construction of the new city infrastructure after 402 AD (Cirelli 2016, p. 219).
When Ravenna became the new seat of Honorius, it was also provided with reinforced, solid city walls, integrating the previous republican form (Negrelli 2018,
pp. 48-49, 54). The marshy biotope around the city of Ravenna also served as an
extended city wall, providing a significant advantage compared, for example, to
other 6th century Italian cities (Fischer, Lejdegård, Victor 2010, pp. 284, 286).
As the importance of Ravenna grew, so did the influence of its Bishop, while
the expansion of the diocese greatly influenced the territorial reach, resulting in
the creation of a forum for commercial and cultural interaction, including regions
such as Bologna, Modena, Forlì, Imola, Ferrara, before and soon after its birth as
military presidium, Comacchio (Zavagno 2022, p. 250), and the northern territories around Monselice, due to the growing significance of ecclesiastical power
(Farioli 1977, p. 21). Its influence grew alongside the imperial building activity. If
the administration of the construction work in Ravenna during the first half of the
5th century is viewed as an imperial matter, it subsequently became the primary
concern of Ravenna’s bishops after the transfer of the court of Valentinian III to
Rome in the 440s and especially following his death in 455 (Deliyannis 2010, p.
104) which illustrates the increasing influence and financial stability of Ravenna’s
diocese. Also monasteries played a significant role in the economic dynamics of
the whole region and in the consolidation of agricultural land use. During the
11 Jordanes, Getica, XXIX, 148–149: “(148) Quae urbs inter paludes et pelago interque Padi fluenta
unius tantum patet accessu, cuius dudum possessores, ut tradunt maiores, ainetoi, id est laudabiles,
dicebantur. Haec in sino regni Romani super mare Ionio constituta ut in modum insulae influentium
aquarum redundatione concluditur. (149) Habet ab oriente mare, (...). Ab occidente vero habet
paludes, per quas uno angustissimo introitu ut porta relicta est. A septentrionale quoque plaga
ramus illi ex Pado est, qui Fossa vocitatur Asconis. (150) A meridie item ipse Padus, (...) qui septima
sui alvei parte per mediam influit civitatem, ad ostia sua amoenissimum portum praebens”.
12 Andreas Agnellus, Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XXVI,70: “... extra portas Sancti Victoris, non longe a fluvio qui
vocatur Fossa Sconii.” Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XXVI,79: “... in loco qui dicitur Fossa Sconii iuxta fluvium...”.
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Early Middle Ages, these extraordinary new medieval settlements gradually increased their holdings of land, and served as ‘élite safes’ (Lazzari 2012, p. 25).
To understand the overall transformation and specific cases of geomorphological changes in the northern Italian regions, specifically the Padua region and the
Euganean Hills see Sarabia Bautista 2017, p. 85.
It is therefore necessary to imagine the city as two different entities, that functioned side by side: a city of the new imperial order, represented by the use of
more expensive materials, ecclesiastical buildings and private buildings of the
élites, for whose construction not only re-used but also newly ordered imported
materials (especially marbles) were used. Speaking of élites, we must not forget
the strong influence of the military “caste”, present in the Ravenna area until the
end of the Byzantine Exarchate (Schoolman 2016, p. 223). And on the other
hand, it is necessary to see the other face of the city, represented by private construction of the lower and middle classes of the “old” city – which suffered the
crisis of the 3rd and 4th century – were mostly wooden, with dwellings made of
local, reused and perishable materials. Archaeological research in recent years,
including GIS mapping of the archaeological potential, has resulted in a detailed
map of the urban settlement up to the present day, based on a combination of
archaeological evidence, written sources, superimposition of historical maps
and topographical reconstructions (Cirelli 2016, pp. 217-218).
Despite the enormous change in the internal layout of the city after 402 AD, it
is possible to see the continuity, despite the constant transformation, of the settlement since Roman times (Ferreri 2014, p. 113). The restoration and maintenance of strategic buildings (aqueducts, roads and waterways, public buildings)
were also a sign of prudent policy, such as that of the Ostrogoth king Theodoric
(493-526), who actively pursued this policy not only in Ravenna but also in other
cities of the Apennine Peninsula (Cirelli 2008, p. 112).
The urban development of Ravenna must obviously be seen in the context of
the entire micro-region, since the artificial centralisation created in Ravenna has
also influenced the construction and development of urban centres in the wider
area of what is now Romagna, as evidenced by the construction of lavish elite
palaces in the cities of Cesena, Faenza, Rimini and others (Negrelli 2018, p. 56).
However, its urban development after 402 AD is an alternative case among other
cities affected by the 4th century crisis, and respect other towns that maintained
their original limits with new early medieval concepts of urban settlement (Brogiolo 2011, pp. 88-89).
Ravenna was well connected not only within the Po valley, within the Adriatic
and the eastern Mediterranean, but also with Rome13. Its favourable position was
strengthened by the construction of ports and wharves, and the city played a fun-
13 Cassiodorus mentions Theoderic’s wish to transport various marbles from the Pincian Hill to
Ravenna, where they were lying unused (CASSIOD., Var., III,10).
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damental role as a central hub for the exchange of goods across the Mediterranean Sea. In the Imperial period it served as a military base for the Roman fleet,
but there is no archaeological evidence at the moment of the presence of military
barracks. The area of the future urban settlement of Classe was also used as a
burial ground, on the side of the main road leading north from Classe to Ravenna
and on the sand dunes of the former coast, in the late Republican and especially
in the early Imperial period, including the burials of Imperial sailors and soldiers
(classiarii) (Ferreri 2009). We can assume, not only from ancient sources and the
archaeological evidence, the existence of ports as well as smaller harbour piers
along navigable canals and riverbeds, as was the case in Ostia, Porto and Rome.
The suburb and agriculture-dominated area of Classe, featuring villae suburbanae, experienced a period of prosperity attributed to its port and its correlation
with the manufacturing districts and warehouses, especially after 402 AD, when
the port canal at Podere Chiavichetta, along what is now Via Marabina, expanded
alongside the transformation of the surrounding hinterland. This expansion aimed
to meet the increasing demand for imported goods from all over the Mediterranean (Cirelli 2008, p. 130). Classe flourished especially in the 5th and at the beginnings of the 6th centuries. Commercial exchange and long-distance trade, including the importation of amphorae, precious stones and marble (Tůmová et al.
2016), and other commodities, and foodstuffs from the eastern Mediterranean
and North Africa, persisted throughout the 7th century and with lower quantities
also within the following centuries. Constantinople retained significant political influence in the West while endeavouring to maintain control over the Italian territories (Cameron 2012, pp. 101, 156-157). However, the city’s water distribution system was renovated and maintained also during this period (Cirelli 2008, p. 112),
which was an important prerequisite for maintaining its functionality. Classe did
not loose completely its productive and commercial potential even during the 8th
and 9th centuries, but his strength became much less impressive. The north-eastern region of Italy, spanning from Ravenna to Grado (Marano 2022), witnessed a
decline in Byzantine control and Constantinopolitan influence, particularly following the Lombard conquest of Ravenna in 751 and subsequently the Carolingian
political influence in northern Italy and into the Venetian lagoons (Cosentino 2016,
pp. 133-149; Zavagno 2022, pp. 251, 249), with the birth of new regional productive input and the growth of a different economic system. This transformation of
the city resulted in a new distribution of settlements, with new residential units
constructed in the 8th and 9th centuries from reused materials sourced from
abandoned buildings in Classe and Caesarea. These units are now concentrated
around the surviving and most important ecclesiastical buildings (Giovannini,
Ricci 1985, p. 38; Tůmová, Cirelli 2019, pp. 63-74). Comacchio became one of
the main hub for Mediterranean trading networks and contacts with the Byzantine
world, taking over the trade baton from the 8th century onwards (Zavagno 2022,
pp. 249, 254; Luciano 2019, pp. 67-72), even if the several Ravenna’s ports,
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Helena Tůmová, Enrico Cirelli
known by written sources, need new archaeological investigations to well define
the value of their capability (Cirelli 2018). However, during the Carolingian and
Ottonian renovatio, it shifted its orientation towards early medieval Europe, with
some continuity on river and land transport used in Late Antiquity. When Ravenna
and Classe were used as emperor’s temporary residence (mansio) (Laszlovszky
2007, pp. 197-200) and the intellectual centre of theological and philosophical life
in the Ottonian period, it was well connected with Pavia by the canal system and
the river Po. During this period, Ravenna remained easily accessible also to
Rome via the historical Via Flaminia (Urbini 2014, p. 55) and always opened to
Mediterranean Sea routes.
The transport and waterway infrastructure, alongside drainage and sewage
systems, have consistently featured as crucial components in the evolution of
towns and settlements. Their development went hand in hand with the growth of
urban settlements, it was a mutual interaction like “continuous vessels”: one influenced the other without exception. Sidonius Apollinaris describes in his letter
to Heronius, dated to AD 467, the method of civil transport from Lyon to Rome
via northern Italy, throught the cities of Ravenna, Pavia – ancient Ticinium, Cremona, Brescello and other ports, using the waterway of the Po. He mentions a
turn to the right at Brescello, probably involving the Po River or one of its branches or canals, then a direct navigation to Ravenna and further south to Rome
crossing the Rubicon river, Rimini, and Fanum. He describes the Caesar’s road
in Ravenna, connecting the old town and the port, and a system of “derived
canals” from the Po, division of the Po “above the city” into two canals, as shown
by recent geophysical and aerial surveys (Boschi 2012, pp. 220-224), which also
involved comparing historical aerial photographs “part of which flowed through
the city, part around the place”14.
The city’s expansion after 402 AD followed the main communication roads and
waterways mentioned by ancient authors. Identifying ancient river courses in the
Ravenna area presents a challenge. The oldest maps of the region available date
back to the 15th century. Despite the availability of more recent maps, streams
and canals that once flowed through the city are not depicted in any of them; nev-
14 Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistualae I,V: “ (...) The way led past Cremona (...). We just touched at Bres-
cello to take on Aemilian boatmen in place of our Venetian rowers, and, bearing to the right, soon
reached Ravenna, where one would find it hard to say whether Caesar’s road, passing between the
two, separates or unites the old town and the new port. The Po divides above the city, part flowing
through, part round the place. It is diverted from its main bed by the State dykes, and is thence led
in diminished volume through derivative channels, the two halves so disposed that one encompasses
and moats the walls, the other penetrates them and brings them trade an admirable arrangement for
commerce in general, and that of provisions in particular. But the drawback is that, with water all
about us, we could not quench our thirst; there was neither pure-flowing aqueduct nor filterable cistern, nor trickling source, nor unclouded well. On the one side, the salt tides assail the gates; on the
other, the movement of vessels stirs the filthy sediment in the canals, or the sluggish flow is fouled
by the bargemen’s poles, piercing the bottom slime.” (Transl. by O. M. Dalton, 1915).
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Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
Fig. 8. Ravenna and the watercourses surrounding it. Unknown author (after 1457)
(source: http://www.visualizzareravenna.it/
cartografia).
ertheless, the rivers adjacent to the city walls are visible on them (fig. 8). One of
the primary waterways referenced by historical writers is the Lamone River (or
Fiume Amone) coming from the Appenine through Faenza, now flowing north of
Ravenna, for which course, however, we have evidence only from the early Middle
Ages. We have further uncertainties regarding the contemporary rivers Montone
and Ronco. Montone is by some authors identified with an ancient Bedesis or in
the forms of Bedeso, Bedese (Plin., Nat. Hist. III,20,15), and it was supposed to
flow between the watercourses of Bidente and Lamone rivers, ultimately merging
with them in the vicinity of Ravenna. Modern toponyms in Ravenna, such as Via
Fiume Montone Abbandonato, are also reminiscent of the river’s original course.
River Montone has been also identified with the ancient Vitis, while the presentday river Ronco has been related to the ancient Bedesis or in its later form “Bedeso”. In the case of the river Bidente – identified as the modern Ronco River –
the original course remains unknown, but it is likely that it flowed in close proximity
to the city, as evidenced by more recent maps of Ravenna and its hinterland15.
Ronco and Montone now flow south of Ravenna, where their confluence is also located, and they continue to flow together as Fiumi uniti along via Marabina and
flow into the sea north of Lido di Dante (figs. 9-10).
Giovanni Antonio Magini’s map, which was published by Sebastiano Bononi
in Bologna in 1620, illustrates the rivers Montone, flowing north of the city of
Ravenna, Lame f., and the “Bedese or Ronco”, marked on the map as a river–
15 The river Bidente is mentioned by Andreas Agnellus (Lib. Pont. Ecc. Rav. XXXVIII). For its identification with the river Ronco see HOLDER-EGGER 1878, n. 166.
135
Helena Tůmová, Enrico Cirelli
Fig. 9. Digital reconstructed aerial view of Ravenna and its surroundings, showing the amount of
rivers located around and across the city during the Middle Ages (E. Cirelli, with Ravennantica and
tre.digital.srl).
Fig. 10. Ravenna with the Montone and Ronco Rivers and their confluence as Fiumi Uniti on the map
from 1904 (modified according to Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain, 3rd Military Mapping Survey
of Austria-Hungary: Ravenna, sheet 30-44).
aqueduct (fig. 11). The map author’s clear identification of ancient Bedesis, in
this case shortened to Bedese, and the Ronco River is reiterated, but other authors identify Bedesis as Montone. The two rivers, Lame f. and Bedese, meet
south-west of Ravenna, at the approximate, marked (but not correctly, given that
this village is located east of the city) location of Santa Maria in Porto, and flow
together into the sea. Also marked on this map is the canal (Fossato grande)
south of Classe, which is no longer existing, into which the Candiano fossa flows.
136
Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
Fig. 11. Detail of the rivers and waterways in the Ravenna region. Modified according to Giovanni Antonio Magini, Romagna olim Flaminia, publ. by Sebastiano Bononi, Bologna, 1620.
Even the map of the beginning of the 16th century (Pianta del Territorio di Ravenna antica dated 1604-1605) shows the rivers Montone to the north of the city and
Ronco to the south, but no waterway within the city walls (fig. 12).
On the map of Ravenna and its hinterland (“Atlante Veneto”) made by Vincenzo Coronelli between 1691 and 1692 (fig. 13), the Montone River is also depicted
north of the city. The River Ronco and its tributaries, or canals, such as “Canale
del Molino” and “Lama Scolo” are displayed on the south side of the town. The
canal, which is called “Lama Condotto”, and which was called “Lama fiume” on
the previous map, is also depicted, flowing into the Ronco River, south-west of
Ravenna. The two rivers, Ronco and Montone, converge also to the east of
Ravenna on this map, before flowing together into the sea at a mouth called the
“Bocca de’ fiumi”. However, even on this map, neither on a map from the second
half of the 15th century (fig. 8), there is no more navigable canal or watercourse
crossing the town itself. This map (fig. 13) also shows the numerous canals used
for soil improvement, drainage of waterlogged soils or irrigation: these channels
are marked on the map as Canale, Chiamica, Condotto, Fossato, Fosso. They
formed a significant part of an extensive water system, not only in the region surrounding Ravenna. Local toponyms, for example, indicate the existence of water
mills: the current street Via Destra/Sinistra Canale Molinetto follows the original
course of the River Ronco before its diversion into Fiumi uniti (Canale Panfilio)
and the canals that flew into it (Canal Molino/Canale del Molino, Lama Condotto/Lama Scolo), now covered by Via Lametta.
137
Helena Tůmová, Enrico Cirelli
Fig. 12. Pianta del Territorio di Ravenna antica, unknown autor, dated between 1604 and 1605
(source: Wikimedia Commons, Public domain, an unknown author, https://commons.wikimedia.org/
wiki/File:Territorio_Ravenna_1604-05.jpg; cit. 22-4-2023).
Fig. 13. Map of Ravenna and its hinterland “Atlante Veneto” by Vincenzo Coronelli, between 1691
and 1692 (source: Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/
File:Atlante_Veneto_Volume_2_035.jpg; cit. 25-4-2023).
138
Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
Fig. 14. Map of the proposed regulation of the Montone and Ronco Rivers, by Bernardino Zendrini,
Eustachio Manfredi, 1731 (source: Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons; https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ronco_Montone_Ravenna.jpg, cit. 22-4-2023).
A 1731 map (fig. 14) depicts the proposed regulation of the Montone and
Ronco Rivers to the south of Ravenna, creating a new canal (Canale Panfilio) that
would have diverted water not only from the Montone River, but also from the
Ronco River and other inflowing canals. The Canale Panfilio is already depicted
on the previous map of Vincenzo Coronelli (1691/1692), flowing into the sea at a
place called ‘Porto del Candiano’. However, the Coronelli’s map only displays
the Canale Panfilio and does not illustrate the deviation of the Montone river and
the diversion of the waters of both rivers (Ronco and Montone) into this canal.
There is no indication of a watercourse crossing through the town neither on this
map dated to 1731. The depiction of the river’s courses from the map of 1731 to
a contemporary satellite image (fig. 15) indicates the paleo-environmental and
paleo-hydrological development of the area.
***
Central Italy was severely tested in the 6th century by the long and devastating Gothic wars (535-553) (Fischer, Lejdegård, Victor 2010, pp. 291-293).
The devastating effects of the Gothic wars, climate change, plagues, famines
completely changed the face of the political, senatorial and institutional, economic, agricultural and socio-political conditions in Italian landscape, as also
contemporary historians wrote (Evagrius Schol., Ecclesiastical History, IV,29).
139
Helena Tůmová, Enrico Cirelli
Fig. 15. The depiction of the river’s courses from the map of 1731 to a contemporary satellite image,
modified after Zendrini, Eustachio Manfredi.
The strong central power maintained under Theoderic, one of the prerequisites
for urban sustainability, was now severely disrupted: no hegemony could be
restored until 562. Rome itself lost its economic cohesion and suffered a gradual depopulation. Despite the decline of other cities, Ravenna is an extraordinary case of resilience and the city flourished also during this dramatic period
(Cameron 2012, pp. 123, 147). New distribution of power, after Lombard conquest, sees the emergence of new élites recruited from the Lombards, and
their “Romanization” (Schoolman 2016, p. 211), had an impact not only on the
socio-economic situation in the micro-regions, but also on the continuity of effective measures which, for a long time under Roman administration, contributed to the gradual adaptation of the population to adverse conditions and
events, represented not only by anthropogenic influences but also by natural
disasters, such as repeated floods (Brogiolo 2015, p. 65). Even in this period,
however, Ravenna’s development, marked by a slow process of social syncretism between the Roman, Ostrogothic, Lombard and Frankish élites, was
different from that of most of the other cities of the Apennine Peninsula (Schoolman 2016, pp. 213, 215).
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Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
Massive changes in the geomorphological (paleoclimatic, paleoambient, paleohydrographic) conditions of the landscape, such as river deposits and especially floods (Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Lang., III,23-24) occurred at the turn of Late
Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, which had a significant impact on the reorganisation of rural settlements – or their adaptation to new conditions – and watercourses, e.g. the creation of a new branch of the Po, Sandalo; recent research
suggests that these changes began before the Little Ice Age in Late Antiquity
(6th-7th centuries): a radical change took place already at the end of the Roman
climatic optimum or better in the 3rd century, when the previously open lagoon
landscape north of Ravenna was closed. At the end of Late Antiquity and the beginning of the early Middle Ages, a new infrastructure of waterways connected
to the main artery of the Po was created in the urban centres of the whole region.
These alterations were influenced by both the socio-political situation previously
discussed and the altering hydrological and waterway conditions, which led to a
new urban arrangement, as exemplified, for example, by Forlì (Forum Livi).
The changes in the geomorphology of the land, the riverbeds and the torrents,
together with the climatic changes: rainy and cold periods – “the little ice age” –
almost in the 6th and 7th centuries have challenged the local population and its
capacity for resilience, adaptation and, last but not least, prevention: canals dug
around the fields and buildings built on wooden piles (Bassanelli Sommariva, Maganzani 2018; Maganzani 2023, pp. 125-128, 131). The changes and diversions
of rivers and streams over the centuries, caused not only by natural disasters
(floods) but also by the lack of maintenance of river banks and artificial canals
(munitio riparum), have had a significant impact on the face of the landscape and
the use of agricultural land throughout the Po valley (Sarabia Bautista 2017, pp.
78, 85, 88). Whatever the changes in settlement, discontinuity although the most
affected area was the northern Adriatic crescent, with the birth of emporia, villages and preurban settlements such as Argenta, Comacchio, Ferrara and the
various sites at the origin of Venice. Despite the changes in agricultural land use
as a result of natural disasters, canals and rivers remained the main axes of logistics in the early medieval period, with the Byzantine efforts to maintain the control
over the main river courses, being one of the key factors of socio-economic prosperity in the whole region (Brogiolo 2015, pp. 47-49, 53-56, 58).
In the cities the ground level was raised due to the accumulation of silt and
alluvial debris, as can be seen in Ravenna, where the ground level has risen over
the centuries, from about 1.5 to 3.5 m, in relation to the original surface. One of
the phenomena that accompanied the floods, together with a complex problem
of subsidence, is the advancement of the coastline, as we can see not only in
Ravenna and Classe, now about 9 km from the Adriatic Sea, but also in other
northern Italian cities such as Concordia or Adria, and the silting up of the ports
and channels that connected the port to the city, such has happened in Aquileia
(Brogiolo 2015, p. 50). As a result of subsidence and sand silting, numerous port
141
Helena Tůmová, Enrico Cirelli
facilities and warehouses also required renovations already during Late Antiquity
(Boschi 2012, p. 220). The effort given to the infrastructure, whether by land or
by sea, navigable canals and rivers, has always been a priority and the main
asset of the Ravenna area, so that ‒ despite all the changes and transformations
over the centuries ‒ we can observe continuity in the operation and maintenance
of these routes.
Acknowledgements
The work on this paper was supported by the Czech Science Foundation
grant No. 23-06403S.
Abstract
The article aims to examine the impact on urban development and infrastructure in the
conurbation of Ravenna, Caesarea, and Classe following the establishment of the former
provincial city of Ravenna as the sedes imperialis, the seat of the imperial court, in 402
AD. This involves examining factors that affect the current state of urbanization in these
cities. The aim of this contribution is to employ socioeconomic approaches to trace the
current progress of urban development, archaeological evidence, and ancient sources
relating to late ancient settlement and historical maps. Additionally, it aims to establish a
guideline for the development of Ravenna. This entails investigating how the city, along
with its surrounding suburban area, transformed during the transitional period from Late
Antiquity to the early Middle Ages. Furthermore, the study explores the role of the road
and waterway network in this evolution.
Keywords: urban development, road network, waterways, Late Antiquity, early Middle
Ages.
L'articolo indaga lo sviluppo urbano e le infrastrutture dell’agglomerato di Ravenna, Cesarea e Classe in seguito all’istituzione dell’ex città provinciale di Ravenna come sede
della corte imperiale (sedes imperialis) nel 402 d.C. In particolare si esaminano i fattori
che influenzano l’attuale stato di urbanizzazione di queste città. L’obiettivo di questo contributo è quello di utilizzare approcci socioeconomici per tracciare il progresso dello
sviluppo urbano, le evidenze archeologiche e le fonti antiche relative all’insediamento tardoantico. Inoltre, si propone di stabilire una linea guida per lo sviluppo di Ravenna, indagando come la città, insieme all’area suburbana, si sia trasformata durante il periodo di
transizione tra tarda antichità e alto medioevo. Infine, lo studio esplora il ruolo della rete
stradale e fluviale in questa evoluzione.
Parole chiave: sviluppo urbano, viabilità, corsi fluviali, tarda antichità, alto medioevo.
142
Ravenna surrounded by waters. Landscape changes and urban transformations in Late Antiquity
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FAQs
AI
What were the demographic impacts on Ravenna after the Gothic wars?
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The population of Ravenna drastically decreased from approximately 50,000 to around 9,000-10,000 after the Gothic wars, highlighting a significant urban crisis between the late 5th and early 6th centuries.
How did Ravenna's status as sedes imperialis affect its architecture?
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The transition to sedes imperialis in 402 AD initiated a peak in architectural development, particularly during the Ostrogothic rule when many structures were built using durable stone as opposed to previously common perishable materials.
What role did hydraulic infrastructure play in Ravenna's urban development?
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Ravenna's extensive hydraulic infrastructure, including navigable canals and drainage systems, was pivotal for urban expansion and trade, creating a network that facilitated commerce and connectivity with the Adriatic Sea.
How did Ravenna's location contribute to its historical significance?
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Ravenna's strategic coastal position and natural harbor established it as a crucial military and administrative center for the Roman fleet, enhancing its relevance in controlling the northern Adriatic Sea.
In what ways did environmental changes impact urban life in Ravenna?
add
Shifts in hydrological patterns and frequent flooding, particularly during the 6th-7th centuries, challenged residents' adaptability and led to significant alterations in urban settlement structures and agricultural practices.
Enrico Cirelli
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