Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, Marie Louise Bech Nosch To cite this version: Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, Marie Louise Bech Nosch. Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD. France. 2017, �10.13014/K2S46PVB�. �halshs- 01674057� HAL Id: halshs-01674057 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01674057 Submitted on 4 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch, editors The papers in this volume derive from the conference on textile terminology held in June 2014 at the University of Copenhagen. Around 50 experts from the fields of Ancient History, Indo-European Studies, Semitic Philology, Assyriology, Classical Archaeology, and Terminology from twelve different countries came together at the Centre for Textile Research, to discuss textile terminology, semantic fields of clothing and technology, loan words, and developments of textile terms in Antiquity. They exchanged ideas, research results, and presented various views and methods. This volume contains 35 chapters, divided into five sections: • Textile terminologies across the ancient Near East and the Southern Levant • Textile terminologies in Europe and Egypt • Textile Terminologies in metaphorical language and poetry • Textile terminologies: examples from China and Japan • Technical terms of textiles and textile tools and methodologies of classifications The 44 contributors include Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, Marie-Louise Nosch, Elena Soriga, Louise Quillien, Luigi Malatacca, Nahum Ben-Yehuda, Christina Katsikadeli, Orit Shamir, Agnes Korn, Georg Warning, Birgit Anette Olsen, Stella Spantidaki, Peder Flemestad, Birgit Anette Olsen, Peter Herz, Ines Bogensperger, Herbert Graßl, Peder Flemestad, Mary Harlow, Berit Hildebrandt, Magdalena Öhrman, Roland Schuhmann, Kerstin Droß-Krüpe, John Peter Wild, Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert, Julia Galliker, Anne Regourd, Fiona J. L. Handley, Götz König, Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo, Stefan Niederreiter, Oswald Panagl, Giovanni Fanfani, Le Wang, Feng Zhao, Mari Omura, Naoko Kizawa, Maciej Szymaszek, Francesco Meo, Felicitas Maeder, Kalliope Sarri, Susanne Lervad, and Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen. Illustrated with 134 color and black & white illustrations. ISBN: 978-1-60962-112-4 doi:10.13014/K2S46PVB Zea Books Lincoln, Nebraska Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch, editors Zea Books Lincoln, Nebraska 2017 Copyright © 2017 Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch. Photographs copyright as noted. ISBN: 978-1-60962-112-4 doi:10.13014/K2S46PVB Composed in Times New Roman, Maiandra GD, Thorne Shaded, IFAOGrec, PMingLiu, SimSun, Times New Unicode, and Segoe types by Paul Royster. Zea Books are published by the University of Nebraska–Lincoln Libraries. Electronic (pdf ) edition online at http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/zeabook/ Print edition available from http://www.lulu.com/spotlight/unllib UNL does not discriminate based upon any protected status. Please go to unl.edu/nondiscrimination Preface This volume is the fruit of a longstanding collabora- words, and developments of textile terms in Antiquity. tion in the field of textile terminologies. Since 2005, They exchanged ideas, research results, and presented Cécile Michel and Marie-Louise Nosch have collab- various views and methods. orated on numerous academic activities – joint teach- It was a specific aim to cross disciplinary bounda- ing, lectures at conferences, experimental workshops, ries, both between language families and chronolog- co-publishing and co-editing. One of the highlights ical phases, but also to keep the focus on textiles and was the first Textile Terminologies of the 3rd and 2nd garments as visual, tactile and material items, and not millennia conference, an exploratory workshop with simply words. This multi-faceted view is also appar- a diachronic and interdisciplinary scope held in Co- ent in the present volume. We have, as far as possible, penhagen in March 2009 with the generous support included illustrations where it was possible, in order of the European Science Foundation. to marry images, objects and words. The French-Danish scholarly cooperation on tex- The present volume has been prepared within the tile research was further consolidated in the “Pro- frame of an international cooperation, the Groupe- gramme International de Coopération Scientifique” ment de Recherche International ATOM = Ancient TexOrMed (2012-2014). The European Science Foun- Textiles from the Orient to the Mediterranean (2015- dation Exploratory Workshop on Wool economy in the 2018) which involves several research institutions and Near East and the Aegean organized in Nanterre in universities in France, Denmark and the United King- November 2012 was one of the flagship projects of dom. ATOM aims to define both the impact of textile this collaboration. production on agriculture, husbandry and the envi- In 2013 Salvatore Gaspa joined the team with ronment, its role in handicrafts, in trade, and, more a prestigious Marie Curie Grant from the Seventh generally, in the ancient economy, but also the uses Framework Programme of the European Union of clothing in the construction of gender and individ- (FP7). Together they fostered the idea of continuing ual and collective identities. the textile terminological research but widening the We are delighted that Zea Books of the Univer- scope to Central and North European and Asian lan- sity of Nebraska–Lincoln Libraries’ Office of Schol- guages and focusing on the 1st millennium BC and arly Communications accepted this volume for pub- 1st millennium CE, thus providing a platform for the lication. The open and free access will make our textile terminological exchange of the classical lan- joint efforts available worldwide, and this is partic- guages of Greek and Latin, but also including Ger- ularly important for a topic such as textile terminol- manic languages, Armenian, Italic, Semitic, Chinese ogies, which represents a truly global phenomenon. and Japanese. The electronic interface makes the papers searcha- The second conference on textile terminology was ble for those colleagues wishing to follow the paths held in June 2014 at the University of Copenhagen. of a textile or garment term, or for those who will Around 50 experts from the fields of Ancient History, search for textile techniques, tools or professions Indo-European Studies, Semitic Philology, Assyriol- across languages and culture. We hope that the spe- ogy, Classical Archaeology, and Terminology from cialized papers will reach experts around the world, twelve different countries came together at the Cen- and enjoy a large and interested global readership tre for Textile Research, to discuss textile terminol- who finds that the terminology of textiles is an in- ogy, semantic fields of clothing and technology, loan triguing endeavour. 3 Acknowledgements We warmly thank all participants for their insightful Research (CTR), the Alexander von Humboldt Stif- and stimulating papers, lively discussions, inspiring tung, the PICS TexOrMed, the GDRI Ancient Tex- exchange of ideas, both during the conference and in tiles from the Orient to the Mediterranean (ATOM), continued exchanges after the conference. and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique We would like to express our sincere gratitude to (CNRS). Financial support has also been provided those individuals and institutions who have contrib- by the Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship within uted to the success of the conference and to the edito- the Seventh Framework Programme of the European rial work for the publication. First and foremost, for Commission for research activities at the University the generous financial support from our sponsors and of Copenhagen (ASTEX Project no. 36539). hosts providing the institutional and financial frame- This publication benefitted from the assistance and work for this conference and its publication: The Dan- advice of our colleagues Peder Flemestad, Cherine ish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Munkholt, Cailin Kwoh and Sidsel Frisch. Salvatore Gaspa Cécile Michel Marie-Louise Nosch December 2016 4 Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 1 Textile Terminologies, State of the Art and New Directions . . . . . . . . . . 19 Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, & Marie-Louise Nosch Textile terminologies across the ancient Near East and the Southern Levant 2 A Diachronic View on Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and the Ancient Near East: Tools, Raw Materials and Natural Resources for the Finishing of Textiles . . 24 Elena Soriga 3 Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: . . 47 The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context Salvatore Gaspa 4 Tools and Crafts, the Terminology of Textile Manufacturing in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Louise Quillien 5 Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources . . . . . . . 107 Luigi Malatacca 6 Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Nahum Ben-Yehuda 7 Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity: A Linguistic Survey Based on the Mishnah and the Talmuds . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Christina Katsikadeli 8 Sha’atnez – The Biblical Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen Together and the Observance and Enforcement of the Command in the Orthodox Jewish Communities Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Orit Shamir 5 6   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) 9 Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr ‘red’, Hebrew karmīl and the Armenian Scale Insect Dye in Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Agnes Korn & Georg Warning 10 Armenian Textile Terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Birgit Anette Olsen Textile terminologies in Europe and Egypt 11 Remarks on the Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms . . . . . 202 Stella Spantidaki 12 Sabellic Textile Terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen 13 Beschaffung und Handel mit Farbstoffen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Peter Herz 14 Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Ines Bogensperger 15 Zur Textilterminologie auf römischen Bleitäfelchen: Probleme der Lesung und Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 Herbert Graßl 16 Observations on the Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani on Maximum Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256 Peder Flemestad, Mary Harlow, Berit Hildebrandt, & Marie-Louise Nosch 17 Listening for licia: A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes . . . . . . 278 Magdalena Öhrman 18 Textile Terminology in Old High German between Inherited and Loan Words . . . . 288 Roland Schuhmann 19 Χιτών – δαλματική – μαφόρτης – σύνθεσις: Common and Uncommon Garment Terms in Dowry Arrangements from Roman Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Kerstin Droß-Krüpe 20 Ars polymita, ars plumaria: The Weaving Terminology of taqueté and Tapestry . . . 301 John Peter Wild & Kerstin Droß-Krüpe Table of Contents   7 21 Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine times: The Greek Vocabulary . . . . 321 Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert 22 Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) . . 346 Julia Galliker 23 A Name of a Private Factory (or Workshop) on a Piece of Textile: The Case of the Document A.L.18 (Vienna) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 374 Anne Regourd & Fiona J. L. Handley Textile Terminologies in metaphorical language and poetry 24 Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck . . . . . 383 Götz König 25 Sasanian Exegesis of Avestan Textile Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397 Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo 26 “Der Faden soll nicht reißen, während ich meine Dichtung webe…”: Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda . . . . . . . 404 Stefan Niederreiter 27 Der Text als Gewebe: Lexikalische Studien im Sinnbezirk von Webstuhl und Kleid . . 413 Oswald Panagl 28 Weaving a Song. Convergences in Greek Poetic Imagery between Textile and Musical Terminology. An Overview on Archaic and Classical Literature . . . . . 421 Giovanni Fanfani Textile terminologies: examples from China and Japan 29 Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China: Analysis Based on the Burial Inventory from Tomb 26, Bijiashan, Huahai, Gansu . . . . . . . . . . . . 437 Le Wang & Feng Zhao 30 The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451 Mari Omura & Naoko Kizawa 8   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) Technical terms of textiles and textile tools and methodologies of classifications 31 The Textile Term gammadia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483 Maciej Szymaszek 32 The oscillum Misunderstanding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492 Francesco Meo 33 Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material facts, and the Impact of Mass Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500 Felicitas Maeder 34 Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System . . . . . . . 520 Kalliope Sarri 35 textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation . . . . . . . 528 Susanne Lervad & Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen List of contributors Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo is at the Department enhance his longue durée and multidisciplinary of Classical Philology and Indo-European Lin- approach to historical Biblical and Talmudic tex- guistics of the University of Salamanca, Spain, tile and garment research. where he obtained the degree of Doctor Eu- ropeus with his PhD Vīdēvdād 10-12: Critical Ines Bogensperger studied Classical Archaeology Edition, Translation and Commentary of the and is currently a PhD candidate of Ancient His- Avestan and Pahlavi Texts. He has also been tory at the University of Vienna, Austria. Dur- Post-doctoral Research Assistant at the Insti- ing the forMuse-research project, she studied and tut für Iranistik of the Freie Universität Berlin, catalogued the Late Antique textile collection of Germany (2010-2013); Associate Professor and the Papyrussammlung of the Austrian National Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at The Danish Library (2010-2012). Besides her focus on tex- National Research Foundation’s Centre for tiles, she was collaborator in the FWF-research Textile Research of the University of Copen- project ‘Egypt’s southern boarder in the 6th-11th hagen, Denmark (2013-2015); and Post-doc- century AD’ (2013-2015), where she partici- toral Research Fellow at the Institute of Asian pated in a summer school on Cultural Heritage. and African Studies of the Hebrew University Starting from 2015, she is working in the current of Jerusalem, Israel (2016). His research in- FWF-project ‘Texts and Textiles in Late Antique terests are Old and Middle Iranian languages Egypt’, which aims to combine the papyrologi- and literatures, Old Indian languages and lit- cal evidence with the contemporaneous preserved eratures, Zoroastrianism, Avestan and Pahl- textiles from Late Antique Egypt. avi manuscripts and textual criticism, Iranian and Indian lexicography, and Indo-Iranian and Kerstin Droß-Krüpe is currently employed as a Indo-European linguistics. post-doctoral assistant at Kassel University. She studied Classical Archaeology, Ancient History Nahum Ben-Yehuda is currently a doctoral candi- and Business Administration at Philipps-Univer- date at Bar Ilan University, Land of Israel Studies sität Marburg and obtained her PhD in 2010 with Dept. His previous degrees are from the depart- a thesis concerning textile production during the ments of Talmud and Jewish History, respec- Roman Empire in the province of Egypt, which tively. He is an ordained orthodox rabbi, recog- was published as Wolle – Weber – Wirtschaft. nized by the Chief Rabbinate of Israel. He studied Die Textilproduktion der römischen Kaiserzeit Textile Engineering at Shenkar College, and is im Spiegel der papyrologischen Überlieferung an associate (CText ATI) of The Textile Institute, (Wiesbaden 2011). In 2012 she received a post- Manchester UK. He serves on the Editorial Board doctoral grant at the Danish National Research of the Journal of Natural Fibers and is a member Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research (CTR) of the European Cooperative Research Network in Copenhagen. In 2014 and 2016 she (co-)ed- on Flax and other Bast Plants. His background in- ited two volumes on ancient textile trade: Tex- cludes product design and engineering in the tex- tile Trade and Distribution in Antiquity (Wies- tile industry, and he is currently a textile crafts- baden 2014) and Textiles, Trade, and Theories man specializing in flax-linen at all stages of the (Münster 2016, with Nosch). In addition to an- chaîne opératoire. These diverse qualifications cient economic history and ancient textile studies 9 10   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) her research focuses on the reception of anti­quity. researching Greek and Coptic inscribed textiles at Her current research project deals with the recep- the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology. Julia earned tion of the “Babylonian” queen Semiramis. her PhD in Byzantine History at the University of Birmingham UK in 2014. Her dissertation is a Giovanni Fanfani is a classical philologist and post­ parallel investigation of textual and material ev- doctoral researcher in the ERC Consolidator idence associated with representational figured Grant Project PENELOPE: A Study of Weaving silks attributed to Mediterranean workshops be- as Technical Mode of Existence, hosted at the Re- tween AD 600-1200. She also holds an MBA in search Institute for the History of Science and corporate finance and MA degrees in history and Technology, Deutsches Museum, Munich. In his international relations. Before resuming her stud- previous project, based at the Danish National ies, Julia was a corporate treasurer for a major au- Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Re- tomotive supplier. search (University of Copenhagen), for which he was awarded a Mobilex Grant (2014-2016) from Salvatore Gaspa is a historian specialized in An- the Danish Council for Independent Research, he cient Near Eastern studies. His main research in- has investigated the role and function of textile terests relate to the history, administration, cult, imagery in archaic and classical Greek poetry and economy and material culture of the Neo-Assyr- poetics. He has co-edited together with Harlow ian Empire. He was awarded a PhD in Semitic and Nosch the book Spinning Fates and the Song Linguistics by the University of Firenze in 2007 of the Loom, 2016. His research interests include and a PhD in Ancient Near Eastern history by the Euripidean tragedy and its interaction with the University of Naples “L’Orientale” in 2011. His melic tradition. most recent publications include a book on foods and food practices in Assyria, a monograph on Peder Flemestad is a classical philologist. He is cur- vessels in the Neo-Assyrian sources, and various rently a doctoral candidate at Lund University, papers on textiles in 1st-millennium BC Assyria. Sweden, and an affiliated researcher at the Cen- In 2013-2015 he has been Marie Skłodowska- tre for Textile Research at the University of Co- Curie Fellow and Associate Professor at the penhagen, Denmark; his project investigates as- Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre pects of dress and identity in the imperial Greek for Textile Research of the University of Copen- world. He has previously held various teaching hagen with a research project on textiles in the and research positions at the University of Copen- Neo-Assyrian Empire. In 2015 he was awarded hagen (2005-16), and has worked for the Track- a grant from the Carlsberg Foundation for a pro- ing Colour project at the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. ject on textiles in ritual and cultic practices in the His research interests include ancient Greek and Ancient Near East. Latin language and literature, ancient history and epigraphy, Indo-European studies, and diachronic Herbert Graßl is emeritus professor of ancient his- terminology. tory at the university of Salzburg, Austria. He re- ceived his Dr. phil from the University of Graz, Julia Galliker is currently a post-doctoral researcher taught ancient history in the universities of Kla- at the University of Michigan. She is currently in- genfurt and Salzburg. Recent publications include volved in the Spiral Textile project which seeks to articles on literary and epigraphic texts on an- bridge the gap between academic historical textile cient textiles and textile economy, erotic graffiti, research and the worldwide community of practi- ancient geography and local history of the Al- tioners by crowd-sourcing experimental archae- pine region. ology through a web-based platform. She is also List of Contributors   11 Fiona J. L. Handley is a Senior Lecturer in Learn- Graduate School “Forms of Prestige in Cultures ing and Teaching at the University of Brighton, of the Ancient World”) and Hannover (as assis- UK. She has a wide variety of research interests, tant professor). In 2011-12 she held a Volkswa- including ancient textiles from Egypt, especially gen Foundation postdoctoral fellowship at the the Roman and Islamic periods. She was the tex- Mahindra Humanities Center at Harvard Univer- tile, basketry, matting and cordage specialist on sity where she organized a workshop on “Silk. two University of Southampton archaeologi- Trade and Exchange along the Silk Roads” (the cal expeditions to Egypt (Mons Porphyrites and contributions of which are published with Ox- Quseir al-Qadim), and held an AHRC Research bow in CTR’s Ancient Textiles Series). From Fellowship at the Textile Conservation Centre, 2013-2015 she was a Marie Skłodowska-Curie University of Southampton to study these groups Fellow at the Danish National Research Founda- of textiles further. tion’s Centre for Textile Research (CTR) at Co- penhagen University, Denmark, with a project Mary Harlow is Associate Professor in Ancient His- exploring the costumes of the Roman Emperors. tory at the University of Leicester, UK. Her re- Another textile-related area of her research con- search interests are in dress, the life course (age cerns the study of silk and the silk trade in An- and ageing), gender and social history more tiquity. Currently she is involved in the interna- widely. Her most recent publications include the tional European project Reinventing Europeans edited volumes: A Cultural History of Fashion through History, Art and Culture Learning that is and Dress (2016); Spinning the Fates (with Fan- aimed at enhancing the skills of refugees as well fani and Nosch, 2016); and Greek and Roman as teachers and supporters of refugees through Textiles and Dress, An Interdisciplinary Anthol- the learning opportunities provided by culture, ogy (with Nosch, 2014). the arts and history. Peter Herz studied history, Latin, and archaeology at Christina Katsikadeli is Postdoctoral Researcher Mainz and Oxford (1968-1975). PhD in Ancient and Lecturer in general and historical-compar- History Mainz 1975. Practical time as a teacher ative linguistics at the Department of Linguis- 1977-78. Traveling scolarship of the Deutsches tics and at the Center for the Research of East- Archäologisches Institute 1978-79. University as- ern Christianity (ZECO), University of Salzburg, sistent Mainz 1980. Habilitation for Ancient His- Austria. Her research and teaching subjects are tory Mainz 1985. Professor Mainz 1986. Replace- general and historical linguistics (Indo-European ment in Darmstadt, Basel and Heidelberg. Institute Studies, esp. Vedic Sanskrit and Greek), histori- for Advanced Study 1990. Chair for Ancient His- cal syntax, morphology and semantics, bi-/mul- tory University of Regensburg (1994-2014). Main tilingualism, language change and contact, espe- fields of research: Social and economic history, cially between Indo-European and Afro-Asiatic history of religions (ruler cult in antiquity), Latin languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, Coptic), terminol- epigraphy, history of the Roman Empire. ogy and onomastics, historical lexicography, sec- ond language acquisition, and the history of lin- Berit Hildebrandt is a researcher and project man- guistics. She has been co-worker (2000-2007) ager at the Nordic Centre of Heritage Learning and project leader (2008-2009) at the Rig Veda and Creativity in Östersund, Sweden. She is ed- Dictionary (RIVELEX, Vols. I-III) funded by ucated as a Classical Archaeologist (M.A.) and the Austrian Research Fund (FWF). For the pe- Ancient Historian (PhD) and has worked at the riod 2014-2017, she is the principal investiga- German universities of Greifswald (as a lecturer), tor (“Elise-Richter-Fellow”) of the project Hel- München (as a PostDoc with a fellowship from lenistic Koine in Egypt and the Near East, also the German Research Foundation, DFG) at the funded by the FWF. 12   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) Naoko Kizawa is interested in the historical use of Iranian linguistics. In 2015, she joined the CNRS organic materials such as wood, fibers and related in Paris as a researcher in linguistics; she is mem- technologies. Kizawa especially concentrates on ber of the research group Mondes iranien et in- that of wood. The study of wooden artifacts pro- dien. Current projects include the description of vides us with a lot of information about the tools Iranian minority languages and their dialects (par- used to make them as well as the development ticularly Bashkardi and Balochi) as well as his- of manufacturing techniques. In Japan, a country torical linguistics (grammaticalisation and model- rich in natural vegetation, many kinds of wood ling relations among the Iranian languages). species have been used since the Jōmon (Neo- lithic) period to enrich human lives. It is signifi- Susanne Lervad, PhD is visiting scholar and termi- cant to understand people’s ideas concerning the nologist at the Centre for Textile Research at the use of wood and the surrounding environment SAXO institute at Copenhagen University. She throughout these remains. Naoko Kizawa and is trained at the University of Southern Denmark Mari Omura have been studying excavated combs and Université Lyon 2 (Centre de Recherche en from ancient East Asia, and comparing instances Terminologie et Traduction) in specialized com- of combs excavated from Japan with those found munication within the textile field, ­— especially in other countries, in the Korean Peninsula and in weaving and the configurations of verbal and non- China. Moreover, combs were so popular to eve- verbal representation of concepts in termino­logy. ryone that they could easily be carried by people She has a series of publications in diachronic as from region to region. So it is possible to know well as synchronic aspects of textile terminology about relationships between Ancient Japan and (see Dury, Lervad [2010], “Synonymic variation the surrounding areas by studying them. in the field of textile terminology”, and Dury, Le- rvad & Nosch [2011], “Verbal and nonverbal con- Götz König is currently research associate at Ruhr figurations of textiles, a diachronic study”), and is Universität Bochum/Germany. He has studied co-editor of Verbal and nonverbal representation Iranian Studies, philosophy, German literature. in terminology, proceedings of the TOTH work- His work is mainly based in the field of Zoroas- shop 2013 at the DNRF’s Centre for Textile Re- trian Studies and comprehends philological stud- search in 2013 and author of the book’s epilogue ies as well as research in the field of religion, lit- “Professional Nonverbal Communication in the erature and intellectual and cultural history. His field of textiles”. Since 2007 project member of current work is focused on the Xorde Avesta (its the textile terminological project www.textilnet. texts, translation, genesis and history), a history dk, member of CIETA and the Danish and inter- of rationality in Old Iran and a description of the national networks of terminology: DANTERM, Pahlavi literature as a reformulation of the Zo- NORDTERM and the European Association of roastrian tradition under the influence of Greek Terminology (EAFT). Owner of and terminology philosophy. coach of the consultancy firm Termplus aps 2003. Agnes Korn studied Indo-European linguistics in Felicitas Maeder born in St. Gallen, Switzerland, Hamburg and Vienna (MA thesis on the metrics in a family of former textile entrepreneurs – a of the Rigveda). After a year in Banská Bystrica fact that might have had some genetic implica- (Slovakia) teaching German as a Foreign lan- tions. As an autodidact, she initiated in 1998 at guage and a position in Graz (Austria) on a lex- the Natural History Museum Basel, Switzerland, icographical project in Persian, she moved to the Sea-silk Project – with three goals: compil- Frankfurt (Germany) to do a PhD in Compar- ing an inventory of all objects in sea-silk still ex- ative linguistics (thesis on the historical gram- isting; tracing the history of this forgotten textile mar of Balochi) followed by a “habilitation” on material, its production and processing; and the List of Contributors   13 documentation of the knowledge and the remains Dress 1909-2009 (2009), 18th-century shoes and of this cultural heritage of the Mediterranean. To- accessories (2012) and Political knitwear and hot day the inventory includes more than 60 objects. pants, dress and lifestyle in the 1970s (2014). She They are presented online together with the bi- is the co-author of ‘Costume in a Museological ology of the fan shell and its fibre beard called Context: Dealing with Costume and Dress from byssus, the history and the production process of Modern Danish History’ (with Helle Leilund) sea-silk in English, Italian and German (www. in Dressing the Past (ed. M. Gleba, C. Munk- muschelseide.ch). It includes also an extensive holt and M-L.Nosch), Ancient Textiles Series 3, bibliography. In 2004 she curated the world’s 2008. Co-editor of Fashionable Encounters. Per- first thematic exhibition at the Natural History spectives and Trends in Textile and Dress in the Museum Basel: Muschelseide – Goldene Fäden Early Modern Nordic World (eds. with Nosch, M. vom Meeresgrund / Bisso marino - Fili d’oro dal Ringgaard, K. Toftegaard and M. Venborg Ped- fondo del mare. The exhibition catalogue is the ersen) and author of ‘Luxurious Textiles in Dan- first illustrated monograph and completely bi- ish Christening Garments: Fashionable Encoun- lingual, in German and Italian. In 2012, Felici- ters across social and geographical borders’, in tas Maeder received for her research an honor- Fashionable Encounters. Ancient Textiles Se- ary doctorate of the Faculty of Humanities of the ries 14. 2014. Since 2004 she has been the pro- University of Basel, Switzerland. The main re- ject leader of the textile terminological project search topic lays now on terminological studies: www.textilnet.dk and co-author of ‘A New Dan- What is the difference between the antique tex- ish Project in Textile Terminology: textilnet.dk.’ tile term byssus and sea-silk – often called byssus (with Birka Ringbøl Bitsch), in Verbal and Non- silk? And what were the terms given to sea-silk verbal Representations in Terminology. Proceed- from Antiquity till late Middle Ages in different ings of the TOTh Workshop 2013 (Eds. Lervad, languages and cultures, at different times? Also S. et al.), 2016. Engelhardt Mathiassen is mem- the search for other sea-silk objects continues. ber of CIETA and ICOM Costume Committee. Luigi Malatacca is an Assyr​i​ologist. His focus is Francesco Meo is an archaeologist, Adjunct Professor on the Neo- and Late Babylonian period and, in in the Department of Cultural Heritage at the Uni- June 2016, he completed his PhD at t​he ​Univer- versity of Salento (Lecce, Italy). In 2011, during sity of Naples “​ L’Orientale”. His work is entitled his PhD in Ancient History, he has been visiting Cultura materiale nella Babilonia del I millen- scholar at the CTR in Copenhagen. He is the co- nio a.C.: L’industria tessile (Material Culture in organiser of the International Workshop “Treas- First Millennium BC Babylonia: The Textile In- ures from the Sea. Sea Silk and Shellfish Pur- dustry) and it is about Neo-Babylonian textiles in ple Dye in Antiquity” (Lecce, Italy - 26-28 May the textual evidence.​ 2013) and of the VI Purpureae Vestes International Symposium “Textiles and Dyes in the Mediterra- Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen is a curator at Den nean Economy and Society” (Padua, Italy - 17- Gamle By, National Open Air Museum of Urban 20 October 2016). In 2014 he was awarded the History and Culture, in Aarhus, Denmark. She is Italian National Price on Archaeology of Pro- an expert on historical dress and textiles and has duction “FecitTe”. Since 2015 he is Professor published extensively on these subjects. Engel- of Archaeology of Great Greece at the Univer- hardt Mathiassen has organised a series of ex- sity of Salento, Italy. Since 2016 he is the Scien- hibitions on the cultural history of costume and tific Director of the Muro Leccese Archaeolog- dress: Bride and Bridegroom, Wedding Garments ical Project, a Messapian indigenous settlement for 250 years (2004), Maternity Clothing for 150 in Southern Puglia Region — Italy, and mem- years (2005), Christening Clothes (2006), Festive ber of the International Archaelogical Mission 14   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) in Hierapolis of Frigia-Pammukale, Turkey. Last then associate researcher in the IFAO. Since Jan- main publications: a monograph entitled L’attività uary 2017, she is a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fel- tessile a Herakleia di Lucania tra III e I secolo low at the University of Copenhagen’s Centre for a.C. (Rome 2015); co-editor of the book entitled Textile Research – CTR. Her current research fo- Muro Leccese. The Secrets of a Messapian Set- cuses on the material culture of Egypt in Byzan- tlement (Lecce 2016). His research aims at the tine, and early Arab periods, combining the ar- study of textile production in Southern Italy be- chaeological and iconographic data together with tween the Iron Age and the Roman Empire and information derived from texts. She has a spe- of the changes of the Messapian society between cial interest in Egyptian monks everyday life: its the Iron Age and the arrival of the Romans in the economic, social, and religious aspects. She also mid-3rd century BC. continues as an active archaeologist and collab- orates with many missions in Egypt as a special- Cécile Michel is a historian and Assyriologist, Di- ist in glass objects. Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert rector of Research at the National Centre of Sci- has participated in many international and inter­ entific Research (CNRS) in the Histoire et Ar- disciplinary projects, co-managing some of them chéologie de l’Orient Cunéiforme (Archéologies and supervising the publication of their results et Sciences de l’Antiquité) at Nanterre, and Pro- (e.g. La vie quotidienne des moines en Orient fessor at Hamburg University. She is a collabora- et en Occident (IVe-Xe siècle); Les moines aut- tor of the Centre for Textile Research (CTR) since our de la Méditerranée : contacts, échanges, in- 2005. Working on the decipherment and study fluences entre Orient et Occident de l’Antiquité of cuneiform texts from the first half of the 2nd tardive au Moyen Âge (IVe-XVe siècle); Contex- millennium BC (private archives of merchants, tes et mobiliers. De l’époque hellénistique à la state administrative archives), her main research période mamelouke. Approches archéologiques, interests are Mesopotamian trade, Upper Meso- ­historiques et anthropologiques). potamian and Anatolian societies, gender studies, daily life and material culture (fauna, food, met- Stefan Niederreiter has studied Historical Linguistics als, textiles), calendars and chronology, history of and German language and philology at the Uni- sciences, education, writing and computing. Co- versity of Salzburg where he worked as a teacher ordinator of the International Research Network (2000-2015), project contributor (2000-2007) and (GDRI) Ancient Textiles from the Orient to the project leader (2007-2010). He is currently work- Mediterranean (ATOM, FR – DK – UK), she or- ing as a teacher for German Language and Liter- ganized and published international conferences ature at a commercial academy. His main research on textile terminologies (with Nosch, Ancient interests are Vedic lexicography and lexicology, Textile Series 8, Oxford 2010) and wool econ- etymology and syntax. Besides his contributions omy (with C. Breniquet, Ancient Textile Series to the Rigvedic dictionary (RIVELEX, 2006, 17, Oxford 2014). 2012), he focused on semantic fields in Indoeuro- pean and Vedic (cf. e.g. Verba dicendi im Rigveda. Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert graduated from the Eine Wortfelduntersuchung im Altindischen. Graz University of Warsaw. She is an archaeologist 2014; ‘Vedisch hári- und Komposita’. In: Akten and a historian, graduated in Greek papyrology. der 40. Österreichischen Linguistiktagung. Ed. Former assistant-curator at the National Museum by Thomas Krisch und Stefan Niederreiter. Inns- of Warsaw, Department of Oriental Christian Art bruck 2015 (IBS 150); ‘Verba dicendi in den „ma- (1993-1999), she was an externally supported gischen“ Hymnen des Rigveda’. In: Akten des 1. scientific fellow at the French Institut of Orien- Grazer Kolloquiums zur indogermanischen Alter- tal Archaeology in Cairo – IFAO (1999-2003), tumskunde. Ed. by Michaela Zinko. Graz 2015). List of Contributors   15 Marie-Louise Nosch is a historian and the director of habil. in 1999 for the thesis The Noun in Bib- the Danish National Research Foundation’s Cen- lical Armenian, Origin and Word Formation – tre for Textile Research (CTR) at the University with special emphasis on the Indo-European her- of Copenhagen and the National Museum of Den- itage (Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin – New York, mark from 2005 to 2016. She is a Professor in 1999). Her interests include all areas of Indo-Eu- Ancient History in the University of Copenha- ropean language and culture with particular focus gen. She was awarded her PhD by the Univer- on phonology and morphophonology, morphol- sity of Salzburg in 2000 with a thesis on Myce- ogy, especially nominal word formation, etymol- naean textile administration in Linear B and has ogy, the interface between language and culture subsequently merged Linear B studies with ex- and the linguistic basis for the reconstruction of perimental archaeology and textile tool studies; Indo-European society. Her principal objects of as director of the CTR, she has launched research research are Indo-Iranian, Greek, Latin and es- programmes combining archaeology and natu­ral pecially Armenian, most often with relevance sciences. She is author, co-author and editor of for the Indo-European protolanguage as such. many works on Aegean Late Bronze Age textile She has been centre leader of the interdiscipli- production in the Mycenaean palace economies. nary project Roots of Europe – language, culture and migrations (2008-13) and is currently head- Magdalena Öhrman, University of Wales Trinity ing the project Individual, kin and family in pre- Saint David, is a senior lecturer in Classics. In historic Europe – what words can tell. Olsen is 2016-2018, she is a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fel- the author of three monographs and about 80 ar- low at the Centre for Textile Research in Copen- ticles and book chapters, co-editor of 6 collected hagen, where her project Textile Reflections ex- volumes and executive editor of the journal Toch- amines multi-sensory representation of textile arian and Indo-European Studies. crafts in Roman literary sources, especially po- etry. She is the author of Varying Virtue. Mytho- Mari Omura is interested in the historical use of or- logical Paragons of Wifely Virtues in Roman El- ganic materials. She has been focusing on fibers egy (Lund 2008) and has published on various and textile technologies including archaic braid- aspects of Latin poetry, including its depiction ing techniques. Through previous research pro- of Roman textiles. Recent publications include jects concerning the braids and threads taken ‘From Calathos to Carmen: Metapoetics in the from both plants and animals (such as cocoons, Story of the Daughters of Minyas (Ovid Meta- lotus, and sheep) the intercultural relationships morphoses 4)’ in Spinning Fates and the Song between these materials and textile technologies of the Loom. The Use of Textiles, Clothing and from early stages began to be considered. To con- Cloth Production as Metaphor, Symbol, and Nar- struct this paper, she was aided by the linguistic rative Device in Greek and Latin Literature, eds. awareness gained through her upbringing in the G. Fanfani, M. Harlow, and M.-L. Nosch, Ancient countryside that some dialects contain old terms. Textile Series 24. Oxford, 285-295; ‘Fake Fare- An example of this is the term gurumegi which wells: The Elegiac Cast of Ov. Trist. 1.3’, in Lati- seems to have been derived from kurumeku or ku- net i tiden. En festskrift till Hans Aili (Stockholm rubeku was still used there as a term for ‘ankle’ University), eds. E. Andersson, E. Kihlman, and in her childhood. The sound of this word seemed M. Plaza. Stockholm, 427-438. strange or odd to her although it is important in the wider context of textile terminologies. Birgit Anette Rasmussen (Olsen) is professor of Indo-European Studies at the University of Co- Louise Quillien is agrégée d’histoire and has a PhD penhagen. She completed her MA in Indo-Euro- in Assyriology from the University of Paris 1 pean in 1978 and achieved the degree as dr.phil. Panthéon-Sorbonne (France) on the topic Textiles 16   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) in Mesopotamia, 750-500 BC, manufacturing Institut für Orientalistik. She has publications in techniques, trade and social meanings. She is the fields of history and philology dealing with member of the Histoire et Archéologie de l’Orient codicology, catalography, paper studies, papyrol- Cunéiforme (Archéologie et Sciences de l’Anti- ogy, and epigraphy. She has worked extensively quité) at Nanterre. She works on economic and on Yemeni, and now Ethiopian, manuscripts. social history of Babylonia during the 1st millen- nium BC, as well as on history of technics and Kalliope Sarri is a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow material culture. She has a formation in history 2015-2017 at the Centre for Textile Research, and epigraphy and is specialised in the reading University of Copenhagen. She has studied his- of Akkadian language of the Neo-Babylonian pe- tory and archaeology at the University of Athens riod. Her research focuses on the history of tex- and obtained her PhD at the Institute for Prehis- tiles, mainly through the cuneiform texts, and also tory and Proto-history of the University of Hei- from the iconography, archaeological remains and delberg. She is specialized in the Aegean prehis- textile imprints. In her PhD she studied the eco- tory, being particularly interested in settlement nomic and non-economic circulations of textiles, patterns, burial customs and pottery production. the organisation of their production and their var- She has written a book (Orchomenos in the Mid- ious uses in Babylonian society. The clarification dle Bronze Age, Munich 2010) and a series of of textile terminology is an important aspect of articles on the Middle Bronze Age and on pre- her research, because it is crucial for the under- historic pottery assemblages in the Aegean. Her standing of the different aspects of textiles, the second scholarly interest concerns textile archae- technics of manufacturing and the functions of ology and terminology and she currently investi- textiles in the Babylonian society. gates textile technologies during the Aegean Ne- olithic. Her on-going research project NETIA Oswald Panagl was trained as a linguist and in clas- (Neolithic Textiles and Clothing Industries in the sical philology in the University of Vienna, Aus- Aegean) is supported by the EU. tria. His Habilitation was in 1976. He has taught linguistics in the University of Munich and Uni- Roland Schuhmann studied Classics in Leiden, Indo- versity of Salzburg. His research areas include European and Classics in Gießen and Indo-Eu- Mycenaean studies and historical linguistics, in ropean, Latin and Medieval Latin in Jena. Since particular etymology, semantic changes, syntax, 2000 he works as research fellow on the Etym­ historical grammar of the Indo-European lan- olo­gisches Wörterbuch des Althochdeutschen. Be- guages (especially Greek, Latin, Germanic lan- tween 2005 and 2012 he was research fellow at guages, Sanskrit, and Baltic languages). He is the the Lehrstuhl für Indogermanistik at the Friedrich- editor of the conference proceedings Die neuen Schiller-Universität Jena and between 2013 and Linear B-Texte aus Theben. Ihr Aufschlusswert 2014 he worked as research fellow on the project für die mykenische Sprache und Kultur, Wien Reading and interpreting runic inscriptions: the 2006 (with S. Deger-Jalkotzy) as well as Die theory and method of runology at the Centre for frühgriechischen Texte aus mykenischer Zeit. Zur Advanced Study in Oslo. Between 2015 and 2016 Erforschung der Linear B-Tafeln (with S. Hiller), he is research fellow at the Department of German Darmstadt 1976. Studies and Linguistics at the Humboldt-Univer- sity at Berlin. He has published articles on Ger- Anne Regourd is Senior Researcher at the Depart- manic and Latin linguistics. ment of Cross-Cultural Studies, University of Co- penhagen, Denmark, and she is an Associate at Orit Shamir is an archaeologist who wrote her PhD the CNRS, France. She taught Arabic Epi­graphy about Textiles in the Land of Israel from the Ro- and Papyrology at the University of Vienna, man Period till the Early Islamic Period in the List of Contributors   17 Light of the Archaeological Finds and her MBA to bioarchaeology, natural sciences, experimental about Textile Production in Eretz-Israel at the archaeology and ethnoarchaeology. Iron Age in the Light of the Archaeological Finds. Her area of specialization are textiles and related Stella Spantidaki is a Greek archaeologist special- artifacts, basketry and cordage from Neolithic to ising in Greek archaeological textiles. Her PhD, the Medieval period in Israel. She is Curator of Textile Production in Classical Athens, published Organic Materials and head department of mu- in 2016 by Oxbow Books, focused in textile pro- seums and exhibits, Israel Antiquities Author- duction in Classical Athens. She is interested in ity. She supervised MBA thesis by Goldman Y., interdisciplinary research combining fields such 2013, Micro-RTI as a Means for the Documen- as ancient philology, ancient history, archaeol- tation and Investigation of Textiles: An assem- ogy, art history, chemistry, biology and experi- blage from Yoram cave, Judean Desert, as a case mental archaeology. Since 2015 she is the Direc- study. M.A thesis. Haifa University. With Ravit tor of ARTEX, the Hellenic Centre for Research Linn and Workman V., 2016, Textile Finds from and Conservation of Archaeological Textiles in Timna and their Social, Historical, and Techno- Athens. logical Implications for the Ancient Mining Com- munity. M.A thesis. Tel Aviv University with Erez Maciej Szymaszek is a postdoctoral fellow and pro- Ben-Yosef. She published widely and participated ject manager at the Department of Historical at many conferences. The publications and con- Studies, University of Gothenburg. He is princi- ferences are listed at: antiquities.academia.edu/ pal investigator in the Swedish Research Council OritShamir. project Tracing the provenance of ancient Egyp- tian textiles: Tove Alm’s collection (2015-2019). Elena Soriga is an archaeologist and a historian He is currently editing a volume on the origins of the Ancient Near East specialised in cultural and histories of ‘Coptic’ textile collections and has ecology and economic anthropology. She was forthcoming articles on the Nubian fabrics kept at awarded her PhD in Ancient Near Eastern his- the Oriental Institute Museum in Chicago and the tory by the University of Naples “L’Orientale” in Museum Gustavianum in Uppsala. His doctoral 2016, with a multidisciplinary thesis entitled Nat- research has been focused on the so-called gam- ural Resources of the Bronze Age Textile Technol- madia signs found on Roman and Late Antique ogy. Economic, ecologic and symbolic role of the textiles. His monograph on this topic included an raw materials involved. Her work focuses on the extensive catalogue of over 500 archaeological study of cuneiform texts dealing with natural re- textiles and representations. He has published pa- sources and on the Sumerian and Akkadian termi- pers about the region of Tur ‘Abdin, pioneers of nology of raw materials in order to understand the art historical research in Syria and Mesopotamia, actual practical use and ideological meaning of visualizations of historical buildings, and textile animal, plants and minerals in ancient economies terminology in the 1st millennium AD. and societies of the Eastern Mediterranean and Mesopotamia.Besides textiles and dye technol- Le Wang is an Associate Professor at the College of ogy, her research interests include trade and mar- Fashion and Design, Donghua University, Shang- itime exchanges in Bronze Age Eastern Mediter- hai. She was awarded her PhD by Donghua Uni- ranean, daily life and material culture like fauna versity in 2009 with a dissertation on the silks and flora, foods and food practices, tools, medi­ discovered in Dunhuang. Her research focuses on cine, cosmetics, and ornamentation as well as history of textiles and costume. She is currently identity and gender studies. Her methodological working on the topic The Design and Cultural approach combines philology, archaeology, icon­ Exchanges Reflected by the Silks along the Silk ography, linguistics, literary and religious studies Road from the 2nd Century BC to 10th Century AD. 18   Textile Terminologies 1000 BC to 1000 AD (2017) Georg Warning is an independent researcher based Feng Zhao is the Director of China National Silk Mu- in Konstanz / Germany. His interests include lan- seum, Hangzhou. He is also a Professor for his- guages and history, particularly of the area Anato- tory of textiles and costume in Donghua Univer- lia – Iran – Caucasus. With a professional training sity, Shanghai. He received his PhD from China in chemistry, he is likewise interested in botany Textile University (present day Donghua Univer- and zoology, again with a focus on the historical sity) in 1997. His main research is on the tex- perspective. tiles along the Silk Road, especially based on the excavations. He focuses on the interdisciplinary John Peter Wild studied Classics and provincial- research on science and technology history, art Roman Archaeology at the Universities of Cam- history and archaeology. As a director of China bridge and Bonn, obtaining a doctorate for a National Silk Museum, he also pay attention to dissertation on provincial-Roman clothing and the conservation of ancient textiles and the in- textiles. Thereafter he was appointed to a post at heritance and innovation of traditional crafts. Manchester University to teach Greek and Latin His publication The General History of Chinese language, later archaeology, and remained in that Silk (editor in chief) was awarded the First Na- university until retirement. His principal archae- tional Publication Award for 2007 and Chinese ological fieldwork has been in the Nene Valley Silks (editor in chief for the Chinese version) (Peterborough, Eastern England) where he has was awarded the R. L Shep Ethnic Textiles Book directed excavations on a series of Roman pot- Award for 2012. tery-production sites. His personal bibliography, however, reflects for the most part his research on aspects of archaeological textiles and textile man- ufacture across the Roman Empire. 1 Textile Terminologies, State of the Art and New Directions Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, Marie-Louise Nosch T he first published volume dedicated to the dia- This new volume includes 35 contributions by 41 chronic study of ancient textile terminologies experts, exploring a wide range of Indo-European lan- gathered contributions on Semitic and Indo-Eu- guages, as well as Semitic, Sino-Tibetan, and Japonic ropean studies based on texts dated mainly to the 3rd languages, spoken and written down between the 1st and 2nd millennium BCE.1 It provided a rich body of millennium BC and the 1st millennium. They represent data and the first steps in elaborating a methodology of a unique and impressive amount of data; in addition, how to analyse textile terminologies and technologies they offer many new approaches to textile terminol- according to various categories. Yet, it also highlighted ogies and help to answer crucial questions concern- the problems that were encounter in such studies. For ing, among others, the nature of textile terminolo- example, some areas such as Greece, Italy, Anatolia gies and their position and inclusion into languages, and Italy are rich in texts providing numerous textile the characterisation of textile terminologies as spe- terms but do not yield many ancient textiles, which cialised, technical language or fully integrated in the can be compared to the textile terminology. Likewise, generalised language; the relationships between tex- other areas, such as Northern Europe and the Alpine tile terms and technologies, geographical provenance, region yield archaeological textiles but very few texts fashion, or social strata; the distribution and mobility to document how the textiles were called. of loanwords; the use of textile and garment terms in Several technical words refer to ancient techno­ figurative language and metaphors. logies, which are lost today, and thus difficult to un- The fields of textile terminology include terms for derstand for the modern scholar. The ancient vocabu- garments, fabric types, weaves, textile tools, textile lary of colours and dye products is also often unclear craft professions, dyes and dye plants. Several authors to the modern reader. Moreover, translations of an- draw inspiration and comparative data from iconog- cient texts do not always convey correctly the tech- raphy, chemical analyses of dyes, and modern ethno- niques and tools described in the texts, but rather re- graphic surveys. flect the philologist’s poor understanding of textile The evidence presented in this volume forms a techniques. Likewise, ancient (male) authors of high distinct geographical pattern. In the case of the tex- social and economic status did probably enjoy textile tile terminological survey of the 3rd and 2nd millennia, qualities but did not necessarily know the technicali- most data stemmed from the Levant, Anatolia (Hit- ties of manufacture, or chose deliberately to be vague tite, Kanesh), Egypt, Greece, and the Near East (Mari, about them for poetic purposes. It is therefore highly Ebla, Mesopotamia), reaching back into India. In the necessary to embark on more precise studies of tex- present survey, the focus is re-positioned to the next tile terminologies, in order to be able to embed this two millennia, but in the 1st millennium BCE, the sur- body of knowledge into the understanding of the past. veyed regions remain largely the same as in the 3rd 1. Michel & Nosch 2010. 19 20   Gaspa, Michel, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) and 2nd millennia BCE: the Near East covers most of In a few cases, archaeology and the materiality of our knowledge of textile terminology of the 1st mil- textiles can actually assist us in matching terms and lennium BCE (Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian textiles. In ideal cases, like the inscribed fabric sam- palatial and private archives). Investigating this area ple from Fatimid Egypt studied by Anne Regourd and is important in order to understand how Mesopota- Fiona Handley, the textile itself states what it is and mian textile terms found their way in the ‘Age of the where it comes from. In other exceptional instances, Empires’ and how this tradition developed during the­ textiles were buried together with inventory lists giving 1st millennium BC thanks to the enlargement of com- precise descriptions of the clothing items in the burial, mercial networks of Assyria and Babylonia and the cul- and the burial was so well preserved that the garments tural encounter that took place in these regions between themselves also came to light. Thus, Le Wang and Feng the old Akkadian-speaking urban elites with groups Zhao could compare a range of clothing terms with the originating from other regions of the Near East. The archaeological clothing items, and identify, e.g., the Hebrew sources represent another treasure trove over name of a purple jacket thanks to the textual records the millennia, and Greece makes a noticeable exception buried together with it and giving the inventory of the with its rich and diverse textual sources of the second tomb excavated in the Ganzu province. part of the 2nd millennium BC, continuing into Archaic, Several studies carried out on single textile and Classical and Hellenistic cultures, and richly preserved, garment words show that they may convey many dif- not in Greece, but in the Greek-speaking settlements ferent meanings. Stella Spantidaki notes the ambigu- of Egypt. Most of our knowledge of textile terminol- ity of several ancient Greek terms for textiles tools ogies in the early 1st millennium AD also stems from and fabrics, because of the polysemy of the language. Greek, as well as from Latin, but the provenance of In particular, the word mitos, which may have been these sources is to a very large part Egypt, and contin- the generic term for thread or yarn, or the special- ues to be so for the late antique periods as well as the ised and technical term for linen thread used for hed- early Arabic inscriptions. Thus we encounter with tex- dle leaches. A similar observation is made by Peder tile terminology the same peculiar situation of selec- Flemestad, Mary Harlow, Berit Hildebrandt, and Ma- tive conservation of texts as the selective conservation rie-Louise Nosch: in the Edictum Diocletiani of the of textiles from the dry conditions of Egypt, and these years 301 AD some words refer to very specific tools, sources frame and precondition our knowledge of an- while others, like acus, carry multiple meanings, per- tique and late antique texts — and textiles. haps linked to its shape and multi-functionality. When lacking specific terms to refer to some tex- Textile terminologies as a segregated, specialized, tile materials, qualities or characteristics, like col- technical language, or as part of the general ours, these can be expressed by paraphrases. Thus, language foundations according to Ines Bogensperger, the great varieties of purple dye qualities attested in the Greek papyri The lexical field of textiles may sometimes follow its are rendered with the help of descriptive adjectives own rules, which interact with the development of or additional nouns. Composite terms are also widely languages. It is often very difficult to provide defini- used to describe garments. Moreover, abbreviations tions of words related to textiles or even to classify of textiles appear in some ancient texts, and even if them. In some ancient languages, generic terms are their meanings were obvious to the ancient authors, used for both textiles and garments, and it is not ob- they are difficult to understand today, as noticed by vious to make a clear distinction of their functions. Herbert Graßl. Modern textile terms do not necessarily match ancient terminologies, and thus it is necessary to retool clas- Traditions and technological innovations through sifications. Philologists today have the complex task textile terminologies of trying to understand and translate what is hidden behind words supposed to refer to specific materials, Languages reflect traditional practices and preference shapes, colours, uses, techniques, etc. for certain materials, colours, shapes, etc. According to 1. State of the Art and New Directions   21 Nahum Ben-Yehuda, Hebrew and Aramaic texts con- convey the functionality of weaving and thus con- tain an extensive Semitic vocabulary referring to flax veys a wrong meaning. Along the same lines, Felicitas and linen suggesting that the production of linen tex- Maeder follows the path and interpretations of byssus, tiles is indigenous and age-old in the region. Likewise, from its Semitic origins, entry into Greek and Latin Omura and Kizawa explain that the ancient Japanese and its afterlife in varied and erroneous Biblical trans- records focus entirely on bast fibres, pointing to a local lations. Other words, depicting very specific types of vegetal textile product with a long history. Silk comes decoration, can be transmitted in the long term with subsequently, introduced from China and accompanied the same meaning, as noticed Maciej Szymaszek with by a new vocabulary to denote this novel animal fibre. the word gammadia, a right-angled motif, used since The identification of specific techniques behind tex- the end of the 1st millennium AD. tile terms may be challenging, as noticed by John Pe- ter Wild and Kerstin Droß-Krüpe, when identifying The terminology of fashion and decorations the words for taqueté (vestis polymita) and tapestry (vestis plumaria) in Roman Egypt. In some cases, we Toponymic designations of clothes are very frequent can follow the transmission of a technique or its evo- and yet often ambiguous since they can refer to many lution. Indeed, the continuity of a technique is visible aspects linked to textiles’ origin, techniques, decora- through the terminology of the professional craftspeo- tion or fashion. The geographical origin of words may ple and their tools. Elena Soriga suggests that similar reflect the introduction of a foreign decoration tech- types of tools were used in the process of fulling, from nique, including new colours. Agnes Korn and Georg the Near Eastern Bronze Age to the Classical Greek Warning notice the replacement in the book on the and Roman times. The only perceptible difference is same line of the word corresponding to kermes (in- linked to the raw materials involved in this technique, sect dye) used in the other books of the Old Testament which are determined by the local ecosystems. by a term referring to an Armenian dye and the col- A radical change of vocabulary can be the result our obtained by using it. of a change of technology. Up to the middle of the Words are transmitted or borrowed and can convey 2nd millennium BCE, in Mesopotamia, sheep would different meanings. When excavating textile terms in shed their wool naturally, and the wool was plucked dictionaries and encyclopaedia, we perceive the geo­ off the animals (baqāmum, qaṭāpum). Then, follow- graphic and diachronic deformation of their mean- ing the mutation of the animal, they had to be shorn ing; in some instances, a new meaning is applied to (gazāzum), and Louise Quillien notices accordingly the word. Felicitas Maeder explains how the ancient the appearance of iron shears in the texts; thus an in- Semitic word byssus, which denominated fine linen dication of a double technological innovation, of new textile in antiquity, was used to designate sea-silk tex- sheep breeds and iron tools. Progress in dyeing tech- tiles in the 16th century, presumably because of their niques is also observable with a growing variety of resemblance. Textile words thus change their meaning words to denote colours, as in the classical Armenian over time and also with the introduction of new fash- language studied by Birgit Olsen. ions. Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert studies the Greek A section of this volume is dedicated to the tex- vocabulary for tunics in Egypt during the Roman and tile terminology used by scholars in textile research, Byzantine periods: the construction of a new vocabu- and the contributors conclude how important it is to lary accompanied the introduction of tunics with long be concise in the technical terms. The words we ap- sleeves and a diversity of the way to wear them. ply to archaeological artefacts, often borrowed from ancient languages, have an impact on their interpre- Textile terminologies as an indicator of social tation. According to Francesco Meo, circular loom status and origin weights from the northern shore of the Taranto Gulf dated to the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE, which allowed The types of textiles documented by texts and images the weaving of dense fabrics, were traditionally re- usually reflect high quality and luxury items, those ferred to by the word oscillum; but this term does not worn by the court and elite members, or exchanged 22   Author in Textile Terminologies (2017) as diplomatic gifts. They are made of expensive ma- the Late Babylonian dialect and this demonstrates the terials, like silk, which was always a luxurious fibre. deep impact of Aramaic in the textile lexical field of However, during the Middle Byzantine period, accord- the whole East Semitic area. Thus, the chronology of ing to Julia Galliker, the great variety of textile terms the transfers and borrowings is an important aspect to used in association with silk of a wide range of quali­ take into consideration as well as that of the cultural- ties suggest that silk had become widely available in historical contexts that determined them. Constantinople. A social distinction through the use In many cases, it seems that loanwords come with of silk-based material was then made via the devel- the ‘loan thing’. This could be the case for the bor- opment of complex decorative weaving techniques. rowings observed by Peder Flemestad and Birgit An- Outside the realm of elite textiles, some texts, nette Olsen between Greek and various Italic lan- like the Roman marriage contract papyri from Impe- guages, among which are Sabellic and Latin. The rial Egypt listing dowries, including women’s ward- meaning of foreign words was not always obvious, robes, give an idea of the garments worn by more even for those using them, as Miguel Ángel Andrés- common people; these are described by Kerstin Droß- Toledo explains concerning the name of a silk textile Krüpe who notices a high proportion of red and yel- translated from Avestan to Pahlavi, which needed to low clothes. Another example is provided by Luigi be explained by the translator. Malatacca who explores the Neo and Late-Babylo- Roland Schuhmann demonstrates that the many nian sources for evidence of ordinary people’s cloth- textile loanwords in Old High German were borrowed ing, and notes that this terminology is limited and of- primarily from Latin and Old French, and these tex- ten generic, referring to ‘dress’ and ‘garment’. tile loanwords arrive from the south and from the west into the Old High German area. It is worth noticing Loanwords in the lexical field of textiles that the number of Latin and Old French loanwords increases gradually from the 8th and 12th century. Textile terminologies are informative concerning con- Moreover, the borrowings belong to three specific se- tacts and influences between peoples, languages and mantic fields: new and previously unknown materials areas through the use of loanwords. A variety of fac- and their products, garments for clerics and cushions. tors can determine the relation between a textile term and the referred item and, consequently, its meaning The symbolism of textiles and garments and the and later semantic developments, such as the socio- metaphors they generate economic context where the item was fabricated, used or purchased, as well as the written practice and the Essential parts of human life are expressed in tex- prestige of schools and writers. Some text corpora are tile and garment expressions. A recent dimension especially rich for such an investigation of cultural in- of textile research is to explore the role of textile fluences, like for example the rabbinic texts, which re- techno­logy in the mental universes of the past, in flect traditions from the Late Antiquity Eastern Medi­­ cult, rituals, mythology, metaphors, political rhet- terranean. Nevertheless, as Christina Katsikadeli oric, poetry and the language of the sciences. Ex- explains, the identification and interpretation of loan- pressions, such as urban tissue, the fabric of the uni- words in these sources may be affected by the texts’ verse, the outskirts of the city, the common thread, transmission and their various manuscript editions. the time warp, the world wide web, all belong to the The donor languages change according to the con- figurative and metaphorical language, which persists sidered domain, and loanwords may be more present today. Also in the past, languages contained such in specific lexical fields, as for example the one of references and they can be identified in a long lit- textiles. In 1st millennium BCE Assyrian texts, accord- erary tradition, from Sanscrit, to Greek archaic po- ing to Salvatore Gaspa, Aramaic textile loanwords at- etry and Ovid. Stefan Niederreiter has systematically test to the presence of skilled Aramaic craftspeople outlined the metaphoric use of textile terminology in Assyria. Many of these terms were still in use in in the Rigveda, a collection of sacred hymns from 1. State of the Art and New Directions   23 ancient India composed in Vedic Sanskrit. Giovanni order to achieve a better understanding of the ancient Fanfani demonstrates how the textile vocabulary and textiles and their characteristics. This dialogue must the vocabulary of music, performance and composi- also include textile craftspeople. tion are interwoven, and Oswald Panagl surveys the Classifications of textiles, textile-related materi- symbolism in the semantic field of weaving, which als and relevant terms are another important field by no means has become a dead metaphor but has re- highlighted in this volume. Starting with an investi- mained productive from antiquity to the present day. gation into the use of saffron as dyestuff in antiquity Terms related to textiles constitute a powerful means in the light of a recently discovered Lycian inscrip- of conveying religious ideas through sacred texts. tion, Peter Herz presents a classification of dyestuffs Götz König’s investigation focuses on those parts of according to how these substances were produced, the Avesta, the holy scriptures of Zoroastrianism, that thus offering an interesting analysis of a relevant describe items worn by priests and warriors along aspect of the history of ancient techniques and eco- with other objects, showing how the components of nomic history. the warriors’ clothing were conceptualized as an ar- The problems and the opportunities of a classifica- mour and as offensive/defensive tools in the frame- tion of textile terms are also highly relevant as regards work of the Avestan religious symbolism. the preservation of the textile lore of modern and con- We can conclude that these metaphorical and figu- temporary societies, since traditional textile produc- rative textile expressions are not merely stylistic tools tion and the relevant technical lore accompanying it but rooted in cognitive, terminological and experien- are dying out not only in Western societies. Through tial realities of the past. They inform us of technical the description of an important digital term bank and terms, of textile practices in daily life in antiquity, the discussion about how to classify textile-related and thus have a strong didactic and rhetorical value in terms and concepts, Susanne Lervad and Tove Engel- ancient literature. Magdalena Öhrman highlights ex- hardt Mathiassen demonstrate how the combination actly this practical and tactile aspect of textile manu- of terminological studies and information technol- facture in her demonstration of how Latin poets use ogy can help scholars preserve and communicate the sound-play and the rhythm of weaving in their texts, cultural heritage of words and expressions for cloth- integrated in the stylistic expression of poetic descrip- ing and textiles. Along similar methodological lines tions of textile work. is Kalliope Sarri’s paper, which presents a costume Another kind of textile terminology is related to term database of 3000 years of the Greek language. the religious, social and legal regulations of clothing. The aim of this ongoing multi-thematic project is to Here Orit Shamir examines the concept of sha’atnez collect Greek costume and other textile-related terms which regulates the forbidden blend of animal and from all periods and regions of Greece. Such a multi- plant based product in ancient Israel, including the disciplinary approach will be crucial in illuminating forbidden blend of wool and linen. Her study also social aspects of clothing production and dress codes gives interesting insights into how these ancient reli- in former periods of Greece and the Eastern Mediter- gious regulations are followed in modern-day Jewish ranean area. communities in a world dominated by synthetic fibres With the exploration of textile terms we have high- and characterized by a globalized economy. lighted an important aspect in textile terminological Studying textile terms also leads us to the problem investigation: that of transmitting the cultural herit- of classifying terms and realia. Since textiles circu- age of past civilizations’ textiles to academic and non- lating in antiquity and the techniques used to produce aca­demic audiences, an objective that can be achieved them have disappeared, it is necessary to continue the only through interdisciplinary approaches, the in- fruitful dialogue between all scholars with expertise volvement of specialists from different fields, and in history, linguistics and material culture studies in new contexts of scholarly interaction and discussion. 2 A Diachronic View on Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and the Ancient Near East: Tools, Raw Materials and Natural Resources for the Finishing of Textiles Elena Soriga A mong the operations required in the overall Textual, iconographical and archaeological evi- cycle of the ancient production of textiles, dence from the Greek and, especially, Roman civili- Greek and Roman sources refer to the fulling zations provide together quite a complete picture of of woollen fabrics as the most complex and expen- the procedures, the tools and the raw materials in- sive technical process performed both in the 1st mil- volved, with special emphasis on their natural and lennium BC and the 1st millennium AD. Indeed, the geographical origins.1 In contrast, for pre-Classical finishing of woollen clothes needed a large amount of fulling, archaeological and epigraphical evidence on time, energy and labour, as well as involving the use the technical phases in the finishing of textiles are un- of specialized skills and costly raw materials. Full- fortunately very scanty, deficient and often of doubt- ing fulfilled two functions that were necessary for the ful interpretation. This situation applies to Mesopo- proper finishing of cloth, namely the scouring and tamia too. Here the earliest cuneiform texts related consolidation of the fibres in the fabric. Woven cloth to the finishing of woollen textiles date back to the straight from the loom has a rather open, loose tex- end of the 3rd millennium BC, while seals and seal- ture and the woven threads needed closing or tight- ings representing scenes of fullers at work attest the ening. The fulling process was intended to consoli- presence of this technology even around the middle date and thicken the structure of the fabric by matting of the 4th millennium BC according to some histori- the fibres together more thoroughly and by shrinking ans.2 In fact the terminology of the cuneiform texts them. Thus the process transformed the cloth from a limits itself to the name of the textile workers in- loose ‘net’ of threads into a compact, tight, textural volved, the woollen fabrics undergoing the different whole. This is why in ancient economies, fulled tex- operations, and a few raw materials, but they do not tiles, proof against water and the wear inflicted by describe how technical operations were carried out weather and time, were considered among the most and the sources of the materials the fullers utilized. luxurious and prestigious of fabrics. Therefore, the study of natural resources mentioned 1. Zawadzki 2013. See in general Flohr 2013; Forbes 1956, 80-89; Singer et al. 1962, 216-221. 2. Algaze 2008, 81, 85, 86 and figs. 14, g-h provides as evidence of that seals and sealings of the Uruk periods (ca. 3500-3200 BC). Nonetheless, these iconographical data constitute only a circumstantial evidence because the representations of the men at work are ambiguous: they are interpretable as tanners or other artisans not engaged in textile manufacturing. The first evidence in support of the hypothesis of activities for finishing wool fabrics in Bronze Age Mesopotamia is some Early Dynastic Period texts dated to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. See also Peyronel 2004, 72. 24 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   25 in 1st millennium Classical texts is extremely use- fabrics had its own chaîne opératoire, entailing the ful: it helps first to close the loopholes in both ear- performance of consecutive and different steps of fin- lier and contemporary cuneiform documentation, and ishing: washing, felting, rinsing and drying and often, then to better understand the economic and cultural but not always, raising, shearing of the nap and crop- role played by specific plants, animals and miner- ping of the resulting hair.4 als belonging to the Near Eastern ecosystems before Some of these technical operations are recorded the advent of mechanized fulling. Several scholars by various cuneiform texts of the early 2nd millen- have stressed the substantial uniformity of the tech- nium BC: a few tablets from the Old Assyrian city nology of fulling, whose procedures and raw materi- of Kanesh (modern Kültepe), in Cappadocia, and an als remained unchanged from Classical antiquity un- Old Babylonian text, whose provenance remains un- til the end of the Early Middle Ages, when the fulling known, provide very accurate instructions on how to of cloth was carried out in a textile water mill.3 It is full textiles.5 These cuneiform texts demonstrate that hence believable that even before the 1st millennium many of the technical processes, as well as the greater BC Near Eastern fullers were exploiting the same or part of tools and raw materials, required in Middle analogous natural resources for cloth-making, using Bronze Age finishing of textiles were essentially com- them in the finishing of woollen fabrics in the same parable to those employed in the fulling of woollen technical operations. cloth during the Iron Age and further described by Therefore, this present research employs 1st mil- Greek and Roman sources. lennium BC and AD sources to draw an ethnographic Nonetheless, the textual evidence of some tech- parallel with the fulling operations, tools and raw ma- niques is sometimes ambiguous because several verbs terials recorded in Near Eastern textual documenta- exist to describe common processes occurring in di- tion during the two previous millennia. Sumerian and verse finishing treatments. For instance, the washing Akkadian terminology linked to technical procedures, of fabrics was conducted by fullers in many different but also to the names of plants, animals and miner- tasks: in the scouring and the rinsing of the woollen als occurring in the cuneiform texts concerning the textiles intended to be fulled, in the ordinary clean- finishing of woollen textiles, will be analysed in the ing of soiled garments, in the bleaching of linen items light of the historical and anthropological compari- and finally in the partial or comprehensive restoration sons with the Greco-Roman world. This should re- of damaged fabrics.6 veal new or overlooked aspects of the Mesopotamian This indistinctness in terminology applies too and Near Eastern fulling as performed in the Bronze to the very occupational name of the fullers them- and Iron Ages. selves and thus on the how the technical processes they performed was known. Indeed, the elusive na- Terminology and technology. Names of ture of the ancient fuller’s work has already been of- procedures, tools and textiles ten stressed by eminent scholars who intermittently have translated this occupational name as ‘laundry- Archaeological, iconographical and textual sources of man’, ‘bleacher’ or more simply as ‘finisher’ or ‘tex- the Classical times prove that the fulling of woollen tile worker’.7 3. Uscatescu 2010. Around the 10th century AD, Muslim engineers invented water-powered fulling mills and introduced them through- out the Mediterranean area. See also Peyronel 2004, 73. 4. Smith 1875, 551-553; Flohr 2013, 99-180. 5. For the Old Assyrian text TC 3/I 17, see Veenhof 1972, 104 and Michel & Veenhof 2010. For the Old Babylonian tablet AO 7026, see Lackenbacher 1982. 6. See Firth 2013. 7. Starting in the mid-3rd millennium BC, cuneiform texts mention a professional class of artisans engaged in the finishing of textiles. Since the Early Dynastic period, the Lexical lists record the Sumerian a š l à g GIŠ.TÚG.(PI.)KAR.DU and l ú a z l á g / l ú a z l a g as pro- fessional designations for the finisher of textiles. Cf. Lexical List Diri III (ašlāku) in MSL XV; see also discussion in CAD A/II, 447 26   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) It is well known that being derived from cellu- to the caustic action of the lye.11 During the 1st mil- lose, flax lacks scales and thus its fibres are not able lennium BC, as the availability of flax in Mesopo- to felt. Nonetheless, from the end of the 3rd mil- tamia increased, this specialization became more lennium BC, cuneiform texts list, among the tex- significant until it was separated and identified as a tiles delivered to the fullers, cloths marked with the profession apart, namely the pūṣāya. The issue re- determinative for linen.8 Vocabularies and lexical mains still controversial but there is no doubt that texts equate the term ašlāku ‘fuller’ and the writ- the equivocation of the occupational terminology is ing LÚ.TÚG.UD, used since the 1st millennium BC due both to the wide range of activities performed by Neo-Babylonian texts to denote exclusively the by the fullers and to the lack of information about craftsmen entrusted to whiten new and used linen the raw materials and tools used in their activities.12 (LÚ pūṣayu).9 The occupational name pūṣāya (LÚ. Moreover, there is evidence of a metonymic use TÚG.BABBAR) ‘launderer’, linked with the term of some verbs, where a single operation within the peṣû (BABBAR) ‘white’ but also ‘clear, shining’, overall finishing process is used to indicate the com- actually occurs only in the Neo-Assyrian and Neo- plete process of the fulling of woollen textiles. This Babylonian texts concerning the working and fin- latter suggestion is confirmed by the original mean- ishing of linen and not before.10 It seems thus rea- ing of the two verbs used in the ancient Greek termi- sonable that among his many offices the ašlāku was nology to indicate the work of the fullers: πλύνω, re- originally in charge of the bleaching of linen and the served for linen, means ‘to wash, to clean, to scour’, ecru wool either through the use of fuller’s earth or whilst κναφεύω, used with reference to the woollen glassworts dissolved in lye or by treating them with cloths, means ‘to teasel, to raise, to card’. Yet, both sulphur vapours. Moreover, mineral and vegetal al- verbs mean lato sensu ‘to full, to launder’. Similarly kalis can be useful also to brighten and to freshen the Latin carmĭno ‘to card the wool’, and related to the dyed textiles that have faded due to sulphur or carmĕn, ‘carding, wool comb’, means also ‘to soak sub ašlāku. Both terms are equated with the Akkadian ašlāku ‘fuller’, a calque of the latter Sumerian word. Cf. LEX/ED IIIa/Fara a z l á g SF 070 o iii 7; LEX/ED IIIb/unknown a z l a g ; Early Dynastic Lú E, 33. See also Lackenbacher 1982, 137: “On traduit par- fois LÚ.ASLAG = ašlākum par «blanchisseur» ou «foulon», mais certains auteurs ont déjà souligné qu’une traduction plus vague comme «travailleur du textile» serait bien préférable, car les tâches de cet ouvrier sont plus étendues que celles que désignent ces deux termes”. With regard to the fulling terminology in the Middle Assyrian texts, Postgate (2014, 408) states: “I know of no Mid- dle Assyrian terminology which would refer to the fulling (fouler, walken) of cloth. The one reference to ‘fuller’ (written l ú - t ú g ) is in the law code (fragment M), and he here appears more to be concerned with cleaning of an already manufactured garment, than with an interim stage in the production of cloth”. 8. Waetzoldt 1972, 155. 9. CAD A/II, 447 sub ašlāku. 10. CAD P, 538 sub pūṣaya ‘launderer’. The πλυνῆς ‘washers’, recorded in a stele of the 4th century BC found in a stadium of Ath- ens, were entrusted with tasks analogous to those of the Mesopotamian pūṣāya. In the Roman world, the corresponding term for the pūṣaya-profession was the nacca. These occupational names designate fullers skilled in scouring and whitening linen, whereas the Akk. ašlāku, Gr. κναφεύς and Lat. fullō indicate fullers engaged chiefly in wool-cloth treatments. 11. CAD P, 538 records few passages in the text where the activity of the pūṣāya concerns some wool items. GCCI 1 145:4 records the delivery of wool to a ‘launderer’ for a handiwork (ana dullu); in UCP 9 103 No. 41:6 the pūṣāya receives instead one mina of green-yellowish wool (SÍG ḫaṣašti), besides two minas and 15 shekels of a sail. 12. With regard to this, the greatest part of terminological information is supplied by some cuneiform texts of the early 2nd millen- nium BC. The recensions B and D of the Old Babylonian series L ú known as lúa z l á g = ašlāku, lists a huge number of occupations, whose greatest part is otherwise unknown in contemporary texts; therefore these names have been interpreted as a roll of the numer- ous activities of the fuller’s craft (Sum. n a m - a z l a g ; Akk. ašlākūtu) rather than different professional designations. See MSL XII, 158, 177, 204; MSL XII, 151: “The name of professions listed in OB Lu designates usually the performer of specific tasks within a given profession (examples of this are the a z l a g -group in Rec. B I 1-21…)”; see Lackenbacher 1982, 137. The comparison of lúa - z l á g = ašlāku with tablet XIX of the series HAR-ra = ḫubullu, a lexical text concerning the names of textiles, enlightens the dif- ferent technical operations concerning washing, thickening, teaseling and cropping of wool textiles, whose names are recorded in contemporary and earlier cuneiform texts dealing with the production of cloths by fullers. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   27 linen’.13 Such an overlap between different techni- in hot water’) was rubbed on the surface of the fab- cal operations belonging to subsequent stages of the rics in order to felt together the threads of the weave, same chaîne opératoire is attested also in the Bronze give thickness and strength to the fabric and thus in- Age cuneiform texts where, for instance, Akkadian crease its waterproofing properties.16 The connotation mašādu is alternately translated ‘to full a cloth, to fin- of the 1st millennium BC terms for ‘lye’ (Gr. κονία; ish a wool textile’ and ‘to comb’ because of its rela- Lat. lixa/lixivium) as dust, ashes or lime suggests that tion with mušṭu ‘comb’.14 Thus, in my view, the verb these detergents were obtained in the form of powder mašādu has a metonymic function: it can be used to from sources of alkali (sodium- or potassium-carbon- indicate the operation of the fulling in cases when the ates) belonging to the mineral or vegetal kingdom.17 woollen item is intended to be “combed” with brushes Bronze and Iron Age cuneiform texts attest the oc- and teasels in order to raise the nap.15 currence of mineral powder and vegetal ashes among the raw materials used by Near Eastern fullers to wash Terminology of finishing treatments and the woollens intended to be fulled, the linens to be technical operations bleached and the soiled garments that needed to be simply cleaned.18 Washing cloths The alkaline ash, earth or ground preparation was put in a vat with boiled (still hot but not boiling) wa- Washing was instrumental not only in cleaning the ter together with the fabrics and vegetal oil or an- fibres by eliminating oils, dirt and other impurities imal grease or, more likely, was mixed with these but also, as has already been said, in consolidating fatty substances until it reached the form of a homo- and thickening the structure of the fabric. In ancient geneous paste and then rubbed on the textiles soaked Greece and Rome, textiles were immersed and then in hot water.19 This last suggestion is supported by a scoured in a hot solution of water and a lump of some lexical text dating back the mid-2nd millennium BC fatty or chemical substance with alkaline, bleaching or where the Akkadian verb sêru (Sum. ŠÚ, šu-ùr) ‘to absorbent and degreasing properties. This soapy lye, rub down, to plaster, to cover with a clay slip’ is listed named in Greek κονία ‘dust, ashes, chalk, lime white- in a group with other two verbs describing two ma- wash, lye, gypsum’ (from κονιάω/κονιάζω ‘to sprin- jor tasks mastered by the fuller: mêsu (Sum. LUḪ) kle with ashes/to plaster with lime’) and in Latin lixa ‘to wash, to clean’ and kabāsu (Sum. GIRI US) ‘to or lixivium ‘ashes, lye’ (from ēlixo ‘to boil, to drench step upon, to full cloth’.20 Thus, as well as the Greek 13. Smith 1875, 553; Rocci 1516, πλύνω: ‘lavo, risciacquo; netto lavando’; Rocci 1058, κναφεύω: ‘scardasso, cardo, lavo i panni, fo il lavandaio’ most likely derived from κνάω ‘to scrape, to scratch, to tear’. IL, 151, carmĭno ‘cardare la lana’ e ‘macerare il lino’, see Pliny, NH 9, 134 and 19, 18. 14. For mašādu, see the above-mentioned Old Assyrian text TC 3/I 17, 12-14 and 19-22 in Veenhof 1972, 104 and in Michel & Veen- hof 2010, 249-252. In his first edition of the text, Veenhof (1972, 106) prefers to translate mašādu ‘to comb, to teasel’, linking it with the substantive mušṭu (Sum. gišg a - r í g ) ‘comb’, but AHw 687a he rejected this etymology. Waetzoldt 1972, 116 mentions also the gišga-ríg-ak with the meaning ‘carding comb’. Michel & Veenhof (2010, 249) translate the verb with the original meaning ‘strik- ing/biting’ and reject the translation ‘to comb’ since mašādum “is applied to wool and hair, not to a fabric”. 15. A metonymic use of mašādum was proposed first by B. Landsberger (1965, OLZ 60, col. 158, on no. 299) in Michel & Veenhof 2010, 252. Regarding this, Veenhof (1972, 106) states: “K. Balkan presents Landsberger’s ideas on this terminology. He warns one to distinguish between similar treatments applied to the wool, the threads and the woven tissue. In the latter case the subject of the present letter - he distinguishes three treatments: a) mašādum; b) mašārum; c) qatāpum” and n. 179. 16. Fosbroke & Lardner 1833, 342-345; Aristophanes, Batrakhoi, 712. 17. Levey 1959, 125-129; Forbes 1965, 140-141; Waetzoldt 1972, 159. 18. Waetzoldt 1972, 172; Zawadzki 2006, 61-65; Firth 2013. 19. Waetzoldt 1972, 159; Waetzoldt 1985, 83-86; Rougemont 2011, 374-375; Firth 2013; Quillien 2014, 285-286. 20. E r i m ḫ u š = anantu II, 42-44 in MSL XVII, 28; MSL XVII, 1: “This series seems, like the similarly structured series Antagal, to aim less at analysing the various meanings of a Sumerian word (whether by contrasting it with other Sumerian words or by enu- merating different Akkadian equivalents) than at collecting a set of words from one semantic field: synonyms, homonyms, com- plementary concepts (black/white), etc.” 28   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) κονιάω/κονιάζω, the verbs sêru and šu-ùr describe the fullery of Veranius Hypsaeus in Pompeii shows the felting of the threads of the textiles with the aid of one fuller trampling clothes in a tub placed on the a cleaning powder or lump rubbed on their surface.21 floor and three other workers scrubbing and wring- ing them to facilitate their felting (Fig. 1). Walking cloths It is very probable that the actual fulling pro- cess was performed by trampling the soaped cloths In the fulling of woollen fabrics and cloth-making throughout the Mediterranean and Near East long be- process, the next step is widely attested by textual fore the Roman period, though the little direct ev- and iconographical sources produced by the Classi- idence collected so far does not clarify where and cal civilizations. The soaked and soaped textiles were when this technique had its origin.28 In the 5th cen- beaten, wiped off and wrung out by hand, pounded tury AD Horapollo, in his Hieroglyphica, mentions by cudgels or trodden by feet.22 The detergents were that the Egyptian symbol to indicate a fuller consisted pushed through the cloth and penetrated deep into of two feet in a tub filled with water.29 At the begin- the threads by the trampling of the fabrics and by ning of the 2nd millennium BC, a Middle Kingdom their scrubbing. The microscopic barbs on the surface depiction from Beni Hassan shows three textile work- of the wool fibres hook together, making the textile ers standing in what seems to be a large vat, but it is softer, thicker and more resistant.23 unclear whether they were actually walking on the A passage from the Corpus Hippocraticum de- clothes.30 scribes the fulling of cloth as an alternation of tram- The philological study here presented on the Ak- pling (λακτίζουσι), striking (κόπτουσιν) and pulling kadian and Sumerian terminology in cuneiform texts (ἔλκουσι).24 In the first half of the 3rd century BC, the related to the cloth-making process is able to dem- Roman poet Titinius describes in his comedy Fullones onstrate that the technique of fulling underfoot was the work of the textile craftsmen as argutarier pedi- performed by Mesopotamian fullers of the same pe- bus ‘nattering, making a noise with the feet’.25Around riod as the Egyptian picture of Beni Hassan. Old As- the middle of the 2nd century BC, Cato the Elder de- syrian and Old Babylonian texts dealing with the scribed the Roman fullones engaged in all these op- finishing treatments of different kinds of woollen erations.26 Seneca described the movements of the textiles describe the fulling procedure by using the fullers at work: with a certain amount of irony he lik- verbs mašādu ‘to press, to walk upon, to full cloth’, ened them to dance steps (Lat. saltus fullonicus).27 maḫaṣu ‘to strike, to weave’ and kamādum ‘to weave Contemporary archaeological and iconographical and prepare cloth in a specific way’.31 The modalities sources confirm the textual references. A fresco from of this ‘specific treatment of the cloths’ are disclosed 21. CAD S 227, sub sêru; Rocci 1071. 22. Moeller 1976, 20. 23. Flohr 2013, 101. 24. The use of the present tense emphasizes the continuity and alternation of the treatment, Flohr 2013, 100 and n. 12. 25. Titinius, Ful., fr. X; Flohr 2013, 101; IL 97 sub argūtor: “fig. argutarier pedibus: saltellare”, ‘to hop’. 26. Cato, De agri coltura X, 5; XIV, 2; Hippocrates, De diaeta, I, 14. 27. Seneca, Epistulae, XV, 4. 28. Flohr 2013, 101 remarks that fulling with the feet was efficient “as the pressure a human can generate below his feet is much higher than that which he can generate with his hands”. Fulling with this technique was still performed until the early modern period and in some Mediterranean regions even over the last century such as in Crete where fulling by foot was done until the 1950-1960s (Doniert Evely, personal communication). Indeed mechanized fulling in water mills (Lat. molendinum ad fullandum; molendinum fullonum) did never fully replace the traditional foot-fulling carried out by physically trampling the cloths in tubs. In Anglo-Saxon countries and particularly in Scotland the cloth-making process was called walking/waulking still after it became mechanized. See Uscatescu 2010. 29. Nonetheless M. Flohr (2013, 101) states: “the symbol does not seem to be known from any hieroglyphic text”. 30. Forbes 1955, 84, fig. 3; Flohr 2013, 101. 31. Probably a difference in meaning distinguishes the tree verbs kabāṣu, mašādu and kamādu but it is perhaps too subtle to have been 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   29 Fig. 1. Lower section of the fresco of the so-called Pilastro dei Fullones from the fullonica of Veranius Hypsaeus in Pom- peii (House VI 8, 20-21.2), depicting some fullers busy to scour the cloths rubbing by hands and trampling on them. 1st century AD, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli (inv.nr. 9774 b). Photograph courtesy of Miko Flohr. by the contemporary OB series lú where the ka-mi- Raising, shearing and polishing the nap du is described as lú túg-šu-dúb-da ‘the craftsman who strikes the cloth by hand’ or, more vaguely, as Following the washing treatments, the soaked textiles lú túg-dúb-da ‘the man who kicks/smites (dúb = had to be presumably rinsed, then wrung thoroughly napāṣu) the cloths’.32 Another Akkadian verb kabāsu and hung out in the sun or in a place with enough ‘to step upon something on purpose, to trample, to fresh air circulating through the textile.34 These stages walk upon, to make compact, to full cloth’ is related were essential tasks to be carried out before subse- with the Biblical professional designation for fuller, quent processes of the raising, shearing and polish- the Hebrew kōbēs. That suggests that the technique ing of the nap. of fulling by walking the cloths was common prac- Several Roman frescos testify to the performance tice through the ancient Near East still during the 1st of these operation: the paintings from the House of millennium BC.33 the Vettii at Pompeii represents a cupid brushing a understood by the ancient scholars, who were unfamiliar with the material world of textile production. It is, however, noteworthy that in TC 3/I 17 and in contemporary lexical texts, kamādum is directly followed by qatāpum ‘shearing’, thus overlooking the step of the teaselling, whilst, when kamādu is preferred to mašādu as in the case of text AO 7026, it is immediately followed by mašārum ‘teaseling’. Thus, I propose that the verb mašādu might denote a kind of synthesis of the two technical operations indicated by the verbs kamādum and mašārum. For a terminological study of the technical operations described by the verbs kamādum “foulage à la main” and mašārum “lainage”, see AO 7026 in Lackenbacher 1982. See also Michel & Veenhof 2010, 252; Veenhof 1972, 105- 109. CAD K, 108, sub kamādu and 121 sub kamdu and kāmidu; CAD M/I, 71, sub maḫaṣu. 32. MSL XII, 177:13; 204:9. 33. CAD K, 5 sub kabāsu; see also the substantive gabaṣu “contraction” (CAD G, 3) and the verb kapāṣu “to bend over, to curl” (CAD K, 181). 34. The rinsing in fresh water was to wash the excess chemicals out and with them the greases and the lye’s stink they had released. Un- fortunately, there is no evidence from Classical antiquity for this stage of the fulling process: rinsing is not discussed in literature, 30   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) Flohr, one of foremost authorities on Roman full- ing, stated that these technical operations “seem to have belonged to the core business of fullones”.36 Per- haps for this very reason, metonymic overlapping be- tween the verbs describing the actual fulling (as per- formed first during the washing) and those related to the raising, shearing and polishing of the nap is found both in Bronze and Iron-Age texts. Classi- cal texts report that fulled textiles were treated with gentle brushes or special combs named teasels (Gr. κνάφος; Lat. aena fullonia) able to raise the nap of the woollen cloth without damaging its weave. From the ancient Greek word κνάφος ‘teasel’ come the terms κνᾰφεῖον ‘fulling workshop; laundry’ and κναφ/γναφ- εύς ‘fuller’. This latter noun is descended from the occupational name Myc. ka-na-pe-u ‘fuller’ found in Fig. 2. Upper section of the fresco of the Pilastro dei Ful- the Linear B tablets from Pylos and Mycenae in re- lones (9774 b) from the fullonica of Veranius Hypsaeus in lation with sheep wool and not vegetal fibres.37 This Pompeii depicting textile finishers working in the fullon- fact suggests that even before the 1st millennium BC, ica; on the left a teaseler raises the nap of the cloth with a in the Aegean area, the raising, shearing and polish- brush whilst a woman and a little girl inspect the processed ing of the nap of woollen textiles underwent a fulling textiles; on the right a men carries the viminea cavea and process so important as to lend its name to the pro- a bucket with sulphur or another bleaching substance. 1st fession as a whole.38 century AD, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, af- In the ancient Near East, the textile terminology ter De Albentiis 2002, 137. applied to some finished products provides evidence that the fulling of woollens included the performance piece of cloth; the fresco from the fullery of Veranius of these following steps, at least since the end of the Hypsaeus (VI 8, 20-21.2) depicts a fuller busy per- 3rd millennium BC. Among the different woollen forming the same procedure (Fig. 2).35 items delivered to the fullers of the Ur III texts, the nor is it depicted in paintings or reliefs. Regarding the drying, depictions of the fulling process from Pompeii, Ostia, Roma and Sens show clothes hanging out over beams. Seneca describes a fullo, ‘fuller’, as sprinkling water over a garment stretched out to be brushed in order to moisten it: this suggests that fulled textiles were usually dried before polishing. See Flohr 2013, 104-105 and 108-109. Ethnographical comparison with the fulling of pre-industrial Europe attests the importance of this practice: wet or damp woollens had to be dried in a place with a sufficiency of circulating fresh air, by hanging them over beams or spreading them out over a large wooden frame called a ‘tenter’ to prevent their shrinkage, as well as stopping the development of a rather unpleas- ant fusty smell. As noted by Quillien (2014, 286), in ancient Near Eastern religions, the (pleasant) smell of something in part de- notes the god’s radiance. Thus fullers and bleachers often are recorded as recipients of aromatics and scented resins to perfume the clothes, thereby covering any residual stench of the chemicals used in fulling and dyeing processes. 35. Flohr 2013, 113-115 and Fig. 26 and Fig. 27. 36. Flohr 2013, 113. 37. PY Cn 1287, En 74/Eo 267, Eo 269; My Oe 129, Oi 701. See Del Freo et al. 2010. 38. Some tablets from Pylos testify to the importance of this profession in the Mycenaean world. One text records a man named Pe- kita, a craftsman from Cyprus, as fuller of the king (Myc. ka-na-pe-u, wa-na-ka-te-ro). See Palaima 1997. Pekita may be a nick- name linked to the task performed by this craftsman: it is related to the Mycenaean pe-ki-ti-ra, the occupational name designating ‘female combers, carders’ and to the finished fabric named te-pa pe-ko-to, a very heavy wool cloth most likely first undergone to the thickening and fulling processes and then intended to be teased until reaching an hairy appearance resembling the sheep fleece (Myc. po-ka). Yet, with regard to the weight of the te-pa pe-ko-to textiles, Del Freo et al. 2010, 357 state: “How and whether this fact is technically related to combing is still an open issue”. The above-mentioned Mycenaean terms are all connected to the root *pkt-en from which derive Lat. pecten and Gr. κτείς ‘comb’ and πέκω ‘to comb’, whose meaning “in Mycenaean Greek therefore seems to cover both the treatment of wool and also a treatment of textiles” (Del Freo et al. 2010, 358). 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   31 túg guz-za is described as ‘a special fabric of flocky to crop’ rather than ‘to pluck’, found also in the se- and shaggy texture’.39 The tablets of Girsu prove that ries Lú as LÚ.TÚG.PA.KU5.RU/DU = qá-ti-pu.44 In this fabric underwent the túg sur-ra and túg kin- the Old Babylonian text AO 7026 the same procedure DI-a treatments performed with oil and alkali and is performed in the finishing of the TÚG BAR.DIB hence it can be considered a kind of fulled textile.40 (nanbû) and TÚG šē-e-tim under the name of laqātum Furthermore, in the early 2nd millennium BC, túg ‘to gather, to pick up’, a verb sometimes written with guz-za (akk. túggizzu) “étoffe poilue ou rêche” is the logogram KU5, which occurs in two different op- the only type of textile qualified in the texts of Mari erations (laqātum pānum and laqātum lā pānum) per- as bar-kar-ra or barkarrû, an adjective denoting a formed on the surface of a fabric.45 coarse waterproof fabric.41 These cuneiform texts demonstrate that many of Around the same time the Old Babylon tablet AO the technical processes required in the Middle Bronze 7026 and a lexical text demonstrate unequivocally Age finishing of textiles were actually comparable that the shagginess of the túg guz-za resulted from to those described by Greek and Roman sources the raising of the nap of the cloth (Akk. mašāru) by in the 1st millennium BC. Furthermore, t ú g guz- the fullers with at least two different kind of teasels.42 za, kutānum and other woollen fabrics produced by The contemporary Old Assyrian text TC 3/I 17 Mesopotamians fullers show several analogies with gives the following instructions: “Let them full/comb/ some thick, water-resistant woollen cloths still manu­ prepare for raising one side of the textile (ša ṣubātim factured in Europe with traditional techniques as the pānam); they should not shear it (lā iqattupūšu); its loden, the panno casentino and the Sardinian orbace: weave should be close (šutûšu lu mādat) … the other these fabrics, renowned for their sturdiness and en- side (pānam šaniam) one should full slightly (i-li-la durance, first undergo the shrinking and fulling treat- limšudū). If it is still hairy (šumma šārtam itaš’û), ments and subsequently are brushed with a fuller’s one should shear it (liqtupūšu) like a kutānum”.43 teasel; then the nap is cropped. The text records therefore the shearing of a formerly If the textile terminology of Bronze Age cuneiform brushed side, perhaps the outer one, in order to clip texts provides evidence that the technical operations the hair extracted by the teasels and to get an even and carried out by 1st millennium fullers and described smooth surface. The verb utilized is qatāpu ‘to shear, by Classical sources were already performed in the 39. Oppenheim 1948, 32, G1 n.3; Waetzoldt 1972, 291. 40. Firth 2013. 41. Durand 2009, 35 and 99. Two texts from Mari (T.518: 4 and T.519: 4 in Durand 2009, 35) connect the t ú g guz-za with a cloth named t ú g hu-ru-ru. The name of this textile might be related to a technical procedure listed also in the contemporary AO 7026. In the Old Babylonian text, the finishing operation is closely linked with another (neṣûm u hurrurum). Lackenbacher (1982, 142) translates the term nesûm/našûm “racler, enlever en grattant et même arracher” and hurrurum “rayer, mettre (les fibres) parallèle- ment”. The French scholar distinguishes the use of the D form hurrurum, applied to hair and fibres, from the G one ḫarārum, whose primary meaning is ‘to dig’. 42. MSL XII, 177: 5-8; 204: 4-5; 194-195 in MSL X, 133; Lackenbacher 1982. 43. šumma šārtam itas’û kīma kutānim liqtupūšu “if it (pānam šaniam) proves still to be hairy let one shear it like a kutānum”, in Michel & Veenhof 2010, 250-252. See also TC 3/I 17, 12-14 and 19-22 in Veenhof 1972, 104. 44. MSL XII 177: 14, 204: 10, Veenhof 1972, 106; Michel & Veenhof 2010. 45. Lackenbacher 1982, 144 rejects the translation of laqātum as with the meaning ‘to crop, to trim’ and thus as an equivalent of qatāpu, because the former verb is also found in a context of linen bleaching; she prefers to translate it as “enlever (les impurités)”, consid- ering pānum “une partie cousue et donc amovible” rather than one of the two sides of the cloth. Therefore, I suggest that laqātum pānum and laqātum lā pānum are detailed instructions to trim one side of the cloth and to leave the other without shearing, and thus that this is a parallel of TC 3/I, 17. Indeed, these two operations are both performed only on the surface of b a r- d i b s i g MA IM TE NA, the ṣubāt šētim ÚŠ and b a r- d i b ÚŠ, whilst the different qualities of GUZ.ZA and the wool cloth named TÚG BAR.DIB SIG lahāritum had to undergo an alternative kind of teaseling named šartum leqûm “tirer pour (obtenir) le poil”. Since šartum leqûm is one of the last operations before the seizing (Akk. puššuru) of the cloth, in this step the hair has to be further brushed and curled. This finishing treatment of the cloth, is still performed in Italy where is named rattinatura and was carried out in Tuscany until re- cent times to produce the panno casentino; the hair of the inner side was merged into flakes, dumplings, knots and waves by rub- bing and pressing them with a stone until an appearance similar to the animal fur was attained. 32   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) ancient Near East during the previous two millennia, textile manufacturing is attested in Near Eastern tex- then too the study of the raw materials and the nat- tual documentation too: Neo-Babylonian and Neo-As- ural resources involved in the cloth-making process syrian tablets record the importation of natron (Akk. can demonstrate how similar were the treatments of nitiru/nitru) from Egypt in abundance beside alum fulled textiles across the millennia. (Akk. na4gabû, aban gabî), another substance used in the finishing of textiles. In the Bible, natron (Heb. Terminology of natural resources exploited as neter) is mentioned for its cleansing power alongside raw materials and tools the bōrît-grass, a kind of soapwort used by fullers of the ancient Israel.49 Minerals as alkali sources and detergents Classical sources quote however fuller’s earth (Lat. creta fullonia) as the detergent par excellence used by Among the mineral sources of alkali, natron (Lat. ni- fullers in textile laundering, whitening and presuma- trum; Gr. νίτρον, λίτρον) was in ancient times the bly in cloth-making. Under this generic label are col- most coveted. It is a natural mixture of sodium car- lected several mineral substances very different from bonate, sodium bicarbonate and sodium sulfate along each other in their sedimentological and chemical with small amounts of other salts (halite, sodium qualities. These soft clay-like materials, actually of- chloride), and was used to perform many different ten derived from powdered rocks, share alkaline and tasks. The use of natron was advantageous because it smectic properties: once rubbed onto the fabric, they was found ready for use in nature: no further costs of absorbed and removed the greases, imparting a lus- extraction of the soda carbonates accrued, as was the tre and brightness to the cloth.50 case for other sources of alkali. The variable amount of the component substances Even so, natron is found only in contexts with spe- (iron, magnesium, alkaline metals, alkaline earths) cific pedological and ecological conditions. The most naturally contained in these washing powders con- famous provenances were localities in Egypt, where fers on them absorbent, cleaning and, eventually, the word used was nṯrj, ‘to be pure, clean’. Here, the whitening properties as in the case of the bentonite, flood waters of the Nile permeated the soil and, once montmorillonite, kaolinite and saponite ‘clays’.51 In evaporated, deposited incrustations of carbonates of his Naturalis Historia, Pliny the Elder mentions sev- soda.46 Sodium carbonates used by Greek and Roman eral qualities of fuller’s earth (Lat. creta fullonia) that fullers had to be imported from far away and were possess different properties and, consequently, differ- thus rather expensive: during the Ptolemaic period, ent purposes.52 Egyptian natron formed an important state monopoly, The most appreciated species of fuller’s earth proving that it was a very profitable business.47 Strabo came from the Eastern Mediterranean: straight af- and Pliny report that in the period straddling the 1st ter the first-rate ‘tobacco-pipe clay’ (Lat. terra cimo- century BC to the 1st century AD, natron (Lat. nitrum; lia; Gr. κιμωλία γῆ) from Kimolos in the Cyclades, Gr. νίτρον, λίτρον) was still imported from Egypt.48 Pliny mentioned the ‘clays’ from Thessaly and Epi- During the 1st millennium BC the use of natron in rus and those from the islands of Cyprus, Samos and 46. Brunello 1973, 44-45. 47. Brunello 1973, 44. 48. Brunello 1973, 44. 49. Oppenheim 1967, 243; Jeremiah II, 22; Malachi, II, 2. 50. Cf. Rougemont 2011, 375; Firth 2013, 140: “Although the wool would have been washed before it was spun, there would have some residual natural oils in the wool. In addition, oil may have been used to lubricate the threads during weaving.” 51. Pliny, NH, 17, 4. 52. For instance, Pliny (NH, 35, 196) refers to the use of fuller’s earth from Sardinia (creta sarda) which was used with sulphur (sulpur) and employed in the cleaning or bleaching of white fabrics, Moeller 1976, 20; Robertson 1949. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   33 Lemnos.53 The first reference to the use of the kao- imported from far away like the above-mentioned na- lin gypsum from Κίμωλος is found in a comedy of tron. There were other and cheaper sources for such. Aristophanes and dated to the year 405 BC.54 In the Classical sources refer to the use of stale urine: an- 4th century AD, a kind of mineral powder from the imal or human excrement undergoing the nitrifica- Cyclades is also mentioned by the Papyrus Graecus tion process on the way to becoming ammonia.58 It is Holmiensis. Because of its ‘astringent’ and ‘caustic’ not clear where the fullones procured this matter for power, this mineral was compared to the alum used their workshops, whether from nearby stock-farms both in the tanning of skins and as a mordant in the or even from the urban public toilets.59 According to dyeing of textiles; hence it was called stupteríōdes R. J. Forbes, “in ancient Mesopotamia, like in mod- gē — Greek, “earth containg alum” — a denomina- ern India, it [potassium nitrate used in glass-making] tion used by Aristotle, Strabo and Pliny some cen- was obtained as an efflorescence of the soil in cer- turies earlier.55 tain places where organic matter decayed (cattle yards In Mesopotamia, it seems highly likely that the and stables)” but no cuneiform text suggests a use of identification of this mineral detergent should be with urine (Akk. šīnātu; Sum. kàš) in the washing or fin- the raw material named in cuneiform texts na4im-bab- ishing of textiles.60 bár (Akk. gaṣṣu ‘gypsum, plaster’), literally “white Therefore it is probable that alkalis were obtained earth”, because since the end of the 3rd millennium from other sources in Mesopotamia before the intro- BC it was delivered in large quantities to the fullers duction of Egyptian natron, and later again as its low- for the finishing of cloths.56 At present, the sedimen- priced surrogate. Neo-Sumerian texts show the de- tological composition of this substance has not yet livery of a great quantity of vegetable ashes, besides been elucidated, though the most recent studies have animal and vegetal oils, to the fullers of the city of shown that this earth is probably not a kind of clay, Girsu for the túg šà-ha, túg kin-DI-a and túg sur-ra but an alkaline powder obtained by crushing minerals treatments of cloths.61 Actually, the greatest part of the such as limestone or chalk together with other cleans- modern and ancient terms denoting soda or, more ex- ing substances like sulphur or another kind of mineral tensively, lye-wash, are in some ways linked with the powder named na4im-sa 5 ‘red earth’.57 incineration of vegetal matters and the resulting cin- ders. For instance, the English alkali, a modern syn- Vegetal detergents and sources of alkali onymous for potash ‘vegetal lye made by burning wood to ashes in a pot’, derives from the Ar. al-qalīy The use of alkalis in the bleaching of linen and in ‘calcined ashes’, in its time related both to the Akka- glass and soap-making makes these raw materials dian verb qalû ‘to burn, to roast’ and with the term important and expensive, especially when they were qīltu used in Neo-Assyrian tablets to indicate both the 53. Rocci 1718 sub στυπτηριώδης; Pliny, NH 35, 195-201. 54. Arist. Batrakhoi, 713. See Robertson 1949. 55. Healy 1999, 286; the adjective stupteríōdes used to denote this kind of earth indicates it was ‘alum containing’ or ‘astringent’. 56. Firth (2011) carried out an accurate analysis on the sedimentological and chemical properties of the different candidates proposed for the identification of ancient fuller’s earth, determining the use of the i m - b a b b a r 2 and its usage by the fullers in the Mesopo- tamian textile industry; Firth 2013, 146. 57. See Firth 2011. CAD G, 54 sub gaṣṣu. Note that Pliny (NH, 35, 195) with reference to the creta cimolia, in Roman times the most generally used type of fuller’s earth, distinguished too between a white (candidum) and a reddish (ad purpurissum inclinans) variety. 58. Pliny, NH 38, 66, 91 and 174; Moeller 1976, 13, 20 and 96; Flohr 2013, 103-104. 59. Martial, VI, 93; Moeller 1976, 20; contra Flohr 2013, 171: “Thus, on closer inspection, there is no literary evidence for public urine collection by fullers”. 60. Forbes 1965, 181. Once dissolved in boiled water and washed and refined for days this mixture of salt and saltpetre gave some crys- tals of an alkaline mineral (Akk. mil’u and anzaḫḫu) used in the glass-making. 61. Waetzoldt 1972, 172; Firth 2013. 34   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) lye and the plant from which alkaline ashes were ob- tained during the 1st millennium BC.62 It seems likely too that the Biblical bōrît, the ‘veg- etal ashes’ obtained by burning a grass or bush named gasûl, and used by fullers of ancient Palestine to pre- pare the lye and to clean clothes, has to be related to the Heb. bārar ‘to purify, to cleanse’ and to the Span- ish word barrilla and its anglicization barilla, a term used since the Middle Ages to denote soda ash and saltworts, glassworts and seaweed, plants that con- tain widely varying amounts of sodium carbonate and some additional potassium carbonate.63 In fact, only a few centuries ago, the chief source of alkali consisted of some prickly plants growing by the sea or in saline localities such as salt marshes and commonly named Fig. 3. On the top: Salsola kali and Salsola herbacea. Sal- glassworts or saltworts (Salicornia spp., Arthrocne- icornia rudicans in En. Bot. 1180, 1183, 1868. On the mum spp., Halocnemum spp. Salsola spp. and Kali bottom: Uruk sealing with a possible representation of a spp.). When dried and burnt, these succulent and halo- prickly saltwort, likely belonging to Salsola sp. After Liv- phyte plants, mostly belonging to the Amaranthaceae erani 1988, 137, fig. 25-3. family (Fig. 3), produce the best alkaline cinders used in soap- and glassmaking and in bleaching linen.64 though the plant mostly quoted in glass-making is In the Eastern Mediterranean and Mesopotamia the uḫūlu -plant (Sum. únaĝa).67 The ashes from the Salicornia europaea, Salsola soda, Salsola kali, Kali uḫūlu can be found mixed with oil, fuller’s earth or tragus and Halocnemum strobilaceum grow along the alum according to the use.68 Sometimes the texts qual- brackish swamps, in the saline semi-deserts and ob- ify uḫūlu with the epithet qarnānû (SI) ‘sprouted’; viously nearby the seashores.65 A philological analy- the relation of the term with the Akk. qarnu ‘horn’ sis of the terminology actually highlights the link be- could support the identification of uḫūlu qarnānû tween the term for alkali (Sum. na4naĝa; Akk. uḫultu/ (Sum. Ú.NAGA SI/ ú naĝa-si-e 3 ) as a species be- uḫūlu; Hitt. ḫas(s)) to some plant species grouped un- longing to the Salicornia or Salsola genera, charac- der the hypernym Ú.NAGA/ ú teme ‘saltwort, alka- terized by plants with succulent branches similar to line plant’.66 horns (Fig. 3).69 Another species of saltwort could be Lexical lists of the 2nd millennium BC record denoted by the phytonym qīltu that in 1st millennium among these the šāmiṭu, mangu and qaqqullu plants, BC denoted a soda plant and its derived lye. Indeed, 62. CAD Q, 252 sub qīltu. In the Mari texts the term ammidakku perhaps refer to a kind of lye used in the early 2nd millennium BC for the purification of metals, CAD A/II, 75 sub ammidakku. Differently from qīltu it is not sure whether ammidakku is made from vegetable ashes, CAD A/II, 75 sub ammidakku. 63. Malachi III, 2; Jeremiah II, 22. See Forbes 1955, 179-180; Forbes 1965, 140-141; contra Brunello 1973, 54 who, though, refers to the use of Salsola kali among the fullers of ancient Palestine, and interpreted bōrît as a botanical term and not as vegetable prod- uct. Moreover, he identified it with the common soapwort (Saponaria officinalis). 64. Levey 1959, 128; Brunello 1973, 54; Moorey 1999, 212. 65. Levey 1959, 122 uses the old nomenclature Salsola kali “the soda plant, grows near the Dead Sea today and is common in Syria, Egypt and Arabic”; see CAD Q, 69 sub qalû. 66. Forbes 1965, 141. 67. See CAD S/1, 313 sub šāmiṭu; CAD M/1, 211 sub mangu; CAD Q, 124 sub qaqqullu. 68. CAD U-W, 48-50 sub uhūlu. 69. CDA, 419 sub uhulu(m): NB also uḫḫulu, Ug. uhhunu m. & f. (an alkali-rich plant) ‘potash’, Bab. [(Ú.)NAGA]; as mineral; for soap; in glass recipe; esp. u. qarnāti/qarnānu [(U.)NAGA.SI] ‘Salicornia’ and similar plants for glass, drug. See CAD U-W, 49 sub uḫūlu d; CAD Q, 134 sub qarnu and 133 sub qarnānû. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   35 Fig. 4. Plant belonging to the wild thistle’s group (Carduus sp.), photo by Elena Soriga. Its possible representation appears in a scene of sheep shearing from a Middle Assyrian seal, 13th cen- tury BC, after Liverani 1988, 595, fig. 110-4. the term could be linked both to the verbal adjec- The tablets of the same archive record another phy- tive baqlu/baqiltu ‘sprouted, horned’, and to its staple tonym, denoting a plant used by fullers as a bleaching product, the burnt material (Akk. qilûtu; Sum. gibíl agent, whose name is composed by the sign NAGA: KI.NE) used as alkali.70 the GIŠ.NAGA plant.74 According to Zawadzki this On the other hand, the soda plant named uḫultu (Ú sign has to be read gad-šu-naga (Akk. bīnu) ‘tam- AN.NU.ḪA.RA) is never qualified as sprouted; it pro- arisk’ and “not alkali”.75 The tamarisk (Tamarix duces a salt quoted in the texts as aḫussu or alluḫaru/ aphylla) is an evergreen tree growing on beaches by annuḫaru used also in tanning of skins and as a min- the sea and along watercourses in arid areas through- eral dye or mordant to produce a white colour.71 In out the Near East. Its occurrence in the above-men- Mari texts, dating back the beginning of 2nd millen- tioned texts can be explained by the fact that it is per nium BC, the annuḫarum used in the finishing of tex- se a source of alkali: its leaves are able to accumulate tiles has been interpreted as ‘white alum’ in opposi- and exudate sodium carbonate, thereby allowing plant tion to another substance named qitmu ‘black alum’.72 to tolerate saline soils and alkaline conditions; hence In the 1st millennium BC aḫussu, interpreted as by- its name ‘salt cedar’ in the vernacular. In addition to form of both uḫulu and uḫultu, is found in Neo-Bab- producing the soda ash, the burning of the plant could ylonian texts from Ebabbara relating to the bleach- itself be used to bring to the boil the water for the lye; ing of the linens.73 and to assist in the long, drawn-out incineration of the 70. CAD Q, 252 sub qīltu “a plant from which lye is extracted: Ú NAGA (ŠE+SUM+IR): ú qi (var. qí)-il-tu[m], Ú NAGA.SI, Ú SA.AD. GAL : Ú MIN qar-ni, Uruanna II 271-273”; CAD B, 100 sub baqlu: n a g a (ŠE.SUM+IR).ḫu-tul, MIN-gu-li = ba-q[i]-il-tum in Hh. XXIV 288f.; CAD Q, 252 sub qilûtu ‘firewood, burnt material’. 71. CAD U-W, 48 sub uḫultu; CAD A/I, 216 sub aḫussu; CAD A/I, 359-360 sub alluḫaru. 72. Joannés 1984, 142. 73. Zawadzki 2006, 63 and n. 129. 74. BM 84054 and BM 83647 in Zawadzki 2013, 65 and n. 39; Zawadzki 2006, 61, n. 128 reports the case of a bleacher named Bal- assu and a fuller named Šamaš-šu-iddin who receive tamarisk for producing alkali. This indicates that the ašlāku can occasionally act as pūṣāya. See also Quillien 2014, 285 and n. 102. 75. Zawadzki 2006, 63 and n. 129. 36   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) saltworts for producing alkali, mentioned in Neo-Bab- expressions related to the idea of a treatment with ylonian texts beside tamarisk and sesame oil.76 oil or fat.80 In the Bronze Age texts dealing with the Because of its high alkali content, the tamarisk was finishing of woollen textiles, alkalis are mentioned considered in Mesopotamia and the Levant as a holy alongside vegetal oils or animal greases.81 These fatty (Akk. quddušu) tree: in the The Date Palm and Tam- substances could be made up into a soapy lump which arisk disputation poem, the tamarisk claims itself to was rubbed on the surface of woollen fabrics. when be the chief exorcist for purifying the temple.77 In- they were scoured in the washing.82 deed in Mesopotamia as well as in the rest of the an- The most ancient evidence for the exploitation cient Near East, cleaning, personal hygiene and ritual of animal fats and vegetal oils in the production of cleansing are closely linked aspects. Cuneiform texts soapy detergents to be used for the finishing of tex- quote other plants used in cleansing rituals, in medi- tiles comes from Southern Mesopotamia and dates cine and in magic whose name suggests their exploi- to the end of the 3rd millennium BC.83 Indeed cunei- tation in soap-making as a source of alkali. form texts from the Sumerian cities ruled by the 3rd The Syrian or wild rue (Peganum harmala) is for Dynasty of Ur record different kinds of fatty stuffs instance a succulent aromatic plant, rich in alkaloids, (Sum. Ì; Akk. šamnu) related to different treatments and known in Mesopotamia (Akk. šibburrātu) mainly of cloths performed by fullers.84 The tablets from as a drug.78 Its Sumerian phytonym Ú.LUḪ.MAR.TU(. Girsu, modern Tello in Iraq, listed sesame oil (Sum. KUR.RA), literally meaning ‘cleaning/cleansing plant ŠE.GIŠ.Ì) and swine fat (Sum. Ì. ŠAḪ) for textiles of the highland Amorites’, however suggests that wild intended to undergo the túg šà-ha, túg sa-gi4-a and rue was known for its detergent properties too.79 túg-ge ak(-dè) finishing treatments.85 Vegetal oil (Ì.GIŠ literally ‘oil of three’) was the Vegetal oils and animal fats for detergents chief fatty stuff used by fullers.86 Šamaššammū (Sum. ŠE.GIŠ.Ì/ ŠE.Ì.GIŠ literally ‘seeds of the plant of oil’) Homer’s epic poems describe not only wool but also was the main source of vegetable oil in Mesopota- fabrics and garments with different adjectives and mia.87 This oleiferous plant is traditionally identified 76. Zawadzki 2006, 63-65. 77. Umbarger 2012. Tamarisk is also known with the phytonym útúllal, related to the verb ullulu “to purify, to cleanse”. 78. CAD Š/II, 376-377 sub šibburrātu: “For a possible cognate, Syr. šabbāra ‘rue’ (Peganum harmala)”. 79. In Hittite cuneiform texts this plant, named ḫasuwāiSAR, occurs indeed among the species of soda plants (ŠE+NÁG) used in soap- making. Forbes (1955, 180) refers to a Mesopotamian lye obtained by burning rue (Ruta graveolens) but no alkaline property is known for this plant. A species of rue is mentioned for soap-making by Pliny (NH 28, 191) too: “prodest et sapo; Gallorum hoc in- ventum rutilandis capillis”. 80. Shelmerdine 1995, 101-102. 81. Mycenaean texts report the use of e - r a - w o (Gr. elaion) in the manufacturing and finishing of some pieces of cloth, see Shelmer- dine 1995, 103-104. More often olive oil is indicated on the Mycenaean tablet by the ideogram OLE. During the Minoan period, the Linear A sign L49 indicated most likely olive oil, see Melena 1983. The fragmentary tablet Xe 7711 from Knossos might re- cord the treatment of woollen cloths with perfumed or unscented oil, given to a fuller by a perfumer. Tablet Fr 1225 from Pylos re- cords the offering of an ointment for smearing the garments - thus woven fabrics - of the u-po-jo Potnia, maybe the ‘Goddess of the Weaving’, see Rougemont 2011, 338-381 and Del Freo et al. 2010, 360-361. 82. Levey 1959, 125-129; Waetzoldt 1972, 159. 83. Waetzoldt 1972, 159. 84. Waetzoldt 1972, 153-174; Waetzoldt 1985, 83-86; Firth 2013. The Akkadian word šamnu denotes generically both animal and veg- etable oil meaning ‘oil, fat or cream’, see CAD Š/I, 321 sub šamnu. 85. Waetzoldt 1972, 158-159. The t ú g šà-ha, t ú g sa-gi4-a and t ú g ge ak(-dè) treatments will be analyzed in the next paragraph that concerns the terminology of the verbs denoting technical operations. 86. The above-mentioned tablets from Girsu report that 56% of the total of fat substances used by fullers in the manufacturing of cloths undergoing the túg šà-ha, túg sa-gi4-a and túg-ge ak(-dè) processes was sesame oil; sesame oil even accounted for 98% of the total of fat substances suitable for royalty, see Firth 2013, 140. 87. CAD Š/I, 301 sub šamaššamū. In the early 2nd millennium BC two varieties of the ideogram for šamaššammū have been noticed: 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   37 as sesame (Sesamum indicum or S. orientale) because from Girsu, at the end of the 3rd millennium BC, of the similarity of the Akkadian term with the Se- provide the first evidence of the importing of olive mitic smsm, Greek σήσαμον and Latin sēsăma. The oil in Mesopotamia.90 Cuneiform tablets from Mari term (Myc. se-sa-ma) appears furthermore already inform us that the imported olive oil (Akk. šaman in the Linear B documentation from the Late Bronze sirdi; Sum Ì.GIŠ ZI.IR.DUM/ Ì.GIŠ ZI.IR.DU(.UM) Age Aegean, but sesame seeds recorded on tablets of was produced in the Amuq valley and the most val- the Ge series (602, 605, 607) from Mycenae seem to ued comes from the coastal city of Alalakh, whence have been used as spices and not as an oil source.88 a text records the delivery of 2000 litres of oil.91 The Nevertheless, the botanical identification of coeval and neighbouring site of Pyrgos-­Mavroraki šamaššammū is still a controversial issue, since the on the southern coast of Cyprus preserved vestiges etymology of the most ancient Semitic terms (Akk. of a Middle Bronze Age industrial and commercial šamaššammū; Ug. šmn; Heb. šemen), as well as the complex, where both olive oil and textiles were pro- Sumerian še-ĝiš-ì, simply point to the main prod- duced.92 During the Late Bronze Age, the textual uct derived from this vegetable resource: the šaman sources show that the amount of olive oil (Ug. šmn) šammi ‘oil of plant’. Thus, it can refer to several other produced at Ugarit per year was so much (5,500 plants with oleaginous seeds.89 tonnes) that the surplus from this Canaanite city was In the Mediterranean area, where the main oil-pro- exported to Egypt and Cyprus.93 ducing plant is the olive tree (Olea europaea), olive In cuneiform texts, olive oil appears listed among oil was used also for industrial purposes. The olive other precious foodstuffs, or was used as an ingredi- tree was cultivated in the Near East too, in Syro-Pal- ent in precious perfumes, ointments for the body or estine, from at least the Chalcolithic Age. Palaeo- medicine.94 Therefore, it seems to be a luxury good ecological investigations have proved the presence and an industrial purpose is perhaps therefore to be of its cultivation in Syria in the Early Bronze Age. Its ruled out. Only in a single text is olive oil associated first textual attestation (Sum. GIŠ.Ì.GIŠ) comes from with a textile context: a text from Mari records the the archives of Ebla and dates back to the second half delivery of olive oil to women weavers (Akk. ana of the 3rd millennium BC. The Neo-Sumerian texts pašāš išparātim) as an ‘ointment’.95 It seems more in the kingdoms in which the scribal traditions of the Upper Mesopotamia prevailed (Mari, Tell Rimah, Nuzi and Assur) the writ- ing še.ì.giš is preferred to that of še.giš.ì used in Babylonia, see Reculeau 2009. 88. Rougemont 2011, 355. 89. CAD Š/I, 301 and 306 proposes to identify šamaššamū with Linum sp. “since no sesame seeds have so far been found in Mesopo- tamia in archaeological contexts earlier than the Sassanid period, whereas there is an abundance of linseed remains…the name [for Linen sp. = šamaššamū] was later transferred to the newly introduced oleiferous plant, sesame”. Oppenheim (1967) is of the same opinion; contra Bedigian & Harlan 1986. Nevertheless, linseeds are recorded in cuneiform documentation by the Sumerian noun n u m u n - g u and the Akkadian term zēr kitî. For a more recent and comprehensive reassessment of the longstanding debate over the identification of šamaššamū, see Reculeau 2009. 90. Waetzoldt 1985, 77; Potts 1997, 66-68. 91. ARM IX, 9: Michel 1996; Reculeau 2009. The territory of Alahtum (=Alalakh) was purchased by the king Zimri-Lim at the end of his reign in order to satisfy internal needs without being dependent on commercial exchanges. Other texts record imports of olive oil from Aleppo: ARM IX 6, ARM VII 238 and ARMT XXVI/l, 22. 92. A large olive press for oil production was found during the excavations. The function of the Cypriote press is confirmed by the dis- coveries of a great number of jars containing residues of olive oil and of some olive-stones. The so-called Olive Press Room is next to the metallurgical area of the complex and contiguous to the room of perfumes and textiles, suggesting that this precious stuff could be used in the finishing of textiles, perhaps the sizing of the cloths with scented oils. The only parallel known for this period is found in Tell Hazor whilst others, a little later, come from Larnaca and Ugarit. See Heltzer 1987; Callot 1993; Belgiorno 2004; Karageorghis & Belgiorno 2005; Belgiorno 2009, 49-54. 93. The discovery of oil presses in the archaeological levels of Ugarit and Tell Hazor confirmed the production of olive oil in the Ca- naanite area, Heltzer 1987; Callot 1993. 94. CAD S, 312 sub serdu e.; see Stol 1985; Postgate 1985; Waetzoldt 1985. 95. Oil allotments granted as rations are called piššatu (Ì.BA/ Ì.GIŠ.BA/Ì.ŠEŠ4), CAD P, 431 sub piššatu. The verb pašāšu could be 38   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) reasonable, however, that Ì . G I Š Z I . I R . D U was Vegetal and animal teasels given to the women as rations or remuneration for their work: its function as ointment has therefore to Greek and Latin authors report that brushes to raise the be interpreted as a body-lotion for the weavers and nap of fulled textiles had spikes made of the prickles of not as a product destined to be smeared on textiles.96 a kind of thorn-bush (Lat. spina fullonia; Gr. γναφικὴ Furthermore, Akkadian and Sumerian terminolo- ἀκάνθη) or the spines of hedgehog skins (Lat. erina- gies supply evidence for the use of fatty substances ceus; Gr. ἐχινἧ).101 Actually the natural origin of the of animal origin too. The above-mentioned texts from raw materials used to made teasels is suggested by the Girsu list swine fat (Sum. ì- šaḫ) beside alkali for ancient terminology too: etymological studies related the finishing of several textiles. According Waetzoldt, κνάφος and the verbs κναφ/γναφ-εύω ‘to card, to wash, the use of swine fat was reserved for textiles of infe- to full the wool’, κνάπτω ‘to comb, to card’ and κνάω rior quality.97 In a recent paper, however, Firth proves ‘to scratch, scrape’ to a common root linked with the that the swine fat used for finishing of textiles in- spinose structures of bristly plants (Gr. άκαν ‘thistle’/ tended for the túg-ge ak(-dè) process may some- άκανθα ‘thorn, prickle, spine’) and the stings of spiky times be classified as of royal quality (lugal). Since animals (Gr. ἐχῖνος; ἀκανθίων ‘hedgehog, porcupine’). these texts are always gauged ì - š a ḫ in s ì l a , it is The use of vegetable teasels is well-documented in likely that swine fat was used not in its solid physical the Middle Ages and later (Fig. 4).102 Nowadays, this shape, but in the form of a lard. 98 practice (It. guernissaggio) is still carried out in the In the second half of the 2nd millennium BC, a teaseling of special woollen cloths like those made in cuneiform text from the private archive of the prince cashmere, camel, alpaca, vicuna and guanaco. Unlike Šilwa-Teššup of Nuzi testifies instead to the use of wire brushes, the thorns of prickly plants, mostly be- sheep fat (Akk. lipû; Sum. ì-udu) in close connec- longing to the genus of the thistle known as Dipsa- tion with the finishing of textiles.99 In modern Mes- cus fullonum, raise the nap in a gentle way, breaking opotamia and the Levant, this fat is extensively used up the yarns rather than tearing the weave of the tex- in cooking. It is obtained in large part from the caudal tile. Botanical terms (En. thistle/teasel and cardoon; appendage peculiar in the Awassi and the other fat- Fr. chardon à foullon; German Kardendistel; It. cardo tailed sheep breeds. Iconographical and epigraphical dei lanaioli/scardaccione) used to name this plant in sources demonstrate the preference for these breeds modern European languages confirm this ancient cus- (Sum. u d u - g u k k a l , literally ‘sheep with the big tom of employing its spiny heads in the carding and tail’; Akk. gukkallu) since the 3rd millennium BC; teaseling of the wool. the texts moreover record their presence at Nuzi in The terminology of the Middle Bronze Age cunei- the period when lipû was used by fullers.100 form texts demonstrate that Mesopotamian fullers too used however also with the meaning of the sizing of textiles, CAD P, 245 sub pašāšu: [túg].ì.udu.ak.a = pa-ša-šu šá TÚG ‘to treat a cloth with tallow’, Nabnitu XXIII 330. 96. We find analogous ambiguities in the Aegean documentation: in the tablet MY Fo 101, OLE+WE ‘oil for anointing’ is allocated to various recipients, including a-ke-ti-ri-ja-i women (specialists in finishing or decorating textiles), but it is not clear whether the oil delivered was used by these workers in their labours. A similar situation arises from the tablet KN Fh 1056 where a tailor ra-pte-re receives 4.8 litres of oil. With regard to the text F. Rougemont (2011, 380) suggests that workers given this professional designa- tion could be performing more operations than sewing alone. 97. Waetzoldt 1985, 83. 98. Firth 2013, 159. 99. Rougemont 2011, 374-375. 100. Breniquet 2010; Waetzoldt 1972, 5, 47-48. Fat-tailed sheep are still well-attested in the Middle Assyrian texts but later “became extinct in the first millennium” (CAD G, 126 sub gukkallu), since the gukkallu-breed occurs solely in Standard Babylonian and Neo-Babylonian literary texts. Local fat-tailed sheep breeds are still found in most of the Near East countries today as well as they are common in northern parts of Africa, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, North India, Western China, Somalia and Central Asia. 101. Dioscorides, De Mat. Med. IV, 160; Pliny NH, 24, 111, 26, 244 and 17, 92. See Flohr 2013, 114. 102. Ryder 1994. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   39 used two different types of teasels to raise the nap of or weeds with an evil smell or a bitter taste as the the woollen cloths and that at least one was made of apû, dadâ, dadānu and kurbasi are glossed as Ú.GÍR a thorny plant. and equated with the ašāgu plant.106 The kurbasi is The lexical lists Lú B and Lú D, dating back to sometimes recognized with a kind of thistle, sug- the early of 2nd millennium BC, provide information gesting that the Dipsacus sp. could have been in- about at least two different modalities, or more prop- volved in finishing also in Mesopotamia.107 Further- erly tools, used by the fuller ‘to teasel cloths’ (Akk. more, the above-mentioned text TC 3/I, 17, 20 that mašārum), a finishing treatment recorded for the túg gives instructions to comb ‘slightly’ (i-li-la li-im- guz-za and túg bar-dib cloths immediately after šu-du) one side of a woollen textile may suggest the the walking of the textiles (Akk. kamādum) in the carrying out of a ‘gentle’ brushing of cloth through contemporary tablet AO 7026.103 In Lú B the fuller the hispid trichome of vegetal teasels.108 The verb in charge of raising the nap is designated both as lú mašādu has already been analysed above in con- (túg)-giš-kiši 16 -ùr-ra, thus the textile worker ša nection with mušṭu ‘comb’ but in this case the use i-na a-ša-gi-im i-ma-aš-ša-ru ‘who raises the nap of the adverb illillā ‘slightly’ proposed by Veenhof with the ašāgu’ and lú (túg)-bar-sig 6 -ùr-ra, the could suggest a link with the maša’tu, a thorny plant artisan ša i-na ku-un-ši-li-im i-ma-[aš]-ša-ru ‘who identified by Uruanna with the úamumeštu or úbaltu teasels with the kunšillu’. thornbushes.109 The vocabularies used consider the ašāgu On the other hand, the identification of the kunšillu (GIŠ.Ú.GÍR/ ki-ši GIŠ.Ú.GÍR) as ‘a common spiny with a natural resource exploited in brush­-making plant’ and identify it with a kind of acacia – like is a rather more problematic issue. 110 Other than the Prosopis farcta, or a camel thorn – like the Al- giš kiši /Ú.GÍR, no determinative sign marks the term 16 hagi maurorum.104 Even so, in the lexical list ḪAR bar-sig 6 /BAR-síg and thus it is not possible to un- -ra = ḫubullu XIX, cloths are teaseled (Akk. mašru) derstand whether it is a vegetal rather than an ani- with a plant named Ú.GÍR, an alternative writing mal or mineral substance. Vocabularies provide three of giš-kiši16 but also a kind of hypernym for thorny meanings for kunšillu (ba-ar BAR/ b a r ): 1) thorn plants in general.105 In lexical texts, spiny shrubs used as teasel, carding-comb or teasel for fabrics; 2) 103. Lú D, 3-4 in MSL XII, 204 and Lú B, 5-6 and 7-8 in MSL XII, 177. See CAD M/I, 359 sub mašāru and CAD K, sub kamādu “to weave and prepare cloth in a specific way”. 104. Halloran 2006, 34: (giš)k i š i g (Ú.GÍR2-gunû), ( g i š ) k i š i 1 6 “a kind of acacia, ašāgu…shok (Arabic shauk), a thorny bush, prosorpis farcta”; CAD A/II, 410-411 sub ašāgu: “The ašāgu can be identified with the modern Arabic šok (Prosorpis farcta or stephani- ana) a kind of acacia, one of the most widespread thorny shrubs of southern Iraq”; CDA 27: “camel thorn”. To my knowledge, the only camel thorn that could be interpreted as ašāgu is Alhagi maurorum, a species of legume that grows in the saline, sandy, rocky, and dry soils across the Near East (Cyprus, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Israel, Iraq, Turkey and Iran). An Akkadian passage seems, however, to identify this thorn bush with another plant since it reads: “the plant whose appearance is like the sap of the ašāgu thornbush and whose seed is like the seed of lettuce is called ‘sweet plant’ ” (CAD U-W 179, sub upāṭu c). Indeed, Alhagi maurorum is mentioned in the Qur’an as a source of sweet manna and its healing and sweetening properties are still well-known in local folk medicine and in cookery. 105. Hh. XIX, 194-195 in MSL X, 133. 106. Uruanna I, 79. 107. CAD (D, 17, sub dadâ and dadānu) identifies dadâ and dadānu as “stinking” subspecies of the ašāgu, in its turn interpreted a kind of false carob. Apart from the ašāgu-group is found another evil-smelling thorny plant, the daddaru “thistle-bush”. This phyto- nym could be related to Heb. dardar “thistle” and according to my studies to the Sum. d a r- d a r = Akk. tukkupu “to puncture, to stitch”. Another name for this plant is kurdinnu. 108. Veenhof 1972, 104. 109. Veenhof (1972, 106) admits, however, that the translation of the adverb illillā ‘slightly’ and its connection with lillum ‘weak’ is doubtful. CAD M/I, 360, sub maša’tu; CDA 201 “a plant with thorns”; Uruanna I, 192; CAD B, 65-66, sub baltu: “perhaps a camel thorn”. 110. The Akkadian tool kunšillu and the noun kunšu (síg-peš-gilim-ak-a, síg-bar-tab) ‘flock, wad of wool’ are related in the same ways as the Greek terms κνάφᾱλλον ‘teasel, carding-comb’ and κνάφος ‘hank of wool’. 40   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) textile worker using the teasel, carder, also abbrevi- aethiopicus).113 It could be used as an abbreviation ated kun8; 3) a part of the body, a piece of meat.111 for some Sumerian faunal epithets, such as šaḫ-bar- With this last connotation, Akkadian kunšillu and gùn-gùn-nu and šaḫ-zé-da-bar-šur-ra, whose Sumerian bar could therefore indicate the part of an Akkadian equivalent is burmāmu ‘hedgehog’.114 Lit- animal, likely the back, used by the fullers as a teasel erally the Sumerian šaḫ -bar-gùn-gùn-nu could in the raising of the nap of the woollen cloths. In fact be translated as ‘pig whose back is spotted/stitched’, the logogram BAR means ‘outside, exterior; outer whilst šaḫ -zé-da-bar-šur-ra gives ‘piglet whose appearance; body; back, edge; fleece’ and moreover, back bristles/teasels’.115 The sign šur-ra is a com- the lexical text Hh. XV lists the kunšillu (uzubar-sig) pound of the sign š u ‘by hand’ and ù r- r a (Akk. among different kinds of leather: it is recorded af- mašāru) ‘to brush, to raise the nap with a teasel’, ter the pāru (uzubar) ‘skin, hide’ and qinburu (uzubar- namely the verb which in Hh. XIX, 194-195 desig- kun), an animal skin used as well as for its bristles nates the function of the ašagū and the kunšillu (túg as tools.112 The identification of the kunšillu with a Ú.GÍR.úr-ra and túg bar-síg-úr-ra = mašru).116 spiny animal skin would explain why this teasel or This reading seems to be confirmed by the equiva- ‘thorn’ is neither preceded by the determinative for lence lú túg-šu-ùr-ùr = ma-a-še-e-rum denoting plants Ú or semantic class marker for the wooden in- the fuller busy in teaseling by hand.117 struments GIŠ. The identification of the kunšillu with an ani- Furthermore, according to some scholars, the sign mal teasel obtained from the skin of a Near Eastern BAR should have a taxonomical function and be in- species of hedgehog can be confirmed by Classical terpreted as a faunal term designating several gen- sources referring to the same involvement of hedge- era of hedgehog endemic to the Near East (Erina- hog skins in 1st century AD Rome.118 Pliny the El- ceus concolor, Hemiechinus auritus, Paraechinus der refers that the importance of the hedgehog skins 111. CAD K, 542 sub kunšillu; CDA 167 sub kunšillu. 112. Hh. XV, 288-289 in MSL IX, 14; CAD Q, 254 sub qinburu: “probably a bristle, used also as a tool”. 113. Nevertheless, the identification of the plants and animals designated by Akkadian and Sumerian terms with the phytonyms and zoonyms of the modern taxonomy is very torturous and not certain. Even the name of the hedgehog cannot escape this kind of methodological problems. On the one hand, the cuneiform documentation classified the burmāmu among rodents and among swine. On the other, further Akkadian animal names, such as those of some piglets or rodents or even reptiles, have a correspond- ing Sumerian faunal epithet that make them good candidates for the hedgehog: the arrabu (š a ḫ -giš-ùr-ra/peš-giš-ùr-ra) perhaps ‘dormouse otherwise ‘jerboa’, the ḫurbabillu (bar-gùn-gùn-nu) maybe ‘chameleon’ and the apparrû (šaḫ -bar-guz) meaning lit- erally ‘pig having wiry hair’. See Bodenheimer 1960, 108: Hh. XIV, 205-206 in MSL VIII/2, 24; CAD identifies the b a r- g ù n - g ù n - n u and the b a r- g ù n - g ù n - n u - k u r- r a with species of chameleon, CAD H, 248 sub ḫurbabillu; Qumsiyeh 1996, 59-69. 114. Hh. XIV 162-164 in MSL VIII/2, 19-20. In Hh. XIV 190a (MSL VIII/2, 22) burmāmu is instead classified among rodents (p é š - g i š - g i - a ). See CAD B, 330, sub burmāmu. 115. In Hh. XIV 48, MSL VIII/2, 74 is found the equivalence burmāmu = šaḫḫu “pig, hog”. Note that modern languages too bring out the resemblance between these two animals: En. hedgehog; Ar. šayham; It. porcospino and the related En. porcupine, Fr. porcu- pine, porc-épic designating Hystrix sp. The reduplicated sign gùn probably refers to the most characteristic feature of this animal namely its speckled (Akk. burrumu) back, to which is also related the etymology of the Akkadian zoonym burmāmu. 116. CAD K, 298, sub katāmu; Hh XIX 178 and 194-195 in MSL X, 133. 117. Lú B 12, in MSL XII, 177. This meaning seems to be further supported by the reading of š u - ù r as se-ru ‘rubbed’ and š u - ù r- r a as pašāṭu ‘to erase, to scratch out’. See CAD P, 249 sub pašāṭu. Hh XIX, 178 in MSL X, 133 records the equivalence t ú g - š u - ù r- r a = MIN (= tak-ti-mu), where katāmu (Sum. š u ; d u l ) means ‘to cover with garments, to provide with garments, to cover’, perhaps suggesting that this kind of finishing was intended for the fabrication of fulled textiles for overcoats, blankets, curtains or tents. 118. The third of the so-called Kedor-laomer texts provides further indications referring to the nature of the kunšillu: here it appears as a living being with links to the āribu bird - the former seemingly the ‘prey’ of the latter. The translation of this passage con- sidered the āribu as a ‘rook’ with the kunšillu as a thistle, since it is qualified as kīnu ‘firm in place’ and the scholars knew its in- volvement in the raising nap of the fulled textiles. Indeed thistles are very hard to eradicate. Nevertheless, in my opinion the term kunšillu could indicate a small animal that does not draw back in front of the threat of predators and raptors, rather than a motion- less plant. Actually the bird most famed as the sworn ‘enemy’ of the thistle-bushes is not the crow but the goldfinch (Carduelis carduelis) or thistle finch (Gr. ἀκανθυλλίς/ἀκανθίς; Lat. carduēlis; It. cardellino, Fr. chardonneret), a bird greedy for the seeds of these plants, and probably identifiable with the Akkadian iṣṣūr ašāgi ‘bird of the ašāgu-bush’. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   41 in the finishing treatments of woollen fabrics led the Roman Senate to impose a monopoly on the hedge- hog trade and the skin of the animal became one of the most sought-after commodities in ancient times.119 Nevertheless a mandible of Erinaceus europaeus was found in the Augustan deposit of the forum of Pom- peii during the excavations: it might be linked with this economical exploitation of the animal described by Pliny.120 Unfortunately the only archaeological ev- idence of the tool used as teasel in the Roman age - a couple of brushes found at fullonica I 6, 7 at Pompeii - has not been published and does not seem to have been preserved, so it is not clear what they exactly looked like.121 Indeed there is no evidence for the use of hedgehog skins in textile finishing after the 1st cen- tury AD, other than Pliny’s statements. Yet, an indica- tion of how the hedgehog teasels used by Roman full- ers were made is provided by the ethnography: these tools made in leather, cork and hedgehog skin (Fig. 5) are still attested today in Sardinia, albeit in a symbolic and ritualized sphere no longer directly related to full- ing and cloth-making processes. In fact, a Sardinian Carnival character called s’Erittaju ‘the Hedgehog- bearer’ - a grotesque personification of a fuller - car- ries hedgehog-skin brushes, attesting to their use until Fig. 5. Teasels of hedgehog skin worn by the man named recent times.122 The clear parallels between the apo- S’Erittaju, Orotelli, Sardinia. Photo courtesy of Luisa tropaic rituals performed in the Mediterranean island Zoroddu. during the Carnival and those practiced by Romans on 119. Pliny NH, 8, 135: “hac cute expoliuntur vestes. magnum fraus et ibi lucrum monopolio invenit, de nulla re crebrioribus senatus consultis nulloque non principe adito querimoniis provincialibus”. 120. King 2002, 426: “but it is more likely that the bones derive from a natural death”. 121. See Flohr 2013, 115. Unlike the vegetal thistles well attested until recent times, the exploitation of hedgehog skins in raising the nap and polishing of woollen cloths seems to have been lost or at least forgotten. Nowadays, tenuous reminiscences of the ancient use of hedgehogs in cloth finishing can be traced in the attempt to imitate its speckled back in the manufacture of clothes-brushes. This of the little mammal was common until the last century in Denmark (M.-L. Nosch, personal communication). Ulla Manner- ing has carried out experimental research on the rubbing of hedgehog skins on fulled textiles for The Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research. 122. S’Erittaju ‘the Hedgehog-bearer’ is one of the main characters of the traditional ‘Thurpos’ Carnival’ of Orotelli, a little village of the Barbagia, a very conservative area of the inner Sardinia and romanized only from 1st century AD. During the Carnival pro- cessions at Orotelli, the thurpos characters wear a traditional orbace cowl and as a caricature represent the ancient professions of the rural world with disturbing personifications of the peasants, the plough oxen and craftsmen. The orbace (Sar. orbaci, furesu, fresi) is a well-known woollen cloth subjected to fulling and polishing processes; its production is one of the most important eco- nomic activities in the Barbagia region. S’Erittaju wears a white orbace cloack and some brushes made from hedgehog skins on the chest and abdomen; he has to be considered the grotesque personification of a fuller. The masquerade costume of S’Erittaju had sunk into oblivion; only thanks to the careful and scrupulous research of writer and historian Lorenzo Pusceddu is it now ex- hibited in the Ethnographical Museum of Nuoro as part of the Sardinian cultural heritage. From a linguistic point of view the term erittaju is related to the Proto-Indo-European root *ǵʰḗr ‘to bristle, to raise the nap’ to from which derive the Gr. χήρ ‘hedgehog’ and the Lat. ēr and ērīcĭus ‘hedgehog’ as well as to Lat. cārere ‘to card’ and Gr. κείρω ‘to shear, to smooth’, the two technical op- erations performed by the fuller right after the fulling of the wool fabrics. See IL 392-293; Rocci 2023. 42   Elena Soriga in Textile Terminologies (2017) the occasion of Lupercalia festival, at the same time in the north-west area of the Cycladic islands, could of the year, suggest that tools and techniques used by have some connection to the fuller’s craft. This little Roman fullers might have reached the Sardinian in- island is not far from Kimolos, the place from where land over the course of the 1st century AD, when the the most renowned quality of fuller’s earth in antiq- reason was colonised.123 uity was quarried. The ancient place name of Kimo- In the documentation of the ancient Near East, be- los was Echinousa, namely the island of the ἐχῖνος sides the afore-mentioned lexical texts, no direct evi- ‘hedgehog’, or the island of the ἐχῖνἦ ‘hedgehog’s dence of the exploitation of hedgehogs and hedgehog skin’. The terracotta vessel has the hedgehog sitting skins in fulling and finishing processes of woollen and holding a bowl: it is considered a kind of ‘pro- textiles is found. The only archaeological sources totype’ of the Aegean hedgehog rhyton found in the documenting a certain importance of the animal in Eastern Mediterranean at the end of the 2nd millen- Bronze Age Mesopotamian and Eastern Mediterra- nium BC.125 It is perhaps possible to correlate the nean cultures, where wool is the chief fibre and the diffusion of the Mycenaean type of hedgehog rhyton textile industry is the driving element behind the and the introduction of new techniques of finishing economy, are iconographic: representations of hedge- of cloths from the Near East, but more detailed stud- hogs in the shape of offering vessels, figurines (Tell ies are needed.126 Mozan), amulets (Tell Brak) and on seals and seal im- It is quite probable that the carding ability offered pressions (Isin-Larsa) are indeed pretty numerous.124 by the bracts of the teasels was originally observed Amongst these, the Early Cycladic III (2300-2100 in the fields when the sheep were shedding. Before BC) offering vessel found at Chalandriani on Syros, the anthropogenic selection of sheep against natural 123. During the Carnival processions s’Erittaju chases and hugs the fertile women of the community, pricking their breasts with the brushes. It is believed that the ‘teaseling’ of these girls with the itchy pricks of the Fuller/Hedgehog-bearer would stimulate the flow of the milk in the women’s breasts, increasing the fecundity of the earth, animals and human beings, and so secure the af- fluence of the community. This ceremony can be interpreted as a rite of passage for the girls who have reached the adult age: the ‘fertilization’ should transform the virgins into goodwives and wise mistresses of the household, whose economic contribution in a large part was based on the domestic weaving and working of wool. Such an apotropaic ritual recalls the description of the Ro- man lupercalia-festival. The lupercalia-festival took place in the culmination of the winter, around the middle of February, when the hungry wolves approached sheepfolds and threatened flocks. The festival was celebrated by the luperci, young priests with half-naked limbs smeared with grease and a mud-mask on the face; they wore only a goatskin around the hips, obtained from an- imals sacrificed during the rites. From these skins they cut some strips of leather named februa or amiculum Iunonis and used them as whips. After a hearty meal, all the luperci had to run around the hill. During the race, they jumped about and struck out at both the ground and the women with their whips. Originally the women offered voluntarily their bellies to the februa of the priests in order to increase their fertility. 124. The earliest hedgehog representations in the Near East may date as far back as the 7th millennium BC, with examples from Bouqras in Syria (dated 6400-5900 BC). The first known ‘hedgehog rhyton’ - a specific type of vessel with two openings used for libations (Gr. ῥυτόν from the verb ῥεȋν, ‘to flow’) - is probably the vessel from Arpachiyah from the Halaf period (6100-5100 BC). A hedge- hog rhyton dated 3500-3300 BC was found in Jebel Aruda. In the 2nd millennium, hedgehog rhyta were used Chagar Bazar and Tell Chuera. In the Late Bronze Age (LH III A2-LH IIIB) hedgehog rhyta became a Mycenaean production: a small group was found on Mainland Greece (Prosymna, Tanagra and Vari), other examples in Cyprus (Myrtou-Pigades and Maroni) and in the Le- vant (Tell Abu Hawam, Kamid el-Loz, Tell Sera’ and Ugarit). A Philistine hedgehog vessel was found at Ekron and it is the only known LH IIIC example. See Ben-Shlomo 2010, 143-144; Recht 2014; Collon 1986, 159, n. 388. 125. See Recht 2014; Von Bothmer et al. 1979, 61:18 and 26. 126. In the 1st millennium AD, the Romans believed that fulling was a finishing process originating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Pliny the Elder (NH 7, 196) attributed the invention of the techniques of ars fullonia to the Greek Nicia of Megara, see Flohr 2013, 101. For the links between the hedgehog and the symbolism of death and rebirth, see Ben Shlomo 2010, 144 and n. 48. Moreover the matter is further complicated by the fact that at the end of the 2nd millennium BC, Mycenaean iconographic sources from Eastern Mediterranean show another use of the hedgehog skins: lots of Late Helladic Period III C (1200-1100 BC) pottery fragments por- tray warriors and mariners wearing a distinctive spiky headdress, the so called “hedgehog” helmet. This cap has been interpreted as being made of leather or raw-hide or some other perishable material reinforced with bronze bosses and a central short crest to resemble the body of a hedgehog, but some scholars have also suggested that similar helmets could have been actually made of hedgehog skins, see Yasur-Landau 2014, 184-186; D’Amato & Salimbeti 2016, 32. 2. Fulling Technology in the Mediterranean and Ancient Near East   43 fleece loss, the specimens of Ovis orientalis moulted thistles and thorny plants and with prickly animals at the first signs of the height of summer.127 The wool like hedgehogs (Gr. χήρ; Lat. ēr, ērerīcius; ērināceus) would stay entangled in the thorns of thistle-bushes, or pigs (Gr. χοἷρος).130 the commonest plant of the grazing lands. Shepherds sought out the tufts of wool, plucking and gathering Conclusions them one by one. Collecting the wool in this way had the advantage of obtaining it with relatively mini- In ancient times, fulled textiles were precious and ex- mal expenditure of time and energy and, not less im- pensive goods. Already in the Bronze Age many Mes- portant, of it having undergone a first cleaning and opotamian textiles in their finishing processes were sorting of the fibres. In the first half of the 2nd mil- designated as ‘royal’, as were certain oils and fats lennium BC in Mesopotamia the gathering was per- used for scouring; some texts from Pylos, in Messe- formed without any cutting involved: it was suffi- nia, refer instead to a fuller in the sovereign’s service. cient to pluck the flocks by hand or to use the teeth The fulled textiles’ value has to be understood accord- of a comb (Akk. mušṭu šipāti) to obtain the wool.128 ing to the number of treatments that they needed and The pulling out of the hair of the fleece with combs the time and raw materials required in each technical or any prickly tool can explain the use of the shear- operation. I have focused in this analysis on the nat- ing terminology in the context of the finishing of fab- ural resources involved in the ancient fulling tech- rics and also the ambiguity of many verbs that could nology, as raw materials or tools. The study of the be used to mean ‘to shear, to comb, to card, to teasel, archaeological and textual sources of the 1st millen- to crop, to full’. The above-mentioned Gr. κναφεύω nium BC gave me the opportunity to investigate too and Akk. mašādu have already been analysed, but the the technology used during the Bronze Age in the fin- Latin terminology also records this same linguistic ishing of woollen textiles and to compare it with the phenomenon: the tool carmĕn ‘teasel, carding-comb’ fulling craft performed in Roman and Greek times, and the natural resource exploited to construct it (Lat. better-known thanks to a richer evidence. Even al- carduus ‘thistle, teasel’) are both related to the Lat. lowing for differences due to the diverse availabil- cārere ‘to card’, in turn linked with Gr. κείρω ‘to ity of natural resources from such varied ecosystems shear, to smooth’.129 and times, the terminology of the 3rd and 2nd mil- In Akkadian the verb qatāpu (Sum. kud) has the lennia BC cuneiform texts reveals that the fulling of chief meaning ‘to pluck’ and is used not only to in- woollen fabrics was performed by Near Eastern tex- dicate the harvesting of the wool by plucking, but to tile workers with the same techniques and similar designate also the cropping of a hairy fabric. The syn- tools as described by Greco-Roman sources in Clas- onymous qarādu (zé) ‘to pluck wool’ and its related sical antiquity. verbal adjective qerdu ‘plucked wool’, often written GÍR-du, could therefore be linked with Lat. cārere Acknowledgements and Gr. κείρω by a common root. As seen above, Sumerian GÍR (Akk. seḫlu, ṣillu) means ‘thorn, sting, I would like to thank Marie-Louise Nosch for invit- needle’, suggesting that all these operations may be ing to submit my contribution and giving me the op- associated with the use of a sharp, natural tool. The portunity to broach the interesting topic of the termi- sign GÍR has been connected with the Proto-Indo- nology of the fulling technology through a diachronic European root *ĝhēr ‘to bristle’ linked both with and interdisciplinary point of view. I would also like 127. Breniquet 2010. 128. The magzazu ‘shearing blade’ is known from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, but only in lexical texts. Iron shears are doc- umented from the 1st millennium BC, see Lassen 2010. CAD (M/I, 49, sub magzazu) translates magzazu as ‘shears’, referring to its equivalence with the sign g i - i r G Í R ‘thorn’. 129. Rocci 1027; IL 151. 130. 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(2012) Abraham’s Tamarisk, Journal for Babylonia BC: the Origins, Craft Industry and Uses of the Evangelical Study of the Old Testament 1/2, pp. a Remarkable Textile. In C. Michel and M.-L. Nosch 189-200. (eds.), Prehistoric, Ancient Near Eastern and Aegean Uscatescu, A. (2010) En torno a la tendicula de Séneca Textiles and Dress: an Interdisciplinary Anthology, An- (Quaest. Nat. 1, 3, 2). Una aproximación léxica e ico- cient Textiles Serie 18, 271-298. Oxford. nográfica a la ars fullonia, Archivo Español de Arqueo- Qumsiyeh, M. B. (1996) Mammals of the Holy Land. logía 83, 203-220. Lubbock. Veenhof, K. R. (1972) Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and Recht, L. (2014) Transformers Energize! Aegean Bronze Its Terminology. Studia et documenta ad iura orientis Age rhyta in moments of transformation. In A. Bokern antique pertinentia 10. Leiden. & C. Rowan (eds.), Embodying Value? The Transfor- Von Bothmer, D. & Mertens, J. R. 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Torino. 3 Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context* Salvatore Gaspa [išp]arākma qê amahhaṣ ulabbaš ummānamma [I a]m a weaver and beat up the threads. I clothe the troops. Tamarisk and Date Palm (BWL 156, IM 53975 r.5) A t its political and territorial apex in the 8th documents. For the terminology of textiles, it is inter- and 7th centuries BC, Assyria developed into esting to observe the coexistence of terms belonging an imperial society characterised by the co- to the common Akkadian textile terminology with des- existence of languages and cultures of various origins. ignations that are peculiar to the late dialects of Akka- The policy of deporting and resettling conquered peo- dian (1st millennium BC), namely Neo-Assyrian and ples across the Empire’s territory caused the spread Neo-Babylonian. Other terms, which are genuinely of the Aramaic language and alphabetic script as well Assyrian, show continuity across the Middle Assyrian as the use of Aramaic as a co-official language along- and Neo-Assyrian periods. A West Semitic component side Akkadian. The linguistic change caused by these of the Neo-Assyrian textile terminology is also evi- events in the Empire’s core territory emerges from the dent, along with terms possibly belonging to the Hur- late stage of the Assyrian dialect, which shows the im- rian substratum, presumably inherited from the Mid- pact of Aramaic on various grammatical and lexical dle Assyrian dialect, and others of unknown origin. elements of the language. At the same time, Neo-As- To judge from the statements in the royal annals syrian maintained continuous contact with the Neo- of Assyrian kings concerning tribute and booty from Babylonian dialect, the language spoken by numerous the West Semitic sector, textile products from the Syr- individuals employed in the state sector as scribes, ian region were highly esteemed by Assyrians. For in- scholars, and officials. stance, Tukultī-Ninurta II (890-884 BC) records the The study of the lexicon of material culture may re- receipt of woven cloths and dark purple wool from veal how these social and linguistic changes shaped Laqē, while linen garments with multi-coloured trim the everyday language that emerges from Neo-As- were a common product acquired by Assurnaṣirpal syrian letters, administrative records, and legal II (883-859 BC) and other kings from these regions, * This study is part of a research project on the terminology of textiles in the Neo-Assyrian Empire carried out by the au- thor at the Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research, University of Copenhagen in the pe- riod 2013-2015. Financial support for this study has been provided by the Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship within the Seventh Framework Programme of the European Commission for research activities at the University of Copenhagen (ASTEX Project no. 36539). The Danmarks Grundforskningsfond / Danish National Research Founda- tion (DNRF 64) is also acknowledged for this support. 47 48   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) such as Bēt-Zammāni. Red-dyed wool garments with ignorance of the Aramaic component of the aforemen- multi-coloured trim were also a major portion of the tioned Assyro-Aramaic textile vocabulary –at least Western textile products obtained by the Assyrians, the one that entered the language of the administra- as evidenced by those from Sam’al and Damascus, tors– renders any attempt to reconstruct the textile mentioned in the royal inscriptions of Shalmaneser lexicon of the Neo-Assyrian Empire limited and par- III (858-824 BC) and Adad-nērārī III (810-783 BC) tial. In addition to the Aramaic component, Assyrian respectively. All of these references demonstrate the imperial society of the 7th century BC was enriched value of Western dyed wool and linen products and by other ethnic groups, such as Elamites, Egyptians, the Assyrian interest in controlling the rich local tex- Anatolians, Urartians and peoples from the Iranian tile production.1 It is reasonable to surmise that the area, not to mention other Semitic components, such expertise of deported textile artisans from the West as Levantines and Arabs. We are totally ignorant of Semitic area was put to use by the Assyrian ruling the impact that the languages of these groups, which elite in state-controlled textile workshops, thereby immigrated into the main cities of the Empire, had on integrating Western traditions of textile manufacture the Assyrian terminology of material culture, espe- with Assyrian and Mesopotamian traditions.2 Pre- cially textiles. It is reasonable to assume that special sumably, these workshops, located in the main royal foreign textile products that were peculiar to their re- households of the Assyrian cities, employed artisans gions of origin were named in accordance with their of various provenances and cultural backgrounds. In original designations. However, the assimilation of light of the Aramaisation affecting various sectors these foreign groups and their backgrounds of tech- of Assyrian society and state organisation, which nical terms into the Assyro-Aramaic culture of the reached its apex in the 7th century BC, it is clear that Empire is another important process that was at work the languages used in these textile workshops were in this period. This process of unification and stand- Assyrian and Aramaic. All of the technical phases ardisation is visible in the case of foreign products of the textile chaîne opératoire, from wool sorting (acquired by the Assyrians in the form of tribute or to spinning, from weaving to dyeing, were certainly booty) that are named using Akkadian terms. mirrored by a bilingual terminology. Unfortunately, In the present contribution, observations on Neo- the extant written documents on clay tablets record Assyrian textile terminology will concern garments only a small fraction of the presumably rich bilingual and parts of garments.4 For a limited number of terms, vocabulary used by these artisans. We know that re- it is possible to identify the textile techniques after cord-keeping in the Empire’s bureaux during the 8th which the end products were named, although the and 7th centuries makes use not only of Assyrian cu- available evidence does not enable us to reach def- neiform on clay tablets or wooden (or ivory) waxed inite conclusions regarding this aspect of the textile board-books but also Aramaic script on flexible ma- production. terial, namely scrolls, presumably of leather or papy- rus.3 The textiles produced for internal consumption Producing and defining garments in Assyria by the Assyrian ruling elite and state sector as well as those produced for export were regularly recorded Garments and other items of clothing were produced in administrative documents by the scribes. However, in Assyria through the work-assignment system the parallel administrative records of these textiles on (iškāru), namely, through assignment of raw materi- Aramaic scrolls have not survived. Consequently, our als from the state to textile artisans, who were obliged 1. Lipiński 2000, 539-540. 2. Among the sihirti ummânī, ‘all the craftsmen’, who were brought out from the enemy’s palace and deported to Assyria by the Assy- rian kings there were also textile artisans. For references to deported foreign craftsmen in Sennacherib’s royal inscriptions see, e.g., RINAP 3/1, 1:33; 17 i 38 and passim. 3. The visual evidence of Neo-Assyrian scribes holding scrolls and pens has been recently reviewed in Reade 2012, 702-704, figs. 1, 5-7, 9-11, 15, 16. 4. Terms designating head-gear are not included in this study. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   49 to produce and return a certain quantity of finished not know what loom weights were called in this lan- products. Other textile end products were imported guage. For other items used by textile artisans, how- from abroad through trading by state merchants. Re- ever, some suggestions can be made. Terms for the constructing the terminology of the weaving process loom and its parts are not attested in the Neo-Assyrian and of tools used in the fabrication of garments is dif- corpus but only in lexical lists and in other periods of ficult since the majority of textile designations in Neo- the Akkadian documentation. The translations given Assyrian texts refer to finished products. In terms of in the dictionaries are generic. Terms referring to parts weaving tools, the archaeological evidence for spher- of the loom were also used to designate parts of doors, ical clay loom weights and remains of carbonised indirectly confirming the use of vertical looms in Mes- wood from what had probably been a loom from the opotamia. Identification of different components of the Neo-Assyrian site of Khirbet Khatunyeh5 confirms loom is extremely difficult since the occurrences are that warp-weighted vertical looms were in use in As- predominantly attested, if not exclusively limited, to syria.6 Among the objects found at this site were also lexical sources (the lexical series HAR-ra = hubullu). a wooden object, possibly a weaver’s ‘shuttle’7 or We may reconsider the Akkadian terminology in light bobbin and a flat bone spatula, pointed at one end, of what is known about the horizontal ground loom which has been interpreted as a ‘beater-in’ by Cur- and the vertical loom. The asû, of which an upper (elû) tis and Green, although the correct designation would and a lower (šaplû) variety are known,12 probably re- be ‘weft-beater’.8 Other weaving tools comprise clay fers to the heddle-bar and the shed-bar in the vertical spindle whorls.9 Tools related to weaving and dyeing loom and to the front and back beams in the horizontal activities, such as loom weights, bone spatulae, and loom.13 The words habbiru, literally ‘the noisy one’,14 terracotta dyeing vats, were found at Til Barsip (Tell and madakku, literally ‘the crushing one’,15 probably Ahmar).10 All of these items were common equipment refer to the weft beater. The item called nīru, literally for textile artisans of the Neo-Assyrian period. For a ‘the yoke, crossbeam’,16 could be identified with the number of these textile tools, it is possible to iden- shed-bar,17 while the nanšû, could be the heddle-bar.18 tify the term used by artisans. The dyeing vat, for in- Giving the meaning of akaiû as a stick for driving don- stance, was called naṣraptu in Akkadian,11 but we do keys,19 it is possible that it refers to the sharp pointed 5. Curtis & Green 1997, 18-19 and fig. 22. The best preserved of these loom weights show considerable variation in diameter (from c. 6.0 to 7.2 cm), height (from c. 4.0 to 6.3 cm), and weight (from c. 126 to 218 g). See also ibidem 21 and fig. 25 (nos. 93, 96). 6. Pieces of warp-weighted looms are generally found in the Aegean area, Anatolia and the Levant. On the warp-weighted loom see Ellis 1976, 76; Barber 1991, 99-113; Völling 2008, 126-131; Andersson Strand 2015, 52-54. 7. Curtis & Green 1997, 20 and fig. 23 (no. 76). 8. Curtis & Green 1997, 20 and fig. 23 (no. 77). But note that the authors define the beater-in as a tool used to press down the weft ­thread after it has been threaded through the warp threads. This is not correct, since on a warp-weighted loom the wefts are passed upwards, not downwards, and the weft is beaten upwards. On the use of weft-beaters see Andersson Strand 2015, 52. 9. Curtis & Green 1997, 21 and fig. 25 (nos. 90-92). For a copper alloy needle from Level 3 see ibidem fig. 25 (no. 87). 10. See Bunnens 1997, 21. 11. CAD N/II, 51b s.v. naṣraptu B. 12. CAD A/II, 347b s.v. asû B. 13. These parts probably correspond to the rās en-nōl and qā‘ en-nōl of the horizontal loom used by Bedouins today. See Staubli 2012, 91 fig. 85. 14. CAD H, 14b translates the term as ‘wool-lever’. 15. CAD M/I, 9a s.v. madakku 2. 16. CAD N/II, 263b s.v. nīru A 3b. 17. In the horizontal loom, still used by nomads in present-day Middle East, the loom’s ‘yoke’ is called minjar. See Staubli 2012, 91 fig. 85. 18. The dictionaries suggest that the nansû was the ‘lever’. See CAD N/I, 261b. For maššû, a variant of nanšû, see CAD M/I, 390b s.v. maššû A 2. 19. CAD K, 42a s.v. kajû 1; CDA, 154b. 50   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) stick or spatula used by the weaver as a beater. As for that special textiles were produced for palace women, mukānu (from the verb kânu, ‘to be firm’?),20 it could as evidenced by a Tell Ali text mentioning 30 minas be another candidate for the shed-bar. Words for ‘shut- of wool for the production of three Cypriot(-like?) tle’ or bobbin are (w)āṣītu, literally ‘that which goes lubēru-garments for six women.26 When it comes to out’,21 muṣabbitu,22 ṣiṣītu, of which a large (rabītu), a designations for garments, we may observe that Neo- small (ṣihirtu), a ša paršikti and a strong (puggultu) Assyrian scribes still use common textile designations variety are used,23 and ukû.24 Alternatively, it is pos- such as labussu (lubussu, lubultu, lubuštu),27 lubāru,28 sible that the word ṣiṣītu refers to the harness or the and ṣubātu29 to refer to garments in general terms. In heddle of the loom.25 Unfortunately, we do not know contrast to CAD,30 it seems that the last term was also how all of these weaving tools were called in Assyria used in Middle Assyrian period as a syllabic writing in the 1st millennium BC since the authors of the writ- of the plural logography TÚG.HI.A.31 ten records registering textiles were apparently not in- Given that the Ancient Near Eastern costume is, terested in the everyday tools used by artisans in the in Durand’s words, an ‘ensemble vestimentaire’,32 workshops. that is, a unity constituted by multiple items of cloth- Although the terms for textile tools used in Neo- ing that, presumably, varied across time, region, and Assyrian workshops remain unknown, we know social strata, it is possible that the generic term also from the written sources that the Assyrian artisans referred to the main and visually dominant item of produced a wide variety of clothing items, such as clothing worn by a person. In addition to the afore- garments, headdresses, and other textile accessories. mentioned names, terms for specific textile items Many of these clothes were produced for the palace could also be employed to designate a plurality of elite, including royal women. Even if there are few in- garments. Generic terms used to sum up textile prod- dications of female garments in Neo-Assyrian texts, it ucts at the end of an enumeration of garments in is clear that a portion of the palace-controlled textile inventory texts are mihṣu (logographically written industry and international trade was determined by as TÚG.PA), ‘textile, woven fabric’ (from the verb the demand for such textiles by women of the royal mahaṣu, ‘to beat, weave’),33 and kuzippu or guzippu family. Already in the Middle Assyrian period, we see (of unknown origin), probably simply intended as 20. CAD M/II, 183a. The etymology of the word is not indicated in the dictionaries. 21. CAD A/II, 356a s.v. āṣītu 8. This implement was also called iṣ nīri, see ibidem in lexical section. 22. CAD M/II, 240b s.v. muṣabbītu 1. The terms āṣītu and ṣiṣītu are variants of this word. 23. See CAD Ṣ, 214b in lexical section. For the translation of ṣiṣītu as ‘shuttle’ see CDA, 339b. 24. CAD U-W, 58a. 25. CAD Ṣ, 214b. 26. Ismail & Postgate 2008, 172, no. 22:1-2 30 MA.NA SÍG.MEŠ / a-na 3 lu-be-ri a-la-zi-a-e / a-na 6 MÍ.MEŠ a-na e-pa-še ta-ad-na. See also ibidem 9 for one talent of wool for other female items of clothing. 27. SAA 2, 2 iv 15; 6:374; SAA 3, 34:30; SAA 7, 63 ii 9, 11; SAA 10, 189:9; 287:4, 6; 356:6; SAA 12, 36:17; SAA 13, 176:9, r.4, 11; 186 r.4; SAA 17, 186:9; Menzel 1981, no. 22 ii 9. 28. SAA 12, 83:13’. For Middle Assyrian attestations, see, e.g., KAJ 256:1, 9; Iraq 35 T.13, 1:22 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 85) and discussion in Postgate 2014, 419. 29. SAA 3, 7:13; 35:20; SAA 4, 23 r.3; SAA 8, 38:5; SAA 10, 238:14; SAA 11, 24 r.7; SAA 12, 35:26; 85 r.33; SAA 17, 11 r.5; 34 r.12; 69 r.14; 122:16; SAA 18, 183 r.5; 187 r.13; StAT 3, 1:1, 16; ND 2312:2 (Iraq 23 [1961], 21, pl. X); ND 2687 e.12 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII) and passim. For Middle Assyrian attestations, see, e.g., MARV X, 6:21’; 36:3; 45:8’; 53:3; 64 r.14’; 79:3; 82:1, 2, r.10 (all texts edited in StAT 5) and Postgate 2014, 423 for discussion. 30. CAD L, 228b. 31. Donbaz 1991, A 1722:1-2. See Postgate 2014, 423. 32. Durand 2009, 12. 33. CTN 2, 1:12’ (dappastu, SI.LUH, kiṣiptu, nahlaptu, ša hīli, hulsu, gulēnu, and gammīdu); Billa 71:7 (JCS 7 [1953], 137. The bro- ken part of the line must be completed as TÚG.mi-[ih-ṣi]; this term is referred to the following textile products: kusītu, ša hīli and zārāte); ND 2672:7 (Iraq 23 [1961], 42, pl. XXII = TCAE 387: the term is referred to the textiles called kitû and šaddīnu); SAA 7, 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   51 ‘garment’ (see below). The beating operation re- recognised by Radner42 and Villard.43 This use of the ferred to in the root mhṣ is basically associated with word kuzippu is confirmed by a letter sent by Urad- the weaver’s use of weaving tools like the weaving Gula to the Assyrian king, where different garments, swords and pin-beaters or weft-beaters. These tools, collectively defined as kuzippu, is said to have com- usually made of bone, served to unravel knots or prised gulēnus, kitûs, and maklulu-garments.44 In a remove impurities, position the weft correctly and fragmentary inventory text from Nineveh we find tighten some points of the weft.34 The word mihṣu is both mihṣu and kuzippu at the end of a list of cloth- used as a generic term in both Assyrian and Babylo- ing items; the former is probably used to sum up all nian dialects of the 1st millennium BC.35 In Assyria, the linen garments, while the latter as a generic term it refers to a wide variety of garments and other fin- for garments in the grand total section of the docu- ished textile products in texts from Kalhu (Nim- ment.45 The use of both terms as collective designa- rud),36 Šibaniba (Tell Billa),37 Nineveh (Kuyunjik),38 tions for textiles in the same text probably indicates and Tušhan (Ziyaret Tepe).39 This use is already pre- a certain degree of specialization of the words mihṣu sent in Middle Assyrian times, as shown by a docu- and kuzippu, but conclusive observations about this ment listing amounts of wool and summarising the aspect cannot be made in light of the extant Neo- textile end products as mihṣu.40 Instead, at the end of Assyrian sources. In any case, these two terms a list from Assur (Qal‘at Šerqāṭ), we find the word were the common designations for textiles trans- kuzippu having the same meaning as mihṣu. In this ported for trade. Usually, textiles were transported case, the generic term refers to elements of cloth- as wrapped in rolls with attached clay sealings or ing and other textiles coming from abroad, namely labels describing the contents of the shipment.46 from the city or the region of Hamath (in present- The practice of gathering garments into rolls, called day central Syria).41 The semantic value of the word with the Aramaic loanword kirku, is documented kuzippu as a generic textile term has already been in dowry lists both in Assyria47 and in Babylonia.48 108 r. ii’ 1’, 2’ (various textiles of which only the designation urnutu is preserved); ZTT II, 33:8 (elītu, maklulu, šupālītu halluptu, ša IŠ, iahilu, and datāiu). But note that Postgate does not consider mihṣu to be the Akkadian reading of the logogram PA. See Post­ gate 1973, 28. See also Postgate 2014, 407, commenting on the handling of felt in Middle Assyrian period, where he interprets the occurrence of this logographic writing as referring to sticks. 34. Peyronel 2004, 66. 35. For the Neo-Babylonian mihṣu see Beaulieu 2003, 15. 36. CTN 2, 1:12’; ND 2672:7 (Iraq 23 [1961], 42, pl. XXII = TCAE 387). 37. Billa 71:7 (JCS 7 [1953], 137). 38. Ki 1904-10-9,154+ r.50 (Iraq 32 [1970], 153, pl. XXVII). 39. ZTT II, 33:8. 40. Postgate 1979, MAH 15854 A 9’ a-na TÚG.mi-ih-ṣi [x] TA.ÀM up-pu-ša. Another occurrence of this word is in MARV VII, 23:5’ i+na mi-ih-ṣ[i?], the meaning of which is, however, obscure. 41. StAT 3, 1 r.35 PAB 3-me 86 ku-zip-pe ša KUR.ha-ma-te (the garments and other textiles in question are kusītu, elītu, šupālītu hal- luptu, qarrāru, niksu, qirmu, gammīdu, maqaṭṭu, dappastu, SI.LUH, nēbettu, nahlaptu, sasuppu, pariktu, ša muhhi šarri, and kitû). 42. Radner 1999, 117. 43. Villard 2010, 389. 44. SAA 10, 289 r.3’-7’ [x túg].˹gu˺-zip-pi pa-ni-i!-˹ú˺-[te] / [ša ud]-˹22˺-kám ù ša ú-ma-a ˹e˺-[ru-bu-u-ni] / [túg].˹gul!˺-igi.2 túg!.gada túg.ma-ak-[li-li] / ˹x˺ [x]-šú! am-mar! gab-bu-un-ni / [x x x] i-na-áš-ši, “He is taking [for himself] the prime lot of garments [which came in on the 2]2nd day and today, (that is to say) [gu]lēnus, tunics, and mak[lulus], every single one of them”. 45. Ki 1904-10-9,154+ r.50-e.51 (Iraq 32 [1970], 153, pl. XXVII) [x x x x x] TÚG.PA.MEŠ GADA [x x x] / [PAB? x x x x] ku-zip-pi, “[…] linen fabric [… Total: ...] garments”. 46. See SAA 7, 93-106; SAA 11, 67. 47. ND 2307 e.23 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). The word kirku also occurs in PVA 269 TÚG kír-ku = ki-ir-ku, ‘roll of textiles/fabric’. 48. Dar 530:8; Nbk 369:2. See CAD K, 408b s.v. kirku B b. On the use of kirku in Neo-Babylonian dowry lists, see Roth 1989-90, 30: ‘a roll of cloth’. 52   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Designations for garments of the port’ or ‘commercial red’ (kar = kāru) and the so-called ‘limestone red’ (pūlu).53 This over- In the observations that follow, the Neo-Assyrian garment seems to have had a red-coloured front- names of garments are discussed. Terms have been part, as witnessed by a list of commodities from classified into three categories: 1) designations be- Nimrud.54 longing to the common textile Akkadian vocabulary, hullānu. This name of a cloak or wool or linen that is to say, terms that are also attested outside the wrap55 is documented from Middle Babylonian Neo-Assyrian dialect, namely in other dialects and times onwards. This textile was probably a cover periods (e.g., in Middle Assyrian, Babylonian, etc.); or a wrap, to be used for garments and beds.56 2) designations that are peculiar to 1st-millennium From administrative sources we may see that Akkadian dialects (i.e., Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Bab- the hullānus could be qualified as ṣuppu (deco- ylonian), including terms of (possible) West Semitic rated?)57 and that they were employed for beds,58 origin; and 3) designations the meaning of which is perhaps, as bed-covers. Another list of textiles unclear as well as non-Semitic words. mentions house-wraps for women.59 In this case, it is possible that the item was a cover. On the use Assyrian designations belonging to the common of this textile by ladies we are informed from a Akkadian textile vocabulary letter of the crown prince Assurbanipal to his fa- ther, according to which an Aramaean woman put elītu. The term seems to denote an upper garment or a hullānu on her neck.60 That the hullānu was a a (fringed) shawl.49 Of this textile there were both sort of garment is also clear from a look at Mid- a red (or purple?)50 and a black variety.51 Other dle Assyrian documents.61 In the Middle Assyrian qualifications, some of which are very common in period, the luxury variety of hullānu could have Neo-Assyrian lists of textiles, are difficult to ex- cedar-tree decorations and sleeves (ša ahāte).62 A plain. We know, for example, that the red variety variety with (figures) of (heraldically?) crossed of the elītu could be of the country-/mountain-type tešēnu-animals, without sleeves, is also attested.63 (kur = mātu, ‘country’, or šadû, ‘mountain’),52 In Neo-Babylonian times, it constituted a com- perhaps to be understood as naturally red, in op- ponent of wardrobes for statues of both gods and position to other red dye varieties, such as the ‘red goddesses.64 49. CTN 2, 153:5; 155 r. v 10’; 224:1; 253; SAA 7, 102:4’; 103:2’; 105:9’; 112:6’; 127:8’; StAT 3, 1:4; ZTT II, 33:1. See AHw, 202a; CAD E, 98b; CDA, 70a. For the meaning ‘shawl’, see Postgate 2001, 380 and AEAD, 24b. 50. SAA 7, 105:9’. 51. SAA 7, 127:8’. 52. SAA 7, 105:9’. 53. See Fales & Postgate 1992, xxviii. 54. CTN 2, 155 r. v 11’. However, the logographic writing zag.meš is interpreted by Postgate as referring to the sleeves, see Post- gate 1973, 172. 55. AHw, 354a; CAD H, 229a; CDA, 119b; AEAD, 38b. But see Postgate 2014, 418 for the generic translation: ‘a luxury garment’. 56. CTN 2, 152:1; K 6323+ r. i’ 10’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); ND 2311:1 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); PVA 235, 236; SAA 7, 96:6’; 107 r.3’; 109 ii 3’, iii 2’; SAA 16, 17 r.7’. See AHw, 354a; CDA, 119b. In addition to this meaning, CAD H, 229a also intends this textile as a blanket, while in AEAD, 38b the entry is translated as ‘cloak, wrap, hood’. 57. SAA 7, 96:6’. Postgate 2014, 425 tentatively suggests the translation of ṣuppu as ‘embroidered?’. 58. SAA 7, 109 iii 3’. 59. SAA 7, 107 r.3’ [x x (x x) gú?].lá bé!-te! ša mí.meŠ. 60. SAA 16, 17 r.6’-8’. 61. AfO 19, T.6:1-2, 3-4 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52); MARV III, 71:1. 62. AfO 19, T.6:1-2 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52). See Postgate 2014, 418 for discussion. 63. AfO 19, T.6:3-4 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52). Cf. CAD T, 373b s.v. tešēnu: ‘a wild animal’. 64. See Beaulieu 2003, 15. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   53 kitû. The term generally designates a linen textile, Assyrian period.78 In 2nd millennium BC Assyria, a cloth and a garment, probably a tunic.65 In the kusītus were produced for export, as witnessed by Middle Assyrian period linen wraps (nalbētu)66 as Bābu-aha-iddina’s archive.79 It was also fabricated well as textiles of thick linen (kitû kabartu) were in the textile workshop in Dūr-Katlimmu (Tall Šēh produced.67 A Neo-Assyrian list of textile prod- Ḥamad), from which we learn that a quantity of ucts from Assur mentions one white (or bleached?) 8 minas of wool served to produce a pair of these linen garment (kitû paṣiu).68 In Assyria, linen cloth garments80 and that, consequently, the amount was also used to cover beds and chairs.69 needed for one kusītu was 4 minas, around 2 kil- kusītu. This textile designation has been interpreted ograms. As it may be observed from a list of tex- as referring to a long garment falling straight to tiles from Assur, kusītus could be a palm wide (ša the ground, probably a sort of tunic.70 The term puškāie).81 A letter of Nabû-šarru-uṣur informs us is also attested in West Semitic, as witnessed by that some kusītus, which had to be delivered to Aramaic ksūṯā, ‘garment’,71 and Mandaic kissūyā, King Esarhaddon (680-669 BC), were fabricated ‘veil’72 (<ksy, ‘to cover’). From Middle Assyrian with red wool by the team of the weavers of (the documents we see that this garment was made of temple household of) Ištar of Arbela82. It was es- wool73 and that multi-coloured cloth (birmu) was pecially used as an honorific form of dress; in fact, used by palace weavers to produce the kusītu’s a letter reporting on Sennacherib’s death mentions hem.74 Analogous details we gain from Neo-As- eunuchs standing in the presence of the mayor, syrian labels and accounts of textiles. The 1st-mil- dressed in kusītus and adorned with rings.83 Vari- lennium kusītu could be red, of the country-type,75 ous examples of more or less elaborate and fringed or multi-coloured.76 Kusītus of various colours long robes are depicted in palace reliefs as worn also occur among grave gifts in a royal funerary by the king, high ranking officials, and soldiers. text.77 White kusītus are documented in the Middle This item of dress could be worn on its own or in 65. KAR 141:21 (Ebeling 1931, 88); ND 2672:5 (Iraq 23 [1961], 42, pl. XXII = TCAE 387); ND 2687:3, 4, r.6 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII); RINAP 3/2, 154 r.5’; 223:33; SAA 5, 152 r.10; 206 r.7’; SAA 7, 109 r. iv 3’; SAA 10, 289 r.5; SAA 11, 26 r.5; 31 r.7; StAT 3, 1 r.32. See AHw, 495b; CAD K, 473a; CDA, 163a; AEAD, 51a. 66. KAV 99:16-17. The masculine form of nalbētu is nalwû, attested in Mari. See Durand 2009, 178. 67. KAV 100 r.23. 68. StAT 3, 1 r.32. 69. SAA 7, 115 r. ii 5. 70. Billa 71:2 (JCS 7 [1953], 137); K 6323+ iii 23, 27 (Kwasman 2009, 115); PVA 237, 238; SAA 3, 23:4; SAA 7, 99:1; 105:6’, 7’; 112:6’; SAA 16, 84:8; 95:8; SAA 17, 122:7; StAT 3, 1:2, 3, r.22. For Middle Assyrian occurrences, see AfO 19, T.7, 1:3 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 53); KAV 200 r.3; MARV III, 5:8’, r.38’. For the word, see AHw, 514b; CAD K, 585b; CDA, 170a. For the mea- ning ‘toga’, see AEAD, 52b. A discussion on this item of dress is in Postgate 2001, 378-381. In Postgate 2014, 419 the term is tran- slated as ‘robe’. The etymology of kusītu is discussed in Michel & Veenhof 2010, 226. 71. DJPA, 265a; DJBA, 590b; Jastrow 1950, 652b; DNWSI, 522. 72. Drower & Macuch 1963, 220. 73. MARV III, 5:8’. For a blue variety of kusītu, see MARV X, 3:14 (StAT 5, 3) 1 TÚG.BAR.DUL za.g[Ìn?], “One blu[e] (wool) kusītu-garment”. 74. MARV III, 5 r.38’-39’. 75. SAA 7, 105:7’. 76. SAA 7, 99:1; 105:6’. 77. K 6323+ iii 23 (Kwasman 2009, 115). 78. MARV III, 5:8’. 79. Postgate & Collon 1999-2001, text BM 108965:2. See also Postgate 2014, 419. 80. Röllig 2002, text 12.7:8 8 ma.na 2 TÚG.BAR.DUL. 81. StAT 3, 1 r.22. However, Faist considers the qualification ša puškāie as referring to a toponym; accordingly, she translates the oc- currence 3 túg.bar.dul ša pu-uš-ka-a-a as “3 puškäische kusītu-Gewänder”. For the use of the pušku-measure in qualifica- tions of textiles in Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian texts see CAD P, 542b-543a s.v. pušku A b. 82. SAA 16, 84:8-r.11. 83. SAA 16, 95:7-9. 54   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) association with a fringed shawl or a shirt.84 The in use in Assyria. A dowry list includes kuzippus use of the kusītu by soldiers is witnessed by a Mid- of commercial red wool (‘red wool of the port’)94 dle Assyrian document which mentions kusītus of as well as white kuzippus.95 Palace weavers in the king’s troops (kusītu ša ṣāb šarri) among other charge of the production of such a garment were textiles destined to the army.85 able to create very elaborate types of kuzippus. A kuzippu. This name refers to a garment, a cloak or Ninevite textile label mentions a kuzippu studded a suit (of clothes).86 It is possible that the textile with stones,96 clearly a textile befitting a mem- designation kiṣiptu is related to kuzippu (see be- ber of the Assyrian royal family; an example of low).87 No etymology is provided by dictionar- such a decorated garment is probably to be recog- ies. The connection of kuzippu to the root *kzp/ nised in the mineralised textile remains with cor- kṣp is doubtful in light of its meaning ‘to think, nelian beads discovered in the Nimrud royal bur- estimate’. Instead, the possibility that k/guzippu ial.97 It is known that the foreign noblemen and is a compound name related to the word quṣippu messengers who were received by the Assyrian (also quzippu, quṣippatu),88 an Akkadian loanword court with great honours were dressed in precious in Sumerian (written as gu zi.ip.pa.tum/zi.ba. robes: this is the case of the son of a nobleman tum/zí.ba.tum), has never been considered by from an eastern country in the reign of Sargon II scholars. The compound word seems to be based (722-705 BC), who received a kuzippu and silver on the terms qû, ‘thread, string’, and ṣippātu, a bracelets at his arrival.98 The palace weavers also term of unknown meaning probably referring to produced an ordinary and presumably standard va- the material or quality of the thread.89 If this work- riety of this clothing item for the military person- ing hypothesis is valid, the garment designation nel. An account concerning the consumption of probably referred to characteristics of the thread raw materials for textiles records 2 talents of mad- used in its manufacture. The kuzippu, also attested der for making the clothes of the chariot-fighters with voiced plosive [g], guzippu,90 was a wool gar- and the archers’ kuzippus.99 In this connection, it ment91 of which both white92 and red types93 were is interesting to note that kuzippus were also used 84. Postgate 2001, 379-380. 85. Postgate 2001, 376, text MAH 16086, A ii 11, 13. 86. CTN 2, 152 e.9; Ki 1904-10-9,154+r.36, 51 (Iraq 32 [1970], 152-153, pl. XXVII); ND 2097:6, 7 (Iraq 23 [1961], 18-19, pl. IX); ND 2307:14, 17, r.3 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2312:1 (Iraq 23 [1961], 21, pl. X); ND 3413:2 (Iraq 15 [1953], 139, pl. XI); SAA 1, 246:8; SAA 2, 5 iv 16; SAA 3, 34:30; 35:60; SAA 7, 97:13’; 112:3’; 115 ii 20; SAA 10, 87 r.2, 5; 189:10; 226 r.3; 234 r.4; 235:6; 246:8, 11, r.7; 258:2; 264 r.1; 270 r.6; 275 r.4; 289 r.3, 10; 293:28; 294 r.28, 35; 338:13; 339:12; 340:11; 387 r.3; SAA 11, 67:1; 176 r.6; SAA 13, 33 r.9; 37:8; SAA 15, 90:25; 91 r.2; 259 r.8; SAA 16, 5:6; 83 r.3; 159:3; SAA 19, 6 r.14’, 16’; StAT 2, 244 s.4; 315 e.10; StAT 3, 1 r.35. See AHw, 519b; CAD K, 615b; CDA, 171b; AEAD, 53b. 87. Faist 2007, 13. 88. CAD Q, 332b: ‘a type of thread’. Instead, AHw, 515b and CDA, 170b do not offer any translation of this term, although AHw sug- gests a possible relation between kuṣippu and kuzippu. 89. CAD Q, 332b. We wonder whether the word in question is ṣippatu, ‘reed’ (CAD Ṣ, 203b). Does this word also mean ‘fiber’? On the correspondent Aramaic word ṣbt’ see DJBA, 951b: ‘fiber’. 90. The preference for voiced forms seems to be due to the voiced context or voiced root-context, see Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 15-16. 91. See, e.g., ND 2307:14 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); SAA 10, 87 r.2’-3’. 92. ND 2307:17 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); SAA 10, 87 r.5’. 93. ND 2307:14 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 94. ND 2307:14 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 95. ND 2307:17 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 96. SAA 7, 97:13’. Garments studded with stones are documented in the written sources of other periods of the Ancient Near Eastern history. See Durand 2009, 72, concerning the item called nahZaBu. See also Beaugeard 2010, 288: ‘une chemise ornée de pierres précieuses’. 97. Crowfoot 1995, 113. 98. SAA 15, 91 r.1-2. See also SAA 15, 90:25-26. 99. SAA 7, 115 ii 19-20. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   55 as uniforms for soldiers and for the Itu’a troops.100 the term kuzippu was used by Assyrian scribes Analogous considerations may be made about the to indicate garments in general (see above). Per- use of kuzippus by the king’s bodyguards.101 The haps this meaning also fits many of the attesta- fact that kuzippus as well as other textiles were tions quoted above. This use of the word may be commodities frequently transferred within the seen, for example, in the end of a textile list from imperial territory is confirmed by a sealing, i.e. Assur, where all the items are totalled and quali- a circular-shaped piece of clay bearing impressed fied as kuzippus coming from the land of Hamath, a stamp seal; this inscribed object accompanied as observed above.109 From the literary text of the an unspecified number of kuzippus and ṣipirtu- Marduk Ordeal, it is also clear that the generic se- textiles.102 The large circulation of these two items mantic value of the word kuzippu is different from was probably due to the presence of units of the that of lubussu; in fact, kuzippu denotes the indi- royal army in different area of the imperial terri- vidual character of the garments in question, not tory and to the constant need of provisioning the just their being clothing.110 An administrative doc- troops with uniforms and other textiles of every- ument also informs us that a wooden container, day use. The sealing operation concerning textiles called bēt kuzippi, was used to store such textiles. which had to be delivered from a place to another This object must have been a characteristic piece within the imperial territory is also attested in a of furniture in the royal palace, given the impor- letter of Sargon’s royal correspondence concern- tance, the richness, and the variety of garments ing tunics (kitû) stored in Dūr-Šarrukēn (Khors- that the king and the royal family’s members used abad).103 In Neo-Assyrian letters the term kuzippu during private and public occasions.111 In a mar- is also employed to indicate the king’s dress104 and riage contract, different kuzippus are listed, among the garments of the statue of the substitute king.105 which one pair of kuzippus qualified by the ob- From a Marduk-šākin-šumi’s letter we also learn scure designation magarrūti occurs.112 Summing that kuzippus were used in rituals to be performed up, the term kuzippu appears as a versatile desig- in the sacred qirsu-place; the king’s scholar speci- nation for garments, both of luxury (i.e., those of fies that the garments had to be used as clothing of the elite) and ordinary types (e.g., those worn by skulls.106 Another garment whose use is connected members of the Assyrian army). with the qirsu-place is the pazibdu (see below). lamahuššû. This is a Sumerian loanword in Akkadian We may also observe that in mourning periods the and denotes a wool precious garment used for cer- king was clothed in white robes.107 In addition, emonial purposes.113 This expensive garment is al- the royal clothes were used as a substitute for the ready attested in Ur III period as well as in Old king when he could not participate in the proces- Babylonian and Old Assyrian times. This textile sions of the gods in person.108 It is also clear that 100. SAA 19, 6 r.14’. 101. Ki 1904-10-9,154+ r.36 (Iraq 32 [1970], 152, pl. XXVII) [x+]6 T[ÚG.k]u-zip-pi [ša?] LÚ.qur-bu-te. 102. SAA 11, 67:1. 103. SAA 5, 206 r.6’-8’. 104. SAA 10, 234 r.4-6; 235:6-15; 339:12; 340:11-12; SAA 13, 37:8. 105. SAA 10, 189:10-11. 106. SAA 10, 264 6-r.2. 107. SAA 10, 234 r.4-6; 235:6-15. 108. SAA 10, 339:12-13; 340:9-12. See also SAA 10, 338:13. On the king’s clothes in the city of Arbela see SAA 10, 287:3-6. 109. StAT 3, 1 r.35. 110. SAA 3, 34:30 la-bu-su-šu ša a-na dgaŠan—unug.ki ú-še-bal-u-ni ku-zip-pi-šú šu-nu, “His clothing which they send to the Lady of Uruk is his robes.” 111. SAA 7, 119 i 19’, ii 14’. 112. ND 2307 r.3 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 113. AHw, 532a; CAD L, 58b; CDA, 176b; AEAD, 54a. 56   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) name was also known with variants with initial n, nahlaptu. This name of textile, which is already at- like, for instance, namaššuhum (Old Assyrian) and tested at the beginning of the 2nd millennium namanšu’um (Old Babylonian).114 In Mari it indi- BC,124 derives from the verb halāpu I, ‘to cover, cated both a luxury garment and a precious fab- clothe (with)’, probably refers to a wrap and to ric for furniture.115 The lamahuššû was an integral a coat or armour125 used by Assyrian soldiers. part of the wardrobe of the statue of the goddess This designation was also certainly used to in- in Neo-Babylonian times.116 dicate the metal scale armours imitating the ho- maklulu or muklālu (muqlālu). This term, derived from monymous wool coats. In fact, a record of cop- the verb qalālu, ‘to be light, weak’, seems to de- per items mentions a light bronze nahlaptu to be note a wool shawl or a cape.117 In a Middle Assyr- polished,126 in all likelihood a soldier’s coat of ian text wool garments (lubēru) with their maklalu mail. Assyrian troops dressed in such armours are listed.118 The textiles in question are qualified as are mentioned in the correspondence of Es- garments ša ṣēri, ‘of the steppe/countryside’, per- arhaddon.127 Moreover, the characteristic scale haps, to be intended as garments with capes which texture of the Assyrian armours is intended in were used for travel or which were characteristic the curse section of two Neo-Assyrian treaties, of the nomads’ dress. Postgate suggests the transla- where we find a simile equating leprosy with the tion ‘hood’.119 Moreover, it seems that in 2nd-mil- nahlaptu-garment.128 An alternative logographic lennium BC Assyria also maklulus for work (ša form of the word was TÚG.DÙL (= ṣulūlu, liter- šipri/KIN) were in use.120 The Neo-Assyrian mak- ally, ‘shelter, protection’), attested in a document lulu came in two varieties: one with sleeves and from Tušhan (Ziyaret Tepe) concerning a set of one without sleeves.121 Administrative texts dealing clothing for soldiers.129 As clearly shown by two with textiles tell us that the muklālu could be made Middle Assyrian documents concerning textiles, of biršu, and that it could have a red coloured front- it seems that the production and the supply of piece and (precious) stones sewn onto it,122 perhaps nahlaptus as well as other textile products to the along the border. Another document specifies that army was a concern of the Assyrian central ad- the colour used for the front-part of the muklālu was ministration. We are informed about the central- the commercial red.123 ised production of this item of dress in Assyria 114. See Michel & Veenhof 2010, 229, 237. 115. See Durand 2009, 57, suggesting that it could “servir de toile à matelas, donc pour installer une couche d’apparat”. 116. See TCL 13, 233:4 (cited in CAD L, 59a). 117. CTN 2, 152:2, 6, r.11; 224:2; ND 2311:2 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); PVA 250; SAA 10, 289 r.5; ZTT II, 33:2. See AHw, 590a; CAD M/I, 137b; CDA, 192a. For the meaning ‘cape’, see AEAD, 59a. 118. KAV 99:15-16. 119. Postgate 2014, 420. 120. MARV I, 24:7’ 1 TÚG.ma-ak-lu-lu ša KIN ši-pár x[x x x]. The same qualification also applied to ṣubātus in KAV 99:15; MARV I, 24:6; MARV III, 5:28’. One wonders whether the qualification ša UD.MEŠ (Postgate 1979, 7; see Postgate 2014, 425: ‘for everyday (use)?’) was an alternative way to indicate clothing for work in Assyria. 121. CTN 2, 224:2-3. 122. SAA 7, 96:7’. 123. SAA 7, 105:8’. 124. See, e.g., the occurrences of the term in Mari and Old Assyrian texts. See, respectively, Durand 2009, 67-72 and Michel & Veen- hof 2010, 236-237. 125. AfO 8 (1932-33), 178:17; CTN 2, 1:10’; KAR 141:17 (Ebeling 1931, 88); PVA 221; SAA 3, 17:32; 32 r.10; SAA 7, 89 r.8; SAA 10, 238:15; 345 r.9; SAA 16, 95 r.9’; Sg 8 411; StAT 3, 1 r.26, 33; ZTT I, 8:3. For Middle Assyrian attestations see, e.g., Billa 61 r.19 (JCS 7 [1953], 135); KAJ 231:1, 6; 256:7; 279:6; KAV 200 r.3; MARV III, 5:9’, 10’, 16’, 18’, 20’, e.26’; 71:2, 3,5; MARV VIII, 73:1; 97:5. See AHw, 715a; CAD N/I, 138a; CDA, 232a; AEAD, 71b; Postgate 2014, 421. 126. SAA 7, 89 r.8-9 GÚ.È URUDU Q[ÀL]-tú / ša ka-pa-a-ri, “a bronze armour, l[igh]t, to be polished”. 127. SAA 16, 95 r.8’-9’. 128. SAA 2, 2 r. iv 4-5; 11 r.10’-11’. 129. ZTT I, 8:3. The term is translated by Parpola as ‘coat of mail’. See Parpola 2008, 57 for discussion. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   57 since the 2nd millennium BC. Two Middle As- 2nd-millennium nahlaptu could be provided with syrian documents reflecting the management of sleeves (Á.MEŠ) and breast-pieces (GAB.MEŠ) the palace-oriented textile production are partic- of red wool.141 Furthermore, the fact that a nah­ ularly interesting: one of them is a list of finished laptu occurs in a document listing what seem to textiles which had to be supplied by a number of be royal gifts for a woman142 shows that the des- contributors; among the listed textiles there are ignation also applied to a wrap or coat used by finely executed and decorated(?) coats for bat- ladies. In this connection, we may note that or- tles (nahlaptu ša dīkāti ṣa’uptu qatattu). 130 In dinary coats occur in a Neo-Assyrian dowry list contrast, no explicit reference to military use is of a marriage contract from Kalhu.143 With the made concerning the wool nahlaptus recorded in same textile designation a wrap for beds was also a Middle Assyrian account of work quotas of pal- intended.144 As far as the Neo-Assyrian period ace weavers,131 although the reference to leggings is concerned, we may see that in the 1st millen- and chariots in the text supports this hypothe- nium BC too the nahlaptu comes in several va- sis.132 That the nahlaptu constituted a character- rieties. The Practical Vocabulary of Assur lists istic element of the military uniforms also in the multi-coloured,145 red,146 red-purple,147 blue-black 1st millennium BC is confirmed by the mention (or blue-purple), 148 scarlet, 149 and huhhurāti- of nahlaptus (written as nahhaptu133) of the mil- dyed150 types of nahlaptu, as well as a house- itary unit of the Qurraeans in two Neo-Assyrian quality,151 a variety used for the breast (or, per- lists from Nineveh.134 In the Middle Assyrian pe- haps, a variety with breast-piece?),152 and one to riod varieties of nahlaptu of red,135 red-purple,136 be used in association with the obscure kirnāiu- blue,137 blue-black (or blue-purple),138 white,139 garment.153 The list also includes nahlaptus with and multi-coloured wool140 were produced. The designs (uṣurtu)154 and a linen-variety.155 Of other 130. Postgate 2001, 376, text MAH 16086; Postgate 2014, 425. 131. MARV III, 5:9’, 10’, 16’, 18’, 20’, e.26’. 132. Gaspa 2013, 231. 133. For the variant nahhaptu, which is already attested in the Middle Assyrian period, see KAJ 77:9 (Postgate 1988, text no. 53) 1 TÚG.na-ha-ap-ta. 134. SAA 7, 112 r.1-2; 115 ii 18. 135. MARV III, 71:2 (StAT 5, 92:2); MARV X, 8:1 (StAT 5, 8); 35:1 (StAT 5, 35). 136. MARV III, 5:10’, 16’, 18’; MARV X, 40:5-6, e.7-r.9 (StAT 5, 40). Note that in this text the amounts of red purple wool (ZA.GÌN. MI) are summarised in the total as ṣerpu, ‘red (wool)’. See ibidem r.13. 137. MARV X, 77:1 (StAT 5, 77). 138. MARV III, 71:3 (StAT 5, 92); MARV VIII, 97:4; MARV X, 40:1-3 (StAT 5, 40); 64 r.14 (StAT 5, 64). 139. MARV III, 5:20’; MARV X, 8:2 (StAT 5, 8); 36:1 (StAT 5, 36); 59 r.10 (StAT 5, 59); 77:2 (StAT 5, 77). 140. MARV III, 71:5 (StAT 5, 92); MARV VIII, 97:5. 141. MARV III, 5:17’. Nahlaptu-garments with sleeves and breast-pieces are also attested in MARV I, 24:13’. 142. MARV VIII, 73:1. 143. CTN 2, 1:10’ 6 túg.˹gú˺.è.meš sad-ra-te. 144. SAA 7, 109 iii 2’-3’ G[Ú!.LÁ] / NÁ [0]. 145. PVA 222. 146. PVA 229. 147. PVA 227. 148. PVA 228. 149. PVA 230. 150. PVA 226. 151. PVA 223. 152. PVA 224. 153. PVA 233.
154. PVA 225. 155. PVA 234. 156. PVA 232. For the reconstruction of the line, see Postgate 1973, 28 and CAD P, 543a. 58   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) two varieties mentioned in this lexical list, one work assignments are constituted by the textiles is qualified with the palm-measure (pušku),156 listed in this document. The mention of the god but the use of this unit of measure in connec- Bēl-šarru is probably an indication that these tex- tion with textiles escapes us. The same measure tiles were destined for the wardrobe of this deity. also characterises scraps of textiles in a marriage We know that Ištar’s statue was clothed with this transaction document from Nimrud157 and kusītus item of dress in 1st-millennium BC Babylonia.168 in a list of textiles from Assur.158 In addition to niksu. The word literally means ‘cut, piece’ (from the above-mentioned types, a white variety was nakāsu, ‘to cut’); it probably designated a stan- also produced in the Neo-Assyrian period.159 dard piece of cloth used as wrap,169 although Mid- Concerning ritual use, we see that a wool white dle Assyrian attestations seem to confirm that it nahlaptu was used in a ritual for the Daughter- was a specific kind of garment. Niksus are listed in of-the-River.160 Assyrian weavers produced both a document along with amounts of coloured wool long and short nahlaptus; a short variety is doc- and garments, suggesting that they were specific umented in the above-cited list of garments from clothing items.170 In the Neo-Assyrian period, this Assur.161 Another use of this textile was to cover garment is attested in a legal document listing ma- chariot parts. In fact, in a document from Mid- terials to be used for the king’s sasuppu-napkin. dle Assyrian Assur a nahlaptu is associated with The text mentions a depot of four unknown items the dust guard of the king’s chariot.162 (textiles?) and four niksus, fine work belonging nēbuhu. This is a designation for a band, belt or to a god and at disposal of a chief weaver.171 In sash,163 derived from the verb ebēhu, ‘to gird, belt a document from Ziyaret Tepe, two niksus oc- up’.164 From Middle Assyrian documents we see cur in the context of clothes for soldiers.172 De- that nēbuhus of both red165 and white wool166 were tails on niksus are provided by a list from Assur, produced. Another text specifies the different pur- from which we learn that this kind of wrap could poses for which this item of clothing was fabri- be white173 with red sidesand front-part (UŠ ZAG cated in the state textile workshops:167 the text only SA5).174 The same text also mentions a Babylonian refers to the female weavers of Nineveh, whose variety,175 but no indications are given about what 157. CTN 2, 1:5’. 158. StAT 3, 1 r.22. 159. StAT 3, 1 r.26. 160. KAR 141:17 (Ebeling 1931, 88). 161. StAT 3, 1 r.33 68 TÚG.GÚ.È kùr-ri. 162. MARV X, 5:1-2 (StAT 5, 5) [x x x x] ME 5 ˹ŠU˺.SI GÚ.È / [x x x x GI]Š.˹sa˺-har-ge-e GIŠ.GIGIR ˹ša˺ ˹GÌR˺ MA[N]. 163. ND 3407:3 (Iraq 15 [1953], 138, pl. XI); PVA 243; SAA 7, 115 ii 16. See AHw, 773b; CAD N/II, 143a; CDA, 248b; AEAD, 76a; Postgate 2014, 421. 164. CDA, 64b. 165. MARV X, 3:14 (StAT 5, 3). 166. MARV X, 3:14 (StAT 5, 3). 167. MARV X, 69:4-5 (StAT 5, 69) 6+x? TÚG.ÍB.LÁ ˹ša˺ na[m]-hi-ri / 35? TÚG.ÍB.LÁ.MEŠ / ša lu-uš-me. The meaning of the terms namhiru and lušmu is unclear. 168. Beaulieu 2003, 15. 169. See AHw, 789b; CAD N/II, 231b; CDA, 253b; AEAD, 77a. 170. MARV I, 24:2, 3, 14. Niksus and other textiles are summarised as TÚG.lu-bul-tu SIG5-tu, ‘good-quality clothing’, in ibidem 12. See Postgate 2014, 422 for discussion. For other attestations of this textile in Middle Assyrian texts, see Faist 2001, 6 (Two niksus [and/for?] one Assyrian lubēru); Radner 2004, 82, no. 4:30-31; MARV X, 10:1 (StAT 5, 10). 171. SAA 6, 190:2. 172. ZTT I, 8:3. 173. StAT 3, 1:10. 174. StAT 3, 1:11. Faist tentatively suggests the translation of ‘mit roter Borte’ for the qualification UŠ ZAG SA5. 175. StAT 3, 1:r.31 1 TÚG.nik-su KUR URI.KI!. Literally, “(of) the Land of Akkad”. 176. See AHw, 1003a s.v. sāgu I: ‘ein Arbeitsschurz?’; CAD S, 27b s.v. sāgu: ‘a piece of clothing’; CDA, 310b s.v. sāgu I: ‘a skirt, 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   59 differentiates the Babylonian niksu from the As- sunābu (or sunāpu). The term seems to be derived syrian counterpart. from sanāpu, ‘to tie on’, and designates a bandage sāgu. This term has been interpreted as a name for or loincloth.184 The translation of the word as ‘san- ‘sack’ and for a garment.176 In Neo-Assyrian itary towel’ is suggested in CDA.185 This textile is texts177 it probably represents the Assyrian coun- only mentioned in PVA. Durand states that this terpart of the Neo-Babylonian saqqu,178 a desig- term is hapax in Akkadian.186 However, another nation for a sack and a garment, and the Aramaic attestation may be found in a Middle Assyrian text saq, saqqā, analogously meaning ‘sack’ and ‘sack- from Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta (Tulūl al-‘Aqir).187 Ac- cloth’.179 In light of the meaning of the word, it is cording to Durand, the word may be explained as clear that this garment was made with the coarse an Akkadianisation of Hurrian *suni-we, meaning cloth of sacks. In Assyria, the occupation deal- ‘habit à sūnu’ (see below).188 If this interpretation ing with the production or trade of these garments is valid, the term sunābu does not derive from the was called ša sāgātēšu.180 In light of a letter deal- verb sanāpu.189 ing with Aramean troops going on a campaign, šaddīnu. The form šaddīnu, with initial <š>, is a pe- it seems that sāgus were a component of travel culiarity of the Neo-Assyrian dialect.190 In the equipment along with leather bags, sandals, food Western Semitic area the same word has initial and oil.181 The word has long been considered a <s>, as shown by Hebrew sādīn and Aramaic 1st-millennium textile term in the Assyrian dialect. sedīnā. The 2nd-millennium attestations show However, the fact that the same word also occurs that the form was originally sadinnu.191 Its early in Middle Assyrian administrative documents from attestations in texts from Mittanni and the dou- Assur182 demonstrates that it was already known in bled consonant in the ending (-innu) point to a the 2nd millennium BC. On von Soden’s author- non-Semitic word which, according to Kaufman, ity, Prechel and Freydank tentatively translate the could be of Anatolian origin.192 The Aramaic sdyn, Middle Assyrian word as ‘Arbeitsschürze’.183 sdyn’, ‘sheet’, refers to a textile usually made of kilt’; AEAD, 96b: ‘sackcloth’. See Fales 1983, 68 for the interpretation of sāgu as a name for garment. However, the term is usu- ally translated as ‘sash’ by many scholars, see, e.g., Fales & Postgate 1992, 221b; Fales & Postgate 1995, 167a; Luukko & Van Buylaere 2002, 192a. 177. ABL 75:7 (LAS 37); ND 2311:10 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); ND 2424:1, 4, r.11 (Iraq 23 [1961], 24, pl. XII); ND 3467 r.5 (Iraq 15 [1953], 146, pl. XIII); RINAP 1, 48:5’; SAA 3, 23:4; SAA 7, 125:7; SAA 11, 28:14; 36 ii 14; SAA 16, 20 r.7’; SAA 19, 17 r.1; TH 48:12; TH 52:11. 178. Postgate 2001, 384. See CAD S, 168b. 179. LS, 493b; Sokoloff 2009, 1036b; DJBA, 828b; Jastrow 1950, 1019a; DNWSI, 1186. 180. NATAPA 2, 67:2. 181. SAA 19, 17 e.12-r.4. 182. MARV X, 3 r.36’, 37’ (StAT 5, 3); 15:1, e.4 (StAT 5, 15). 183. See StAT 5, 17, 34, 132b. 184. AHw, 1058b; CAD S, 383b; AEAD, 101a. 185. CDA, 328a. 186. Durand 2009, 95 fn. 133. 187. MARV IV, 89 ii 51’’. 188. Durand 2009, 95 fn. 133. 189. The connection of the word sunābu with the verb sanāpu is given in the dictionaries. See AHw, 1058b; CAD S, 383b; CDA, 328a. 190. Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 9-10; Lipiński 1997, 123 § 14.2. 191. See CAD S, 17a. 192. See Kaufman 1974, 94, fn. 324 and Mankowski 2000, 110 for further literature. 193. DJBA, 788a; Jastrow 1950, 957a. 60   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) fine linen.193 This West Semitic form is probably at term byssus, it seems reasonable to think that the the basis of Greek σινδών.194 According to Hero- material called būṣu had nothing to do with the dotus, it was used to wrap mummies and wounds fibers of Pinna nobilis, but indicated, instead, a received in battle.195 The context where this textile variety of linen.202 What is evident from Sennach- appears in the Assyrian texts witnesses to the pre- erib’s letter is that the word refers to a textile ma- cious nature of this item of clothing.196 This gar- terial used in the Western Semitic region, pre- ment, interpreted by some scholars as ‘toga’,197 sumably in the Phoenician coastal area. This also was made of linen.198 A letter by Crown Prince suggests that this luxury material was imported in Sennacherib to King Sargon lists luxury gar- the Levant from Egypt. The West Semitic word ments and other commodities coming from West- bṣ, probably referring to fine Egyptian linen, oc- ern countries as tribute and audience gifts for the curs in the Phoenician version of the bilingual in- palace personnel. Among the various goods there scription of Karatepe, where the king of Zincirli/ are also šaddīnus, a number of which are said to Sam’al (830-825 BC), Kilamuwa, mentions both be made of būṣu.199 The correlation of šaddīnu linen (ktn), presumably of the ordinary type, and and būṣu is significant, since it reminds us of the byssus (bṣ).203 The origin of this West Semitic analogous correlation between σινδών and bys- word is still disputed and an Egyptian textile des- sus in Herodotus’ work. In fact, the Greek histo- ignation has been considered by scholars as a pos- rian specifies that the σινδών was made of linen sible candidate.204 The Egyptian word bḏ3, mean- (βυσσίνη).200 Also from Esarhaddon’s royal in- ing ‘pleated stuff’, could be at the basis of the scription at Nahr el-Kelb (in Lebanon) we learn West Semitic form; Lipiński observes that clothing that šaddīnu-garments were made of byssus;201 in of pleated fabric occurs in Pharaonic art as elite this case, the šaddīnu is one of the valuable objects dresses.205 Accordingly, the Semitic term bṣ/būṣu, taken from the treasury of Taharqa’s palace dur- which was borrowed by Greek, was probably used ing the Assyrian looting of Memphis. Although it to indicate a valuable textile material. In all proba- is clear that this is one of the rare attestations in bility, the West Semitic term entered the Assyrian Akkadian of the word ‘byssus’ (Greek βύσσος), it language in Shalmaneser III’s reign (858-824 BC), is not clear, however, what kind of fibre was des- since this king states to have received byssus along ignated with this word. In the light of the stud- with multi-coloured clothing and linen as a tribute ies of Maeder, who carefully reviewed the incon- from Marduk-apla-uṣur, king of Suhi, in the Eu- gruences of the modern translations of the ancient phrates region.206 This textile material was highly 194. Chantraine 1968, 1005b. 195. Herodotus, Historiae, II.86; VII.181. 196. CTN 2, 155 r. v 13’; ND 2307 r.2 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2672:6, 12 (Iraq 23 [1961], 42, pl. XXII = TCAE 387); RINAP 4, 103:21; SAA 1, 34:9, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, r.3, 5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21; 176:8; SAA 11, 26 r.8. 197. Parpola 1987, 227a; Fales & Postgate 1995, 168a. The dictionaries present very different translations. See AHw, 1001b: ‘ein Hemd?’; CAD S, 17a: ‘a cloth and a garment’; CDA, 310a: ‘a tunic?’; AEAD, 107b: ‘satin, silk, sheet, wrapper’. 198. CTN 2, 155 r. v 13’; ND 2307 r.2 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); SAA 11, 26 r.8. 199. SAA 1, 34:11 4 TÚG.šad-din bu-ṣi. 200. Herodotus, Historiae, II.86. 201. RINAP 4, 103:21. 202. See Maeder in the present volume. 203. Hallo & Younger 2000, 148: “And whoever from his childhood had never seen linen, now in my days wore byssos.” 204. See DNSWI, 185 s.v. bṣ. However, Lipiński observes that ‘fine white Egyptian linen’ was called šś/šs. See Lipiński 2000, 542, fn. 178. 205. Lipiński 2000, 542. 206. RIMA 3, 90. 207. SAA 7, 62 r. iii 3’ 1 TÚG.šad-din bu-ṣi!. Byssus is also attested in line r. ii 5’ [x x x]x bu-ṣu. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   61 appreciated in imperial Assyria, as confirmed by šahartu. The etymology of the word is not given in another attestation of the word būṣu in an admin- the dictionaries, but it may be connected to Ak- istrative text from Nineveh. In this inventory text, kadian šaharru (a Sumerian loanword), denoting which enumerates precious items probably do- a net.213 Accordingly, the Assyrian form would nated to the gods, šaddīnu-garments of byssus represent a feminine nominal form whose mean- occur among other valuable commodities;207 in ing probably refer to the net-like structure of the all likelihood, they were used to clothe statues weave. The word is attested in the plural form of divinities. This is also suggested by the fact šaharrāti214 and refers to leggings or socks,215 es- that in the same text dark fine garments of linen pecially used by soldiers and envoys. This item of (qatattu adirtu kitê) are mentioned in connection clothing often comes in pairs. It is interesting to with the gods Marduk and Mullissu.208 Other oc- observe that representations of leggings worn by currences of the word būṣu may be found in the soldiers show a net-like appearance given by the Neo-Babylonian documentation. A text concern- leggings’ strings.216 The ‘Middle Assyrian Harem ing vestments for the statue of Šamaš includes Edicts’ mention šaharrātu along with boots yarn of byssus.209 Another Neo-Babylonian text (šuhuppāte).217 From another text of the same pe- shows that this material was categorised as linen riod we learn about leggings or socks destined to (GADA.bu-ṣu);210 the use of the semantic clas- the king’s feet.218 Quantitative data about the man- sifier GADA for byssus may also be seen in an ufacture of these leggings may only be found in inventory of linen fabrics for gods’ statues from the 2nd millennium. One text from Assur speci- Seleucid Uruk.211 Consequently, it is tempting to fies that one mina of wool was needed to produce identify this material with a very fine variety of three pairs of white leggings.219 A Neo-Assyr- linen. Was the transparency of the fabric the main ian document lists leggings among other items of characteristic of the material called būṣu? In one clothing (i.e., reinforced undergarments, sandals, of the drawings of palace reliefs from Nimrud upper garments, and waist-belts) for Urartian en- published in Layard’s work there is a scene with voys.220 Reinforced undergarments (šupālītu hal- two tributaries from Que, who bring provisions luptu) and waist-belts (ṣipirtu) accompany this and vessels to the Assyrian king’s banquet; in- item also in another text from the central admin- terestingly, both individuals wear a fringed outer istration and in an affidavit document from Zi- garment made of a transparent fabric, perhaps a yaret Tepe concerning military garments.221 De- very fine variety of linen.212 tails on these leggings may be found only in two 208. SAA 7, 62 ii 15’, iv 8’ (of linen). 209. Zawadzki 2013, 162, no. 175:12-16. 210. See Quillien 2014, 289 about the text NCBT 597. 211. See Beaulieu 1989, 69-74 on the text NCBT 1244. 212. Layard 1849-53, I, pl. 62. 213. CAD Š/I, 80b. 214. K 6323+ r. i’ 6’, 16’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); SAA 7, 96:9’; 124:11’; 127:4’; ZTT I, 8:2. 215. CDA, 346b; AEAD, 108a. Instead, the word is generically translated as ‘garment’ in AHw, 1129a; CAD S/I, 81b. See Postgate 2014, 424 for discussion. 216. See, e.g., Fales & Postgate 1992, 124, fig. 30. 217. Weidner 1954-56, 274:43. 218. Postgate 1979, 6. 219. MARV III, 5:32’. 220. SAA 7, 127:4’. 221. SAA 7, 124:11’; ZTT I, 8:2. 222. K 6323+ r. i’ 16’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); SAA 7, 96:9’. 62   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) texts, which mention red-coloured šaharrāti.222 Names of garments in 1st-millennium BC Instead, a white variety is attested in a Middle As- Akkadian dialects (Neo-Assyrian and syrian text from Assur.223 Neo-Babylonian) šiknu. This name of textile occurs among various arti- cles of clothing (i.e., mitres, leggings, and sleeves) The textile vocabulary of the Neo-Assyrian period in a Neo-Assyrian text concerning a royal fu- comprises names of garments that are peculiar to the neral,224 but the nature of the textile in question is Akkadian dialects of the 1st millennium BC. Some of not clear (a specific item of clothing or a differ- these designations are common to both Assyrian and ent textile product?). The šiknu is attested in con- Babylonian, others are exclusively attested in only nection with garments (kusītum) in an Old Assyr- one of these dialects. Some of these 1st-millennium ian text,225 while its association with bedclothes is terms may be understood as the development of pre- documented in Mari.226 vious designations based on the same lexical root. In other cases, instead, there are textile designations that šuhattu. Apparently, a nominal form from šahātu, are new entries in the late dialects of Akkadian. ‘to wash, rinse, wipe down’, although the etymol- ogy is not expressed in the dictionaries. CAD dis- harīru. The term is a designation for a type of gar- tinguishes two šuhattu-textiles: a textile used to ment or cloth.232 Only CDA proposes the trans- wipe clean objects, and a luxury piece of apparel lation ‘bedspread’.233 In texts from Mari a textile when referred to royal dressing.227 In Middle As- called harrurum/hurrurum is attested. According syrian perfume-making, šuhattu-textiles were used to Durand, it is possible that this word is related to clean cooking pots.228 The Akkadian reading of to the Neo-Assyrian form harīru.234 It is not clear the logographic writing TÚG.KUR.RA as šuhattu whether the Neo-Assyrian term has also some con- is uncertain.229 The KUR.RA-textile occurs in a nection with the Old Assyrian hirurum.235 Durand Neo-Babylonian letter of the Assyrian royal cor- also suggests that the Mari term could have des- respondence, where it refers to a cloak.230 From ignated a garment with a surface very razed like another Middle Assyrian text from Assur it seems velvet. The few data about the Assyrian harīru that šuhattu-textiles were connected to the activ- does not enable us to confirm this interpretation. ity of felt-makers,231 but conclusive observations The harīru occurs in administrative lists from on this regard cannot be made in light of the lim- Nineveh236 among various maqaṭṭu- and urnutu- ited evidence. garments as well as after reinforced undergar- ments. From another list we learn that harīrus could be made of multi-coloured cloth (birmu).237 223. MARV III, 5 r.32’. 224. K 6323+ r. i’ 5’, 18’ (Kwasman 2009, 116). 225. StOr 46, 198:63 (Hecker et al. 1998, no. 429). See CAD Š/II, 439a and Michel & Veenhof 2010, 242. 226. RA 64, 33, no. 25:1. See CAD Š/II, 439a. See also Durand 2009, 39-40. 227. CAD Š/III, 205b. 228. Ebeling 1952, 18, i 18, 19, ii 16, 20-21, ii 3, 20. 229. Reynolds 2003, 197b. The possible readings of the word TÚG.KUR.RA have been discussed by Malatacca in this volume. 230. SAA 18, 100:11 ˹i˺-na TÚG.KUR.RA-šú pa-ni-šú ˹i!˺-[ter-mu], “Th[ey covered] his face with his cloak.” 231. MARV X, 81:1-4 (StAT 5, 81). 232. AHw, 326a; CAD H, 102b; AEAD, 35b. 233. CDA, 108b. 234. Durand 2009, 41. See also CAD H, 102b, 121a. 235. Michel & Veenhof 2010, 233. 236. SAA 7, 97 r.4; 108 r. ii’ 5’; 109 r. iv 6’. 237. SAA 7, 109 r. iv 6’. 238. AHw, 679a; CAD M/II, 242a; CDA, 220a; AEAD, 68a. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   63 muṣiptu. The word, a nominal formation possibly fabric247 and it had an edging that could be com- based on the verb ṣuppu II, ‘to decorate, overlay, mercial red-coloured.248 Of the same colour was rub down’, occurs in Neo-Babylonian, where it also the front-piece of this textile.249 As to func- indicates a (standard) piece of clothing;238 it was tion, we may observe that this textile appear in used as a generic term for clothing.239 In a Neo- dowry lists; probably, it was an ordinary piece Babylonian letter of the Assyrian royal corre- of clothing to wear at home. In a marriage con- spondence, the term is employed to designate gar- tract from Assur it occurs after the urnutu- and ments from Tukriš.240 These garments are qualified the maqaṭṭutu-garments.250 In the Neo-Babylo- as karkēti. This term may be interpreted as the ad- nian period it is attested in Amat-Nanâ’s dowry jective karku, ‘amassed, gathered, twined’241 or as list among other items of apparel.251 On the con- the substantive karkītu, ‘threaded work’, which is trary, nothing can be said about the naṣbutus not included in dictionaries.242 Both these nomi- mentioned in a Babylonian letter among amounts nal forms derive from the verb karāku, ‘to gather, of wool, a hat, and other commodities.252 In Neo- wrap, twine’. From the same root also derives the Babylonian times, naṣbatu-garments were used word karikku, attested in Mari and translated by to cover the statues of the gods Nanāya, Uṣur- Durand as ‘chaussette, bas’.243 Concerning the amāssu and Nabû.253 place name Tukriš,244 it is worth noting that wool nēbettu. This word designates a girdle or sash.254 The and textiles from this place are mentioned in Mid- nominal form derives from the verb ebēṭu, ‘to dle Babylonian texts,245 confirming the importance bind?’.255 The dictionaries only list Neo-Babylo- of the local textile manufacture already in the 2nd nian attestations. Texts from Nimrud256 and As- millennium BC. sur257 record a multi-coloured variety of this item naṣbutu. This item was probably a coat or a sash of clothing, while another document from Nimrud holder. 246 To judge from the administrative mentions a red type.258 sources, this item of apparel was made of biršu- 239. Roth 1989-90, 29; Joannès 2010, 406. 240. SAA 17, 122:8 TÚG.mu-ṣi-pe-ti / kar-ke-e-ti šá Tuk-riš. 241. CAD K, 217b. 242. Dietrich 2003, 180a. 243. Durand 2009, 50. 244. Groneberg 1980, 239. According to Groneberg, this place is to be identified with the region of Luristan. 245. See references quoted in CAD T, 460a s.v. tukrišû b. 246. K 6323+ iii 26 (Kwasman 2009, 115); ND 3407:2 (Iraq 15 [1953], 138, pl. XI); SAA 7, 96:11’, r.1; 97:6’, 11’; 102:1’; 119 r. ii’ 2’; SAA 18, 19:4’, 9’; StAT 2, 164:13. See AHw, 756b: ‘ein Mantel’; CDA, 244b: ‘a coat’. For the translation ‘sash holder’, see AEAD, 75a and Kwasman 2009, 115. Instead, a generic meaning is given in CAD N/II, 47b. 247. SAA 7, 96:11’, r.1; 97:6’, 11’; 119 r. ii’ 2’. 248. SAA 7, 96:11’, r.1; 97:11’. See also SAA 7, 102:1’. 249. SAA 7, 96 r.1. 250. StAT 2, 164:13. 251. Roth 1989-90, 31, text CT 49, 165:11. 252. SAA 18, 19:4’, 9’. 253. Beaulieu 2003, 15. 254. AHw, 774a; CAD N/II, 201b; CDA, 248b, AEAD, 76a. 255. CDA, 65a s.v. ebēṭu II. 256. CTN 2, 153:4. 257. StAT 3, 1 r.25. 258. CTN 2, 153:6. 259. AHw, 908a; CAD Q, 173b; CDA, 286b; AEAD, 87b. 64   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) qatattu. The name of this fine garment is the feminine listed.270 In Neo-Babylonian documents it occurs adjectival form from qatnu, ‘thin’.259 This adjec- as one component of female wardrobes.271 tive qualifies TÚG.HI.A260 and nahlaptu-textiles261 ša hīli. This term, which is not listed in the diction- in Middle Assyrian texts. In the 1st millennium aries,272 is based on the word hīlu/hillu,273 ‘cover- it is used to indicate a specific item of clothing. ing, wrapping’.274 In Assyria the hillu was used as Dark (adirtu) qatattu-garments of linen are listed wrapping or cover for nēbuhu-sashes275 and con- in a Neo-Assyrian inventory text from Nineveh.262 stituted an accessory element of ša IŠ garments.276 qirmu (or qermu, qeremu). The term, derived from The ša hīli is attested both in Neo-Assyrian and the verb qarāmu, ‘to cover’, seems to designate Neo-Babylonian.277 It was made of red wool278 and an overcoat or mantle, if we follow AEAD’s inter- accompanied kusītu-garments, as may be observed pretation.263 Aramaic qrām, qrāmā means ‘cover- in the description of the clothes of Abu-erība, a ing’.264 Qirmu-garments could have a red-coloured relative of the Assyrian king,279 as well as in a list front-part;265 the red dye could be of the commer- of garments from Tell Billa.280 cial type (‘red of the port’)266 or of the country- ša hurdati. The translation of the word as ‘petticoat, type.267 Other attestations show that both red and sanitary napkin’ is suggested by AEAD on the ba- black wool were used to fabricate qirmus.268 This sis of the term hurdatu, ‘female genitals’.281 The is confirmed by a document from Assur, where term only occurs in the lexical list PVA.282 one clean (or bright?) black qirmu is recorded.269 ša IŠ. Fales and Postgate tentatively suggest the trans- In the same text also the multi-coloured variety is lation ‘dust garment’ on the basis of the word 260. AfO 19, T.6:7-9 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52). 261. Postgate 1979, 6. 262. SAA 7, 62 iv 8’ 1! TÚG!.qat!-a!-tú a!-dir-tú GADA. See also ibidem ii 15’. 263. AEAD, 88b. Note that the other dictionaries simply give generic translations, see AHw, 918a; CAD Q, 268b; CDA, 288b. 264. LS, 696b; Sokoloff 2009, 1412a; DJBA, 1043b; Jastrow 1950, 1421b. 265. SAA 7, 97:7’; 98:9’, 10’. 266. SAA 7, 98:9’. 267. SAA 7, 98:10’. 268. SAA 7, 110:7-9 2 ½ MA.NA SÍG.HÉ.MED! [0] / 2 ½ MA.NA SÍG.GI6 [0] / a-na TÚG.qir-mu [0]. 269. StAT 3, 1:12. 270. StAT 3, 1 r.23. For other attestations of the term, see CTN 2, 152:7, 8, 10; ND 2307 e.24 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 3407:4 (Iraq 15 [1953], 138, pl. IX); PVA 270; SAA 7, 94:3; 104:7; 117 r.3; 122 i 4’. Another occurrence is in SAA 7, 122 i 4’ TÚG.qi- [ir-mu] (Reconstruction of the occurrence by the author). 271. Roth 1989-90, 31, texts Nbn 258:10; BM 76968/72:13. 272. CDA, 347a and AEAD, 108b list the word in the form šahīlu. 273. According to AHw, 345b s.v. hillu and CAD Š/I, 97a s.v. šāhilu. 274. For the word hillu see SAA 7, 115 ii 16; SAA 18, 129:5. 275. SAA 7, 115 ii 16. 276. ZTT II, 33:4. 277. Billa 71:2, 3 (JCS 7 [1953], 137); CTN 2, 1:6’, 10’; ND 267 (Iraq 12 [1950], 195, tablet not copied); PVA 240; SAA 17, 122:8 (written as TÚG.šá—hi-il). 278. CTN 2, 1:6’. 279. SAA 17, 122:7-8. 280. Billa 71:2 (JCS 7 [1953], 137). 281. AEAD, 106a. 282. PVA 283. 283. Fales & Postgate 1992, xxix. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   65 eperu (IŠ/SAHAR).283 This garment284 could also corresponding to an overgarment. It is also pos- be accompanied by one sūnu-piece (see below).285 sible that the item in question corresponds to the Another variant of this item is provided by a doc- Middle Assyrian felt TÚG.UGU, possibly desig- ument from Ziyaret Tepe, which mentions one nating a garment or a headdress.294 ša IŠ with wrappings(?) (ša hillānu).286 Seven ša qabli. This compound name has been interpreted as large multi-coloured ša IŠ garments are listed in a designation for loincloth on the basis of the word an administrative document along with kusītu- qablu, ‘middle, middle parts, loins’.295 The term garments.287 The same text tells us that this textile only occurs in PVA and in an inventory list of var- could also be red-coloured.288 Its front-part could ious objects.296 Perhaps a similar item of clothing be commercial red289 or black.290 was the one worn by King Assurnaṣirpal II in vari- ša KÁR. The word is attested in the logographic writ- ous palace reliefs in Kalhu: the item represented in ing TÚG.KÁR in a fragmentary document from these scenes is constituted by a short cloth girded Assur listing iron objects and textiles.291 This is around the loins and decorated by tassels.297 one of the compound names of the type ša X which ša taluk ṣirri. This unusual textile designation is only are very common in the Neo-Assyrian dialect (see attested in PVA298 and in a fragmentary list of tex- also below). These compounds are formed by the tiles from Nineveh, where only the last part of the determinative pronoun ša and a noun in the geni- compound name can be read.299 The latter attes- tive.292 In the case of the logographic writing TÚG. tation has never been recognised and mentioned KÁR, the sign TÚG is probably used for the deter- by scholars. Its meaning, ‘moving like a snake’, minative pronoun ša. The syllabic reading of the seems to refer to a peculiarity of long and large logogram KÁR is unknown. undulating garments’ border. This compound is ša muhhi. This textile designation, which is not at- listed in CAD, but no translation is given there.300 tested in the dictionaries, occurs among other tex- šer’ītu. The word designates a garment for the gods’ tile designations in a text from Assur. This text statues in Neo-Assyrian301 and Neo-Babylonian mentions an old white ša muhhi of the king.293 It texts.302 Neo-Assyrian theological commentar- was an integral part of the royal attire, perhaps ies specify that the šer’ītu-garment was worn by 284. CTN 2, 153, 2, 3; SAA 7, 105:6’, 7’; 119 r. i’ 10’, 11’; 127:9’; ZTT II, 33:4. 285. CTN 2, 153:2. But see in the same text also a variety of ša IŠ without the sūnu-element. See ibidem 3. 286. ZTT II, 33:4 1 TÚG.ša!—IŠ ša hi-l[a]?-nu. 287. SAA 7, 105:6’. 288. SAA 7, 105:7’. 289. SAA 7, 119 r. i’ 10’. 290. SAA 7, 119 r. i’ 11’. 291. StAT 2, 128:7’ [x x x x] TÚG.KÁR.MEŠ. 292. Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 80. 293. StAT 3, 1 r.30 1 TÚG.ša—ugu lugal babbar sumun. 294. Jakob 2003, 435. One lubulta ša muhhi šarri is mentioned in KAV 99 r.37. 295. AEAD, 106b. 296. PVA 277; SAA 7, 85 r. ii 6’. 297. Layard 1849-53, I, pls. 12, 17, 20, 23, 31. 298. PVA 284. 299. SAA 7, 120 i’ 2 [x TÚG.ša—ta-lu]-uk—muŠ, “[… ‘mov]ing-like-a-snake’-garment(s)” (Reconstruction of the line by the author). 300. CAD T, 107a s.v. tāluku. 301. SAA 3, 34:32, 53; 35:21, 44. 302. BBSt 36 v 44, 52, 54, vi 3. See CAD Š/II, 316a. 303. SAA 3, 34:32, 53; 35:21. 66   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Bēl,303 while Neo-Babylonian texts associate this cover’).313 AEAD interprets the šupālītu as a lower article of clothing to the gods Šamaš, Aya, and garment, shirt or underwear,314 while the šupālītu Bunene.304 The Marduk Ordeal shows that this halluptu was a reinforced or armoured undergar- vestment was stored in the temple’s storeroom ment.315 The nature of this article is not clear, and (kadammu).305 In the same text, Bēl’s outfit is suggestions have been made about the possibility compared to the primeval water “which was over that it was a sort of felt armour.316 In Assyria, it (the god) Aššur”.306 I wonder whether the textile was produced or traded by the professional called term has something to do with the word šur’ītu, at- ša halluptēšu.317 Texts from the central administra- tested in PVA and denoting a kind of wool.307 This tion in Nineveh clearly show that it was made of is the feminine form of the adjective šūru, used linen318 as well as of biršu.319 Different varieties of to qualify textile products in Old Assyrian, Nuzi such a garment were in use; a Phrygian variety is and Standard Babylonian texts.308 It is worth not- mentioned in a record which enumerates precious ing that šūru-textiles were donated to the goddess commodities, some of which of foreign origin, in Ištar in Old Assyrian times.309 connection with state officials.320 Of the šupālītu- šupālītu halluptu. This item of clothing is usually de- garment, black321 and white322 types were known. fined with these two words;310 only in few texts we In addition, this garment could be associated with find a šupālītu without any other qualification.311 straps or girdles: one text mentions one šupālītu The adjective šupālû means ‘lower’,312 while the halluptu with straps or a girdle (šibbu), probably D-stem feminine nominal form halluptu is trans- to be identified with the shirts with crossed straps lated as ‘armour’ (from hallupu, ‘to overlay, and waist-belt worn by Assyrian soldiers.323 In 304. BBSt 36 v 44, 52, 54, vi 3. 305. SAA 3, 34:32; 35:21. 306. SAA 3, 34:53, 55. See also SAA 3, 35:44-45. 307. PVA 216. 308. CAD Š/III, 367b. This adjective is used in Old Assyrian texts. See Michel & Veenhof 2010, 244-245. 309. BIN 6, 186:18. According to the same text, Aššur receives kutānu-textiles. See CAD S/III, 368a. 310. CTN 2, 153:7; K 6323+ iii 25, r. i’ 12’, 14’ (Kwasman 2009, 115); ND 2097:5 (Iraq 23 [1961], 18-19, pl. IX); SAA 7, 97:4’, 5’, r.7; 102:6’; 104:5’; 105:9’, 10’; 108 r. ii’ 5’; 109 r. ii 3’, 5’; 119 r. i’ 12’, ii’ 5’; 124:9’; 126:4; 127:3’, 9’; SAA 11, 28:11; StAT 3, 1:6, 13, r.27; ZTT I, 8:1; ZTT II, 33:3. Another occurrence is in ND 2687 r.9 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII) 3 TÚG.KI—hal-pat! (Reconstruction by the author). 311. KAN 1, 45:1, 6; KAN 2, 12 (= StAT 1, 12); NATAPA 1, 45A:3’; 45B:1, 6; SAA 7, 94:1. 312. CAD Š/III, 316b. 313. AEAD, 33b. 314. AEAD, 119a. 315. AEAD, 33b: ‘felt armor, armored undergarment, mail shirt’. 316. AEAD, 33b. 317. SAA 7, 115 r. i 8; SAA 12, 83 r.14. 318. SAA 7, 108 r. ii’ 5’. We may observe that Parpola’s interpretation of the šupālītu halluptu as a felt armour is based on the as- sumption that it was exclusively made of felt. The attestation about the linen variety is not taken into consideration by the Finnish scholar in his discussion in Parpola 2008, 56. 319. SAA 7, 97:4’, 5’; 105:10’. 320. SAA 7, 126:4-5 2 TÚG.KI.TA—hal!-lu!-pat mu!-us-ki / Iab-di—mil!-ki LÚ*.GAL—ka!-ṣir, “Two Phrygian reinforced undergar- ments – Abdi-milki, the chief tailor”. 321. SAA 7, 127:9’. 322. SAA 7, 94:1 (only designated as šupālītu). 323. Postgate 2001, 382, 386 and fig. 9; Faist 2007, 14. 324. SAA 7, 127:8’-10’ 2 AN.TA.MEŠ GI6 / 2 šá—IŠ 2 KI—hal!.MEŠ! GI6 / 2 ṣip-rat, “Two black upper garments, two ša IŠ garments, 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   67 light of the set of clothing articles which formed a West Semitic provenance. In Syriac, the adjec- the equipment of envoys in a document from Nin- tive based on the root ‘rn means ‘hard, harsh’.330 eveh, we may suggest that a šupālītu halluptu This is a textile product which frequently occurs was usually worn in association with a waist-belt in Neo-Assyrian texts.331 The materials used for (ṣipirtu), an upper garment (elītu), and a ša IŠ gar- this garment were wool,332 linen,333 and biršu.334 ment.324 This ‘ensemble vestimentaire’, whose ba- The wool variety is only attested in a document sic components were the šupālītu halluptu and the from Nimrud and in a marriage contract from As- ṣipirtu,325 could be enriched by the presence of sur; it probably represented a common variety of maklulus.326 In addition, the šupālītu halluptu was this item of dress. Details on colours and peculiar- characterised by the presence of nītu-elements327 ities of the urnutu are also documented. We know and edging (NIGÍN).328 that urnutus could be multi-coloured,335 red,336 vi- urnutu. This term has not been explained by schol- olet,337 black,338 and with a red front-piece.339 The ars as regards its etymology and the dictionaries red front-part is sometimes specified as ‘red of the do not offer any indication about its origin. Ac- country’340 or ‘red of the port’.341 This garment cording to von Soden, the origin of the term is also had an edging,342 often red-coloured.343 Also unknown. Morphologically, it appears as a femi- the red-coloured edging could come in two va- nine nominal formation possibly to be connected rieties: the country-type344 and the port-type.345 to urnatu, ‘strong, manly’, a synonym for male A Nimrud document lists a densely-woven(?) or only attested in lexical lists.329 We cannot exclude a good(-quality) urnutu (KAL/dannu or SIG15/ two black reinforced undergarments (with) two waist-belts”. 325. See ZTT I, 8:1 3 ˹TÚG˺.KI.TA—hal-˹pa-te TÚG˺.ṣi-pi-tú, “Three reinforced undergarments, one waist-belt”. 326. ZTT II, 33:1-4 7 TÚG.AN.TA.MEŠ / 4 TÚG.ma-ak-l[ul.MEŠ] / 2 TÚG.KI.TA—˹hal-lu-pat˺ / 1 TÚG.ša!—IŠ ša hi-[l]a?-nu, “Se- ven upper garments, four shaw[ls], two reinforced undergarments, one dust garment with wrappings”. Perhaps, the first two items are also attested in the fragmentary text ZTT II, 36:1-2 [x] TÚG.AN.[TA.MEŠ?] / [x] TÚG.ma-[ak-lul.MEŠ?] (Reconstruction by the author). 327. ND 2687 r.10 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII). 328. SAA 7, 105:9’, 10’. 329. See AHw, 1431b; CAD U-W, 233b. 330. Sokoloff 2009, 1140b. 331. NATAPA 2, 100:3; ND 2307:15, 16, 18, r.4 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2311:6 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); SAA 7, 94:5; 95:3, 4, 5; 96 r.2, 3; 97:3’, 10’, 12’, r. 2, 6, 9, 10; 98:5’; 99:3, 4, 5; 101:2’; 102:2’; 103 r.1’; 104 r.2’; 107 r.2’; 108 ii’ 6’, r. ii’ 4’; 109 ii 2’, r. iii 4’, 9’; 112 e.11’; 115 ii 10; SAA 11, 28:13; StAT 2, 164:10, 11. 332. ND 2307:15 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2311:6 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); StAT 2, 164:11. 333. ND 2307:16, 18 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); SAA 7, 96 r.3; 97 r.2, 6; StAT 2, 164:10. 334. SAA 7, 95:3, 4, 5; 96 r.2; 97:10’, 12; 98:5’, 6’, 7’; 99:4; 109 r. iii 9’. 335. SAA 7, 97 r.6. 336. SAA 7, 109 ii 6’, 7’. 337. ND 2311:6 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X). 338. SAA 7, 109 r. iii 11’. 339. SAA 7, 95:3, 4, 5; 97:10’; 98:5’, 6’, 7’; 109 r. iii 9’. See also SAA 7, 94:5. For the urnutu’s front-part see also SAA 7, 109 ii 3’. 340. SAA 7, 94:5. 341. SAA 7, 97 r.2. 342. SAA 7, 102:2’; 109 ii 2’. 343. SAA 7, 96 r.2; 97:12’. 344. SAA 7, 98:7’; 109 r. iii 10’. 345. SAA 7, 96 r.2; 97:10’; 98:6’; 109 r. iii 9’. 346. ND 2311:6 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X). 68   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) damqu).346 The Assyrian elite also imported urnu- is already attested in the Middle Assyrian period, as tus from the Levantine coast; a number of urnu- witnessed by a reference to lippu-garments É.HI.A, tus from Byblos are recorded in an administrative ‘of the house’, in a text from Assur.356 Presuma- list from Nineveh.347 Decoration in form of animals bly, it was an ordinary type to be worn at home. In adorned this garment; in fact, decorations represent- a number of Neo-Assyrian attestations the urnutu- ing bulls348 and goats349 are mentioned in a textile garment is also qualified with the term sāiu.357 It list. In another text, urnutu-garments are qualified seems that this technical detail also referred to the by the word ṣippu,350 not translated by Fales and urnutu’s fringe.358 In one case, this urnutu was as- Postgate.351 If this is a designation for a vegetal el- sociated with a sūnu-textile.359 ement,352 we may conclude that these urnutus were probably decorated with vegetal motifs similar to To come back to the Neo-Assyrian term sāiu, those adorning the king’s dress represented in pal- we may observe that it is always attested in the plu- ace reliefs.353 The mention of one urnutu ‘cover- ral form sāiāte360 and in connection to urnutu-gar- ing the entire figure’ (ša muhhi lāni)354 could be re- ments.361 However, urnutus could also be defined as ferring to a feet-length variety. This means that a ‘not sāiu’ (NU sa-a).362 It is clear that in all the attes- shorter variety of urnutu was also known. Also for tations, the garments were of wool. There is only one the urnutu we see that a ‘house-variety’, i.e., a type attestation in which sāiu qualifies linen garments of of urnutu probably to wear at home, was in use unknown nature.363 Fales and Postgate prefer trans- in Assyria;355 the same qualification occurs for the lating this term as meaning ‘knotted’.364 Villard fol- textiles called gulēnu, hullānu, maqaṭṭu and nah­ lows this interpretation and suggests the translation laptu. The use of bētu as a qualification for clothes ‘à point noué’.365 But this is far from certain. Another 347. SAA 7, 108 r. ii’ 4’ [x+]2 ur-nat Gu-ub-li. For textiles imported from Byblos in the documentary evidence from Mari see Durand 2009, 100. 348. SAA 7, 109 ii 3’. See also ibidem r. iv 4’. 349. SAA 7, 109 ii 5’. 350. SAA 7, 96 r.3 3 TÚG.ur-nat GADA ṣip-pi. 351. Fales & Postgate 1992, 110, 223a. 352. See CDA, 339a. The word is probably at the basis of the term ṣippatu (a vegetable). 353. On vegetal motifs in the Assyrian royal dress of the 9th century BC see Layard 1849-53, I, pls. 6-9. For similar decorative elements in the 7th-century variety of royal garment see, for instance, the breast-piece of Assurbanipal’s dress in the relief BM 124867, re- produced in detail in Fales & Postgate 1992, 116, fig. 27. 354. SAA 7, 112 e.11’. 355. StAT 2, 164:11. 356. Postgate 1979, 5. But see Postgate 2014, 424, who does not connect the Middle Assyrian attestations of textile-related word bētu with the Neo-Assyrian ones. 357. SAA 7, 97:12’; 108 ii’ 7’; 109 ii 3’, 5’, 6’, 7’. 358. SAA 7, 109 ii 4’ 2 :. :. NIGIN :. KA ˹MA sa˺-a. 359. SAA 7, 109 ii 5’ 1 :. :. NIGIN!! MÁŠ sa-˹a˺ su-˹ni?˺. 360. E.g., sa-a SAA 7, 97:12’; 109 i 5’, 7’, 8’, ii 3’, 4’, 5’, 6’, r. iii 8’, iv 3’; sa-a-te SAA 7, 108 i’ 4’; sa-a-a SAA 7, 109 i 3’, 4’; sa- a-a-te SAA 7, 108 i’ 6’, 7’, 9’; sa-a-[a-te SAA 7, 108 ii’ 7’. See also [sa-a]-a?-te! SAA 7, 109 ii 7’ (Reconstruction of the occur- rence by the author). Other attestations of the (same?) word occur in lists of wine and foodstuffs, but the context is not clear. See SAA 7, 140 r.3 and 141:3 (not translated by Fales and Postgate). 361. SAA 7, 97:12’; 108 i’ 4’, 6’, 7’, 9’, ii’ 7’; 109 i 3’, 4’, 5’, 7’, 8’, ii 3’, 4’, 5’, 6’, r. iii 8’, iv 3’; 140 r.3; 141:3’. 362. SAA 7, 109 r. iii 7’-8’. 363. SAA 7, 109 r. iv 3’ [x TÚG].GADA sa-a. 364. Fales & Postgate 1992, 221b. The same meaning is also given in AEAD, 97a. 365. Villard 2010, 395. 366. CAD S, 117a. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   69 Figure 1: Mural crenellation from a siege scene from Assurbanipal’s palace in Nineveh (left, from Barnett 1976, pl. 17, detail) and stepped motif in Assyrian military kilts from Sargon II’s palace in Dūr-Šarrukēn (right, from Botta & Flan- din 1849-50, pl. 86, detail). possibility is considering the form sāiu as a variant Crenellated elements decorated the whole surface for samītu, a word related to an architectural ele- of male and female garments369 as well as their bor- ment.366 The form sāiu as referred to architectures is der and tassels.370 This characteristic element of Neo- attested in Neo-Assyrian texts dealing with building Assyrian art had great success and continuity in Cen- activities; as an architectural term, it is translated by tral Asia in subsequent centuries, as witnessed by the Fales and Postgate as ‘scaffold’.367 In fact, in CAD it archers’ garments of the Achaemenid palace’s glazed- is suggested that the Neo-Assyrian plural form sa-a- brick walls371 and the Pazyryk shabrak of the 4th cen- a-te, attested in connection to textiles, could be a ren- tury BC discovered in Siberia.372 dering of the word samītu, ‘battlement parapet’, or (a)sa’ittu, ‘tower’.368 In addition, we cannot rule out Designations for Neo-Assyrian garments of West that the singular form was sa’ītu, not sāiu. In light Semitic origin of the possible semantic connection with the archi- tectural terminology, it is tempting to identify these A number of garment designations in Akkadian di- sa’ītu-elements in wool and linen garments (Fig. 1) alects of the 1st millennium BC are understood by with towers or crenellated structures, an ubiquitous scholars as West Semitic loanwords. In the follow- motif in Neo-Assyrian art. ing list, Neo-Assyrian names of garments of possible 367. SAA 11, 15 r. i 2, 7, 8, r. ii 7’; 21:9. 368. CAD S, 117b. 369. See, e.g., Layard 1849-53, I, pl. 20; Fales & Postgate 1992, 116 fig. 27. 370. For this decorative element on tassels, see Crowfoot 1995, 115 fig. 4. 371. Muscarella et al. 1992, 226. 372. Details of these decorative elements may be observed in the coloured photograph published in Cardon 2007, 572 fig. 20. 373. CTN 2, 1:12’; K 6323+ r. i’ 13’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); ND 2307 r.1 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2687:1, r.7 (Iraq 23 [1961], 70   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) West Semitic origin, namely Aramaic, are included. an amount of 2 minas of linen for the hind-part gammīdu (and gammīdutu). This textile is generically (aqqābu) of one gammīdu.383 From a Neo-Baby- intended as a kind of garment.373 The term, which lonian text concerning manufacture of garments Kaufman considered as a possible old Aramaic for the Babylonian gods we learn that 10 shek- loanword in Akkadian,374 probably derived from els of red wool, 25 shekels of blue-purple wool, the Aramaic passive participle gammīd, has also half a mina of alum and, perhaps, also half a mina been interpreted as meaning ‘mangled garment’375 of apple-colour dye were needed to produce one and ‘smooth gown or cloak’.376 In fact, Syriac gmd gammīdatu-garment.384 means ‘to mangle, smooth’, and refers to linen.377 gulēnu. Of this textile designation no etymology is The verb is listed in Sokoloff’s Syriac diction- given in the dictionaries. CAD suggests a possible ary as meaning ‘to press’ and refers to the full- West Semitic origin, connecting the term to He- ing process which follows washing.378 In Jewish brew gelōm and Aramaic gelīma, gelaimā (glym, Babylonian Aramaic the adjective gmd, ‘shrunk’, glym’).385 This term designates a coverlet, mantle, qualifies felt.379 From the same root derives the or cloak, in any case a sleeveless item of cloth- word gmydh, indicating a type of garment.380 An- ing.386 The change of <m> into <n> is a phenom- other possibility is that we have here a type of enon occurring in Akkadian, Aramaic and Hebrew rug or blanket, thus not properly a garment.381 It also in final position.387 Another possibility is that seems that the gammīdu was made of linen.382 It the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian form de- is not clear whether the grammatical differenti- rive from another West Semitic textile designation. ation of the masculine form (gammīdu) and the In Syriac we find the words gallōn, gallōnā (glwn, feminine form (gammīdutu), an aspect which also glwn’), which are usually translated as meaning characterises the word maqaṭṭu/maqaṭṭutu (see ‘garment’.388 These terms are connected to the ba- below), bears witness to different varieties of the sic word gall, gallā (gl, gl’), which means ‘cov- same item of clothing, perhaps based on a varia- ering, cloak, horse-blanket, and saddle’ in Syr- tion of size. An account of wool and flax records iac.389 The Assyrian term is tentatively translated 43, pl. XXIII); PVA 248; SAA 7, 97 r.8; 104:6; 115 r. ii 18; StAT 3, 1:14; VAT 8659:2-5 (unpubl., but cited in Parpola 2008, 57). See AHw, 279b; CAD G, 36b; CDA, 89b. 374. Kaufman 1974, 51. 375. AEAD, 29b. 376. Parpola 2008, 57. 377. Parpola 2008, 57. 378. Sokoloff 2009, 239b-240a. The author quotes the attestation taken from G. Hoffmann, Opuscula Nestoriana syriace tradidit (1880), 159:22: “After (the garment) is washed, the fuller presses it, and removes the rumples”. 379. DJBA, 289a. 380. Porten & Yardeni 1986, B3.8 r.7; D2.19 r.2. 381. Fales & Postgate 1992, xxix. 382. SAA 7, 97 r.8; 115 r. ii 17-18. 383. SAA 7, 115 r. ii 18. 384. Zawadzki 2013, 419, no. 453:1-6 ˹1/3˺ MA.NA SÍG.ta-bar-ri / 5/6 MA.NA SÍG.ta-kil-tu4 / ˹1˺ MA.NA NA4.gab-bu-ú / [1 MA.] NA GIŠ.HAŠHUR a-na / [ṣi]-bu-tu4 šá 2-[ta] / [TÚG.g]a-mi-da-˹tu4˺. 385. CAD G, 127b. 386. LS, 118b; Sokoloff 2009, 237b; DJPA, 130b; DJBA, 287b; Jastrow 1950, 249a (also quoting the Talmudic passage: “it is called g. because one looks in it like a shapeless body”). 387. Lipiński 1997, 112 § 11.7. 388. LS, 115a; Sokoloff 2009, 233b. 389. LS, 114b-115a; Sokoloff 2009, 231b-232a. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   71 as referring to a cloak, coat, or tunic.390 An- maqaṭṭu (and maqaṭṭutu). The Assyrian form de- other candidate for this designation could also be rives from the Pa‘‘el participle present from qṭ‘, ‘shirt’.391 The gulēnu was a linen garment392 char- ‘to cut short’.401 The form muqaṭṭutu402 shows that acterised by a red front-piece,393 which could be it was understood in Assyrian as a D-stem parti- of the country-394 or of the port-type.395 Neo-Bab- ciple. This garment has been interpreted as a sort ylonian documents show that this item of cloth- of gown, perhaps a short-cut gown.403 The item ing could be made of wool or biršu-material.396 is also known with the variant maqaṭṭutu,404 also Gulēnus were an important component of dow- spelled as muqaṭṭutu,405 and it is tempting to see ries in Babylonia.397 From a Babylonian letter of in this feminine designation a variety of the ba- the Assyrian royal correspondence we also learn sic maqaṭṭu. Of this textile, both a linen406 and a that there was another category of such a textile, biršu-variety are known.407 The former is qual- known as gulēnu ‘of the house’ (É).398 This tex- ified as having a red coloured front-piece,408 in tile often occurs as a standard item of apparel in one case specified as commercial red.409 Linen documents concerning uniforms to be supplied to maqaṭṭus could also be multi-coloured.410 The troops and clothes to palace personnel,399 but it variety made with biršu could have a black411 also constituted a common garment for both men or red412 front-part. The material called biršu and women, as witnessed by its presence among (see also above) was probably a course fabric,413 other marriage gifts in a contract from Nimrud.400 but some authors think it has to be understood 390. CTN 2, 1:11’; 154 r.2’; ND 267 (Iraq 12 [1950], 195, tablet not copied); ND 2097:8 (Iraq 23 [1961], 19, pl. IX); ND 2307 r.1 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2691:9 (Iraq 23 [1961], 44, pl. XXIII); PVA 246; SAA 1, 193:4’, r.2, 6; SAA 7, 94:2; 96:2, 4, 5; 98:8, 12; 105:2; 107 r.8; 113:1, 4; 117 r.4; SAA 10, 289 r.5; SAA 11, 28:11; 36 ii 13; SAA 17, 69 r.21; TH 48:10; TH 52 r.13; TH 63:7. See AHw, 296b; CAD G, 127a; CDA, 96a; AEAD, 31b. 391. See Postgate 2001, 385. 392. ND 2097:8 (Iraq 23 [1961], 19, pl. IX). 393. PVA 247; SAA 7, 96:5’; 98:8’; 107 r.8’. 394. SAA 7, 96:5’. 395. SAA 7, 107 r.8’. 396. See CAD G, 127b s.v. gulēnu b. 397. Roth 1989-90, 30, texts Nbn 990:12; TuM 2-3, 2:27; VAS 6, 275:3. 398. SAA 17, 69 r.21. 399. SAA 1, 193:4’, r.2, 6; SAA 11, 36 ii 13; TH 48:10; TH 63:7. 400. ND 2307 r.1 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 401. DJBA, 1007b; LS, 660a. 402. StAT 2, 164:12; 255:6’; VAT 8659:2 (quoted in Parpola 2008, 57). 403. ND 2687:3 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII); ND 3407:5 (Iraq 15 [1953], 138, pl. XI); SAA 7, 93:1; 94:4; 95:1, 2, 6; 97 r.1, 3, 5, r.2; 98:4’; 104:1’, 2’, 3’, 4’; 107 r.9’; 108 r. ii’ 3’; 109 iii 2’, r. ii 2, 4, 6; 111:1; 112:10’; 115 ii 9; StAT 3, 1:15. See AHw, 607b; CAD M/I, 251a; CDA, 196b. AEAD, 60a distinguishes two lemmata, maqaṭṭu, ‘(short) gown’, and maqaṭṭutu, ‘(short) felt-gown’. A di- scussion on these terms is in Parpola 2008, 56-57. 404. ND 2311:5 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); PVA 249; ZTT I, 8:2. 405. StAT 2, 164:12; 255:6’; VAT 8659:2 (quoted in Parpola 2008, 57). 406. SAA 7, 97 r.1, 5; 108 r. ii’ 3’; 109 iii 2; 112:10’. 407. SAA 7, 95:1, 2; 97 r.3; 98:4’. 408. SAA 7, 97 r.1; 108 r. ii’ 3’. Maqaṭṭus with a front-piece are also mentioned in SAA 7, 103 r.3’; 104:3’; 109 iii 2’, r. ii 7. 409. SAA 7, 97 r.1. 410. SAA 7, 97 r.5. 411. SAA 7, 95:1; 98:4’. Another maqaṭṭu-garment with black front-part is mentioned in StAT 3, 1:15, although Faist prefers to tran- slate the occurrence as meaning “maqāṭu-Gewänder (mit) schwarzer Breitseite”. 412. SAA 7, 95:2; 97 r.3. 413. See Postgate 2001, 386. In Villard 2010, 395 the term biršu is translated as ‘de texture grossière’ and, alternatively, ‘feutré’. 72   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) as felt.414 However, the term for felt in Assyr- in question was not red-coloured and this indica- ian seems to be tahapšu.415 According to CAD, tion could have been omitted by the scribe. The the word indicates a ‘woolen fabric with raised production of this textile constituted an impor- nap’.416 Villard observes that the word biršu re- tant activity of the palace-oriented textile indus- ferred to wool products and that it probably in- try of the later Assyrian Empire. According to an dicated a finishing process which was executed account of raw materials made by the central ad- on textiles of ordinary type.417 With this coarse ministration, 20 talents of madder were issued by cloth other kinds of garments were produced in the Palace to produce 600 coloured maqaṭṭus and the Neo-Assyrian period, such as the muklālu, 600 urnutus.425 Although the text does not give the naṣbutu, the šupālītu halluptu, and the ur- us any piece of information about the recipients nutu.418 A group of textile labels from Nineveh and the final destination of these garments, it is also documents the existence of a ‘maqaṭṭu of the clear that the palace dyers used the issued Ru- house’,419 perhaps an ordinary variety of this tex- bia tinctorum as a colorant to dye the textiles in tile to be used indoors;420 it could be red421 with question. As to their destination, it is possible that a (commercial) red-coloured front-part.422 Inter- they were distributed to palace officials and per- estingly, three exemplars of this piece of apparel sonnel. In a badly preserved memorandum about occur in a marriage contract from the archive of clothing, a certain Šamaš-iddin, perhaps a gov- the Egyptians of Assur (Archive N31); among ernment official, is mentioned as the recipient of the garments which Pabba’u gives to his daugh- a maqaṭṭu and an urnutu.426 The same text also ter Mullissu-hammat as dowry there are also one mentions officials who were expected to provide house-quality muqaṭṭutu, one clean muqaṭṭutu, garments to the central administration427 and were and a third-one of good-quality.423 This shows in connection with a rab hanšê, ‘commander-of- that this garment was used by ladies. In another fifty’.428 Finely woven maqaṭṭus produced by the administrative document from Nineveh we may Assyrian palace weavers were also destined to see that this textile could also be fabricated with- be distributed as luxury goods to foreign leaders, out front-piece; in this case, the maqaṭṭu was as seems to be suggested by an amount of 2 mi- probably untailored and consisting in the cloth nas of red wool for the production of gowns for for the rear part of the garment.424 Alternatively, it some sheikhs in a short record of wool and flax is also possible that the front-part of the maqaṭṭu from Nineveh.429 414. See, e.g., Parpola 2008, 56. 415. On tahapšu as felt, see Cancik-Kirschbaum 1999; Postgate 2000, 213-217; Postgate 2014, 406-407. On felting in the Ancient Near East see Völling 2008, 150. 416. CAD B, 261a s.v. biršu 2. 417. Villard 2010, 395. There is only one occurrence of the term biršu in the Middle Assyrian text corpus. See KAV 99:18-19, concer- ning a yellow and decorated biršu-textile. See Postgate 2014, 418 for the translation of biršu as ‘rug’. 418. On the use of this material, see SAA 7, 95:1, 2; 96:7’, 11’, r.1, 2; 97:4’, 10’; 98:4’, 5’; 99:4; 100:3’; 102:2’; 105:10’; 107 r.4’; 109 r. iii 9’; 119 r. ii’ 3’. 419. SAA 7, 93:1; 94:4; 99:2; 104:2’. 420. See Fales & Postgate 1992, xxvii. 421. SAA 7, 99:2. 422. SAA 7, 93:1-2; 94:4. 423. StAT 2, 164:12-13. 424. SAA 7, 107 r.9’ [x x (x x) ma-qa]-ṭí? NU ZAG. 425. SAA 7, 115 ii 9-10. 426. SAA 7, 112:10’-e.12’. 427. SAA 7, 112:3’-7’, r.1-5. 428. SAA 7, 112 s.1-3. 429. SAA 7, 111:1-2. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   73 Other Neo-Assyrian terms for items of clothing of meaning ‘to gird’, as in Aramaic.438 A textile des- unclear meaning and of non-Semitic origin ignation based on this root is attested in Syriac in the form ḥzāq, ḥzāqā (ḥzq, ḥzq’), which means The Neo-Assyrian textile terminology includes gar- ‘belt, bond’.439 ment designations whose etymology has not been huzūnu. The Neo-Assyrian term occurs in a lexical elucidated by the scholars. Apart from West Semitic list and in various administrative and legal docu- loanwords, the nomenclature of garments in Assyria ments.440 The word presents a plural huzunāte, also is characterised by the presence of non-Semitic terms. attested in the form huzu’āte,441 with disappear- hulsu. The term only occurs in the lexical list PVA430 ance of [n] in intervocalic position.442 CDA con- and in a document from Nimrud.431 No etymology nects the term to the word huṣannu, ‘sash, belt’, at- is proposed in the dictionaries, which translate the tested in Neo-Babylonian.443 In Aramaic, the verb term as ‘a type of garment’.432 The term is omitted ḥsn (<hzn) means ‘to be strong’.444 We may then in CAD and AEAD. In Syriac, the word ḥelsā (ḥls, suppose that this designation probably refers to ḥls’) designates a horse-cloth or saddle.433 an operation of strengthening of the fabric within or following the weaving process. In an admin- huzīqutu. The word is attested in the form hazīqatu istrative document from Nineveh it is mentioned only in Akkadian lexical lists as a designa- along with qirmus, veils, and gulēnus,445 while in tion for a head covering.434 The same form is another document which originates from the same also documented in Mari.435 In an administra- bureaucratic context it occurs between urnutus and tive text from Nineveh it is attested in the form elītu-garments.446 In a marriage contract from the huzīqutu.436 In this document the term occurs archive of the Egyptians of Assur the huzūnu fol- among ṣipirtu-textiles and head-cloths. It has lows muqaṭṭutus and naṣbutu-garments.447 Neo- been tentatively interpreted as a nominal form Babylonian texts show that it was a component derived from the verb hazāqu, whose meaning, of wardrobes of statues of divinities and other di- however, is unknown.437 As a working hypothe- vine beings.448 sis, we may suppose that this verb also had the 430. PVA 242. 431. CTN 2, 1:11’. 432. AHw, 354b; CDA, 119b. 433. LS, 235a; Sokoloff 2009, 458a. 434. CAD H, 166a. 435. Durand 2009, 44. 436. SAA 7, 120 ii’ 15. 437. CDA, 113b. 438. See DJPA, 194: ‘to wrap around’; Sokoloff 2009, 440a: ‘to gird’. 439. LS, 225a; Sokoloff 2009, 440b. 440. ND 2307:17, 19, r.5 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI); ND 2311:7 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X); PVA 281; SAA 7, 98:13’; 102:3’; StAT 2, 164:14. 441. ND 2307:17 (Iraq 16 [1954], 37, pl. VI). 442. Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 24. 443. CDA, 123b s.v. huzūnu II and 122b s.v. huṣannu. 444. LS, 247b; Sokoloff 2009, 478b; ‘to be strong’; DJPA, 211a: ‘to become strong’; DJBA, 475a: ‘powerful’; Jastrow 1950, 488b; Drower & Macuch 1963, 151a; DNWSI, 391. 445. SAA 7, 98:13’. 446. SAA 7, 102:3’. 447. StAT 2, 164:14. 448. Beaulieu 2003, 15. 74   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) iarītu. The term, which is attested in documents from (KUŠ).458 It may be suggested that the Hurrian the Fort Shalmaneser in Nimrud,449 is only listed in textile designation išhenabe, which is attested CDA and AEAD.450 In CDA it is tentatively inter- in Middle Assyrian texts,459 and in Neo-Babylo- preted as a feminine nominal form from the word nian texts,460 is probably based on the same lexical aiaru, ‘rosette(-shaped ornament)’, and, conse- theme with the addition of Hurrian morphemes. quently, as meaning ‘rosette(-ornamented cloth- Differently from the Neo-Babylonian counterpart, ing?)’.451 Golden aiaru-ornaments are documented the Neo-Assyrian išhu is preceded by the deter- in the administrative texts from Nineveh in con- minative for textiles (TÚG). In addition, this tex- nection with garments.452 In addition, hundreds of tile is mentioned in an administrative list among rosette-shaped appliqués were found in the Nim- other items of clothing (maqaṭṭu, urnutu, hīlu, and rud tombs; they served to decorate the garments nahhaptu).461 of the buried Assyrian queens.453 Possibly, rosette- kandiršu. This item of apparel is listed in dictionar- covered garments were referred to as iarītus in As- ies in different forms, i.e., as kundirāšu/kundirāšu, syrian. An alternative hypothesis is that the Neo- kundirašši, kandiršu, and kandirši.462 The origin Assyrian form is a loanword from West Semitic. of this textile designation, only attested in Neo- The Hebrew word yerī‘āh refers to a (tent-)curtain Assyrian documents, is unknown.463 Apparently, made of goat’s hair.454 This term is also attested the ending in -(a)šše seems to point at Hurrian in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic and Syriac.455 The as the language of derivation.464 Another plausi- fact that iarītu-textiles also occur in a document ble hypothesis is that the term entered Assyrian from Nimrud dealing with provision of amounts via another language. In Middle Assyrian a tex- of goat-hair456 argues against the hypothesis that tile designation kuddilu is attested.465 Perhaps, the iarītu was a finely decorated garment. this term re-entered Akkadian through the me- išhu. This word is interpreted as a designation for a diation of a Hurrian form with <r> and ending cloth or a leather item.457 CAD only mentions the in -(a)šše. Instead, the word kandarasānu,466 at- Neo-Babylonian occurrences, where the word is tested in Neo-Babylonian, has nothing to do with preceded by the determinative for leather objects kandiršu. Neo-Babylonian texts document linen 449. CTN 3, 4 r.10; 5 e.10, r.16; 6:1. 450. CDA, 440b; AEAD, 39b. 451. CDA, 440b. 452. See, e.g., SAA 7, 60 i 5-6. 453. Collon 2008, 105-118. 454. See Postgate 1973, 53 citing a Kwasman’s suggestion. 455. DJPA, 245b; Sokoloff 2009, 584b. 456. CTN 3, 4:7-r.10. 457. AHw, 394b; CAD I-J, 242a; CDA, 133b; AEAD, 42b. 458. CAD I-J, 242a: ‘a leather object’. 459. See CAD I-J, 241a s.v. išhanabe a and Postgate 2014, 418. 460. See Beaulieu 2003, 15, concerning clothes for the statues of goddesses. 461. SAA 7, 115 ii 15. 462. AHw, 1569b; CDA, 167a; AEAD, 46a (kandirši) and 51b (kundirašši). The distinction of two different words in AEAD is pro- bably due to a mistake of the authors of this dictionary. Note that the two forms are included under the same entry in Fales & Po- stgate 1992, 214a. 463. AHw, 1569b. Note that CAD only lists the Neo-Babylonian attestations. 464. Wegner 2000, 49. 465. KAV 103:9; 200 r.2, 3; KAJ 136:3; 310:34, 35. A large variety of kuddilu-textile is attested in KAV 200 r.3. See CAD K, 492b. 466. CAD K, 148b. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   75 g/kandarasānu,467 probably coming from Gan- kandiršu-garment with the sasuppu, a textile used dar/Kandara(š), a north-eastern region of the Ira- in royal rituals475 as well as in ceremonial ban- nian Plateau.468 The Neo-Assyrian attestations of quets.476 The sasuppu and the kandiršu-garment the term kandiršu are limited to three administra- occur together also in the Practical Vocabulary of tive documents from Nineveh469 and a marriage Assur;477 this suggests that these items of clothing contract from Assur.470 In an inventory text listing were probably complementary. This item of at- various objects, especially metal vessels, a sec- tire was also a component of female wardrobes. In tion, unfortunately in fragmentary conditions, is fact, a marriage contract from the Archive N31 of devoted to textile products. The preserved lines in- Assur shows that kundiršu-garments (written as pl. clude names for items of clothing, among which kundaraššāni)478 occur as a precious item of cloth- a number of kundirašši-garments.471 Moreover, ing among various types of garments belonging to this item occurs as one of the commodities prob- the woman Mullissu-hammat. The fact that this ably received by the governor of Bēt-nayalāni, woman was the daughter of the horse keeper of the among animals, wine and other precious items goddess Ištar of Arbela corroborates the connec- of clothing of possibly foreign origin: apart from tion of this garment with the cultic sphere. one kundiraššu or kundirašši, the list of textile kindabasi.479 This Middle and Neo-Assyrian word products includes four šaddīnu-garments and one derives from Hurrian kindabašše.480 The 1st-mil- head-cloth.472 The second Ninevite inventory list lennium form in Assyrian is kindabasi, while the seems to connect this item of clothing to a cultic Middle Assyrian shows the forms kindabaše481 milieu.473 In fact, all the listed objects and food- and kiddapaše (with assimilation nd>dd).482 The stuffs were used in the Aššur Temple cultic ritu- latter can be compared with the Ugaritic textile als. The mention of a tuft of red wool in the same designation kdwṯ, which has been explained as passage474 confirms the use of all the listed tex- an assimilated variant of kndpnṯ (/kiddawaṯ(ṯ)-/ tiles for ritual purposes, in all likelihood for royal < /kindapanṯ-/).483 The change <š> to <s> from rituals to be celebrated in the main Assyrian tem- Middle Assyrian to Neo-Assyrian may be ex- ple. It is also worth noting the association of the plained in light of the treatment of sibilants in 467. GCCI 2, 361:8 GADA.gan-da-ra-sa-nu; YOS 3, 145:14 GADA.ka-an-da-ra. 468. Zadok 1985, 138; Vallat 1993, 125. 469. Ki 1904-10-9,154+r.48 (Iraq 32 [1970], 153, pl. XXVII); SAA 7, 121 i 6’; 174:5’. 470. StAT 2, 164:10. 471. Ki 1904-10-9,154+r.48 (Iraq 32 [1970], 153, pl. XXVII) 40? TÚG.kun-dir-a-[še] (Reconstruction of the occurrence by the author). 472. SAA 7, 121 i 4’-6’ 4 TÚG.šad-din / 1 TÚG.kar-ZI.MEŠ / 1 kun-dir-a-še. 473. SAA 7, 174:5’ TÚG.sa-su-up-pu! TÚG.kan!-dir!-še!. 474. SAA 7, 174:6’ ni-ip-šú SÍG.HÉ.MED!. 475. See Menzel 1981, nos. 24 i 16; 28:10; 30:6; 31 i 12. 476. Müller 1937, 62, line ii 17. 477. PVA 286-288 TÚG.sa-su-pu / TÚG.:. ša TÚG.GADA / TÚG.kun-dar-a-ši. 478. StAT 2, 164:10-11 TÚG.ur-na-te GADA 4 TÚG.kun-dar-a-šá-ni / 1 TÚG.ur-nu-tu SÍG. It is interesting to observe that the mate- rial of the four kandiršu-garments is not indicated in the document. Perhaps, kandiršu-garments were not made with linen or wool. 479. Note that the term is recorded as kindabassu in AEAD, 50a, although the singular form is actually kindabasi, as witnessed by the attestation given in PVA 245 (TÚG.kin-da-ba-˹si˺). 480. Watson 2007, 88. 481. AfO 19 T.6:5 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52) 1 TÚG.HI.A [ki]-in-da-ba-š[e]. See also Postgate 1979, 5 and Postgate 2014, 418. 482. Iraq 35, T.13, 1:1 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 84) ki-da-pa-še (with assimilation nd>dd). 483. Del Olmo Lete & Sanmartín 1996, 211b s.v. kdwṯ, ibidem 220a s.v. kndpnṯ. This textile has been interpreted as ‘una prenda de ve- stir (¿prenda íntima femenina?)’. See also Vita 2010, 329. 76   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) the Neo-Assyrian dialect. I wonder whether the (TÚG). Moreover, in this administrative document term kindabasi has something to do with the it is described as a textile for the bathroom (bēt word kamdu/kindu, attested in Akkadian484 and ramāki) and the qirsu-place.494 Ugaritic485 as a designation derived from the verb pīṭu. This term, which is not included in the dictionar- kamādu, ‘to weave in a specific way’, and possi- ies, occurs in a letter of the royal correspondence, bly referring to a cloth woven according to a spe- in which Šumu-iddina informs the king about a cial technique. From the ‘Middle Assyrian Harem statue of Bēl in the Esagil temple in Babylon. Ac- Edicts’ it seems that it was a woman’s undergar- cording to the words of Esarhaddon’s servant, the ment.486 This interpretation is also followed by statue was short one-half of a TÚG.pi-i-DA. Cole Postgate, who translates the Middle Assyrian term and Machinist read the occurrence as pīṭu and in- as ‘loincloth’.487 Neo-Assyrian occurrences are in terpret it as a name for a garment,495 but the read- PVA and in two administrative documents.488 One ing is far from certain. of these texts deals with the consignment of an un- specified number of kindabasi-garments,489 pre- sibrītu. The term sibrītu or siprītu occurs in a docu- sumably for internal palace distribution, while the ment from Kalhu,496 where it is mentioned in the second document states that this item of apparel context of garments and other commodities. CDA was presented as offering material for the gods.490 tentatively connects the word to the textile desig- In that case, it is reasonable to think that this gar- nation ṣipirtu, indicating a kind of waist-belt or ment served to clothe the statue of the god. similar item of clothing (see below).497 kirbīnu. This term is only attested in PVA. No etymol- ṣipirtu. The word is also attested in Neo-Assyrian in ogy is proposed in the dictionaries. Aramaic krbn the form ṣipittu,498 resulting from the assimilation is a variant of the verb kbn, ‘to gird (garment)’.491 rt>tt. No etymology is given in the dictionaries. In pazibdu. This term for garment is only attested in a CAD, which explains the term as possibly desig- document from Assur492 and in an inventory text nating a special weaving technique or treatment, a from Nineveh.493 The word is not included in the connection with the verb ṣepēru, ‘to strand (hair dictionaries. While the term is preceded by the de- or linen), trim, decorate’, is suggested.499 Instead, terminative for linen items (GADA) in the Assur a possible Aramaic origin is tentatively proposed text, in the Nineveh text it is qualified as a garment in CDA,500 probably on the authority of von Soden, 484. The dictionaries do not treat the forms kamdu and kimdu as variants of the same term. See, e.g., CAD K, 121a s.v. kamdu, 372a s.v. kimdu. 485. Del Olmo Lete & Sanmartín 1996, 220a s.v. knd. 486. AfO 17, 287:105. See CAD K, 384b. 487. Postgate 2014, 418. 488. PVA 245; SAA 7, 166:2; 176 r.5’. Another occurrence is possibly in Ki 1904-10-9,154+ r.49 (Iraq 32 [1970], 153, pl. XXVII) [x TÚG.kin-da-b]a?-si GADA (Reconstruction of the occurrence by the author). 489. SAA 7, 166:2 ša!-az-bu-su / ša TÚG.kín-da-ba-si, “A consignment of kindabasi-garments.” 490. SAA 7, 176 r.5’-7’. 491. LS, 316a; Sokoloff 2009, 596b; Jastrow 1950, 609a. 492. StAT 2, 164:14 1 GADA.pa-zi-ib-du. 493. SAA 7, 120 ii’ 1 1 TÚG.pa-zi?-[ib-du] (Reconstruction of the occurrence by the author). The second sign of the word may be read as ZI. 494. SAA 7, 120 ii’ 2-3. 495. SAA 13, 181:7. 496. ND 2311:3 (Iraq 23 [1961], 20, pl. X). 497. CDA, 324b. 498. ZTT I, 8:1 ˹TÚG˺.ṣi-pi-tú. 499. CAD Ṣ, 201b. 500. CDA, 339a. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   77 who suggested a possible derivation from Ara- coloured ṣiprāt(e) is listed in connection with a maic ṣpr, ‘flechten’.501 This West Semitic form has chair.509 This recalls the issues of wool for stuff- also been related to Arabic ḍfr, ‘to weave, braid, ing stools of the royal palace in a document from twist’.502 However, the Aramaic-oriented etymol- the archive of Tell Ali,510 although in this case, the ogy of the Akkadian word has recently been re- Middle Assyrian text does not specify the type of jected in light of the fact that a root *ṣpr is not at- textile. In this Middle Assyrian archive we find tested in Jewish Aramaic.503 The reference to linen another attestation concerning the use of ṣipirtus and especially to trimming in the verb ṣepēru could for furniture; in this case, a number of these tex- explain the Assyrian word as a designation for a tile products appear in association with beds of the trimmed textile. The term has been understood as royal palace furniture.511 The same use of ṣipirtus referring to a scarf, (woven) girdle, sash, or waist- continues in Babylonia in later times, as shown belt.504 Given its attestation in the context of tex- by a Neo-Babylonian contract mentioning a linen tiles for the personnel of the Assyrian royal army, ṣipirtu related to a bed.512 Among the coloured tex- it has been suggested that the ṣipirtu was the well- tiles represented in the wall paintings of the Assyr- known broad waist-belt of the Assyrian soldiers.505 ian palace at Til Barsip, in Room 47 we may see In many pictorial representations of such waist- a drape with a checkerboard pattern covering the belts, the textiles in question are characterised by back of the royal throne where the Assyrian king trims bordering them.506 A red-coloured variety is seated.513 For this second usage of the ṣipirtu- ‘of the port’ is attested in a label from Nineveh,507 textile, Postgate suggested the translation ‘rug, while a Nimrud label shows that also a white va- blanket’.514 In Assyria, this textile was produced riety of ṣipirtu was in use.508 This term also desig- by a specialised weaver, called ušpār ṣiprāti.515 nated a drape used to cover chairs, probably char- acterised by the same kind of trim decorating the Other terms of the Neo-Assyrian terminology of above-mentioned waist-belts. In an administrative garments remain obscure. These are datāiu (per- text, an unspecified number of commercial-red haps, formed with a toponym and the nisbe -āiu),516 501. von Soden 1977, 195. See also AHw, 1103b s.v. ṣipirtu III; DNWSI, 973 s.v. ṣprh2; Jastrow 1950, 1249b. 502. See AHw, 1103b. 503. Abraham & Sokoloff 2011, 51, no. 225. 504. K 6323+ r. i’ 8’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); PVA 244; SAA 7, 96:8’; 120 i’ 14, ii’ 12; 124:10’; 127:10’;SAA 11, 28:12; 42 r. i 4’; 67:1; 202 ii 17’; SAA 19, 14:12, r.1, 4; ZTT I, 8:1. The word also occurs in the unpublished text VAT 8659 (quoted in Parpola 2008, 57). 505. Postgate 2001, 385. 506. See, e.g., Fales & Postgate 1992, 124 fig. 30. 507. SAA 7, 96:8’. 508. ND 2086 (Iraq 23 [1961], 18). 509. SAA 7, 120 ii’ 12-14. See ibidem i’ 14 for another occurrence of ṣipirtu-textiles. 510. Ismail & Postgate 2008, 173, no. 23 e.12-r.15 10 MA.NA SÍG.MEŠ / a-na GIŠ.GU.ZA.MEŠ šap-pa-la-te / ša É.GAL-lim a-na še-a-’i / ta-ad-na. 511. Ismail & Postgate 2008, 172, no. 22 e.5-6 [TÚG].ṣi-ip-ra-te / ša GIŠ.NÁ.MEŠ ša É.GAL-lim. 512. Roth 1989, text no. 38:13. See also Joannès 2014, 460, quoting the Neo-Babylonian contract. Joannès suggests that the ṣipirtu for beds was probably a sort of tapestry fabric. 513. Albenda 2005, 63, fig. 23. 514. Postgate 2014, 423. 515. CTN 3, 145 r. ii 14; SAA 6, 301:4; SAA 7, 115 r. i 7; SAA 12, 83 r.8; SAA 16, 55:2. See also the list of professions Sultantepe 52/8 ii 11 (cited in CAD Ṣ, 201b). 516. ZTT II, 33:6 4 TÚG.da-ta-’-a-a, “Four datean garments.” This textile name is not explained by MacGinnis and Willis Monroe. Perhaps, this textile designation may be compared with two non-Assyrian personal names, namely Datâ and Dātāna (with shorte- ned form Dātā). See PNA 1/II, 381b-382a. 78   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) iamnuqu,517 iahilu,518 kirnāiu (perhaps yet another certain garments, such as fringes, edging, and deco- word formed by a toponym and the nisbe -āiu; it ration. However, the meaning of some of these terms has been compared to Eblaic kirnānu, a name for remains unclear. a linen textile),519 nimrā’u (a nominal form in -ānu ahāte. The plural term refers to sleeves of garments. from namāru, ‘to be bright’, or a foreign word? Cf. Pieces of clothing for arms were also called by the the Neo-Babylonian textile term guzguzu, of which compound word bēt ahi (TÚG.É—Á.MEŠ) in the the word nimrā’u was probably a synonym), 520 Neo-Assyrian dialect.526 Only in a text from Zi- supāqu (from the verb sapāqu, ‘to be sufficient’?),521­ yaret Tepe we find the logographic singular form […]rakkatum (the occurrence is broken in the tab- Á. The qualification ša ahāte refers to hullānu.527 let, but it refers to a linen textile, perhaps *apar- The word ahāte was also used in the Middle As- akkatu?),522 zanu[…] (perhaps, to be connected to syrian period as an abbreviated form to indicate the verb zânu, ‘to stud [garments] with precious ‘garments with sleeves’.528 Sleeves are treated as stones’?),523 and zazabtu524 (a variant form with allo- a separate item of clothing not only in 1st-millen- phone [z] from *zabzabtu/sabsabtu? Cf. Middle As- nium Assyria, but also in other regions of the An- syrian sapsapu, ‘fringe of a garment’).525 cient Near East, as witnessed, for instance, by a 2nd-millennium document from Mari.529 From a look at Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs it is clear that Designations for parts of garments short sleeves characterised royal and, in general, male dresses,530 while long sleeves were a charac- The Neo-Assyrian textile terminology concerning teristic of queens’ garments.531 parts of garments is very limited. From the extant at- appu, ‘fringe’.532 This term is usually written with testations of these terms it seems that the interest of the logogram KA, followed by the obscure sign Assyrian administrators focused on a very limited set MA,533 probably an abbreviation for a word indi- of parts of clothing items, presumably the ones that cating a special feature of the fringe. It seems that were considered as the most characteristic features of 517. PVA 241. See CAD I-J, 322a. 518. PVA 268; ZTT II, 33:5. See CAD I-J, 321a. 519. PVA 233. See CAD K, 408b. For the Eblaic kirnānu see Pasquali 2010, 180. 520. PVA 255. See CAD N/II, 234b s.v. nimra’u. The adjective namru, ‘bright(ly coloured)’, is used as name of a garment in the 2nd millennium BC. See CAD N/I, 241a s.v. namru 1 a 4’. The word nimra’u could be tentatively explained as a form affected by a change of the [n] of the adjectival ending -ānu into [’] for the intervocalic position of the nasal. See von Soden 1995, 42; Hämeen- Anttila 2000, 24. However, the fact that the word is written as nim-ra-ah in the tablet could indicate that the term is nimrah. Akka- dian terms ending in -ah like dardarah (an ornament), pirizah (a plant), and sirnah (a garment), are Kassite loanwords. On the guzguzu-textile in Neo-Babylonian texts see Quillien 2013, 21-25. 521. PVA 279. See CAD S, 392a. 522. StAT 2, 164:16 [x x x x]-ra-ka-tum GADA. The feminine form *aparakkatu is not attested in Akkadian. For the Neo-Assyrian he- address aparakku, attested in PVA 276, see CAD A/II, 166b. 523. SAA 7, 124:8’. See CAD Z, 47a. 524. SAA 7, 172 r.9. This term is not included in CAD. See CDA, 446a and AEAD, 133b. 525. MARV I, 24:11 ½ MA.NA SÍG.ZA.GÌN.SA5 a-na sa-ap-si-pi TÚG.lu-bul-tu. 526. K 6323+ r. i’ 7’ (Kwasman 2009, 116); PVA 282; SAA 7, 120 i’ 6 (not translated by Fales and Postgate). Note that in ZTT I, 8:3 this part of garment is indicated logographically as Á. See AEAD, 5a: ‘arm piece’. 527. AfO 19, T.6:1-2 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52). 528. KAV 105 r.24 TÚG.a-ha-te, “(garments with) sleeves”. 529. Durand 2009, 29. The French scholar translates the term ahatum as ‘manche amovible’. 530. See, e.g., Barnett 1976, pls. 49-53. 531. Barnett 1976, pl. 65. 532. SAA 7, 108 i’ 5’; 109 i 3’, 5’, ii 4’, iii 4’. 533. SAA 7, 109 i 5’, ii 4’. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   79 appus were characteristic elements of urnutu-gar- to ‘slippers’546 is only based on El-Amarna attes- ments534 and linen maqaṭṭu-garments.535 Another tations concerning leather objects.547 The editors word for fringe was sissiqtu (see below). Repre- do not consider that the word is also used in Mid- sentations of fringed garments are ubiquitous in dle Assyrian times in connection with leather con- Neo-Assyrian visual art.536 From the colourful tainers and, as far as the Neo-Assyrian period is wall paintings of Tiglath-pileser III’s palace at Til concerned, for qualifying cloaks. Instead of ‘dec- Barsip we see that fringes of garments could be of oration’ or ‘slippers’, it is possible that shoelaces different colours in alternation.537 and purse strings were named with this term. In aqqābu, ‘hind-part’.538 This textile component occurs the case of nahlaptus, it is possible that the betātus in association with gammīdu-garments.539 Perhaps, were strings used to tie the cloaks. In fact, from the another occurrence of the word may be found in a Ziyaret Tepe tablet we learn that betātus were asso- list of textiles.540 Von Soden connects this Assyrian ciated with various items of clothing.548 word to Jewish Aramaic ‘aqqābā, which he trans- birmu, ‘multi-coloured trim/border?’.549 This word lates as ‘Überbleibsel’.541 However, as pointed out is a nominal form from the verb barāmu, ‘to be by Abraham and Sokoloff, no such word with such multi-coloured’.550 The item in question is pe- a meaning exists in Aramaic.542 culiar to the textiles called kusītu, maqaṭṭu, and betātu, ‘strings(?)’.543 This item is interpreted by CAD qarrāru. Postgate supposes that the term birmu as a decoration used on garments and leather ob- designated a cloth strip used as an edging for gar- jects.544 It is worth noting that this textile term oc- ments, which is, presumably, the same function curs in connection with nahlaptus. In fact, PVA of the sūnu-item (see below), although differ- also lists a nahlaptu ša betāti among different types ences between the two textiles are not known.551 of nahlaptu.545 The interpretation by MacGinnis It is interesting to observe that a Middle Assyr- and Willis Monroe that the betātus mentioned in ian text mentions a birmu for the statue of the a Neo-Assyrian document from Ziyaret Tepe refer king;552 presumably, it served to embellish the 534. SAA 7, 109 ii 4’. 535. SAA 7, 109 iii 4’. 536. See, e.g., Layard 1849-53, I, pl. 25 and passim. 537. Guralnick 2004, 223. 538. In AEAD, 9a the word is treated as a variant of aqbu and translated as ‘heel, lower part, extremity’. Instead, the other dictionaries distinguish the two terms. See, e.g., CAD A/II, 207a s.v. aqqabu (not translated) and CAD E, 248b s.v. eqbu: ‘heel, hoof’. 539. SAA 7, 115 r. ii 17-18. 540. SAA 7, 109 r. iv 1’-2’ [aq-qa]-bi x x[x x x x] / [x] KUN? GÙN.A KUR?, “[The hind-pa]rt of […-textile(s)], […] the rear, multi- coloured, of the country” (Reconstruction of the broken part of the occurrence by the author). 541. von Soden 1966, 6. 542. Abraham & Sokoloff 2011, 26, no. 13. 543. PVA 223; ZTT II, 33:7. 544. CAD B, 214b. 545. PVA 223. 546. MacGinnis & Willis Monroe 2013-2014, 52. 547. EA 22 ii 27, iii 26. See CAD B, 214b. 548. ZTT II, 33:1-7 7 TÚG.AN.TA.MEŠ / 4 TÚG.ma-ak-l[ul.MEŠ] / 2 TÚG.KI.TA—˹hal-lu-pat˺ / 1 TÚG.ša!—IŠ ša hi-[l]a?-nu / 2 TÚG.ia-hi-li / 4 TÚG.da-ta-’-a-a / a-na 5-šú TÚG.bet-ta-tu, “Seven upper garments, four shaw[ls], two reinforced undergarments, one dust garment with wrappings, two iahilus, four datean garments for five pairs of betātus.” 549. Billa 71:1, 5 (JCS 7 [1953], 137); K 6323+ ii 17’ (Kwasman 2009, 114); RINAP 3/2, 154 r.5’; 223:33; SAA 7, 70 i’ 2’; 97 r.5; 99:1; 104 r.3’; 105:6’, 7’; 108 i’ 8’; 109 r. iv 2’, 6’; SAA 12, 35:26; 36:17; SAA 16, 84 r.12; StAT 3, 1:9. 550. CAD B, 103a s.v. barāmu B. 551. Postgate 2014, 409-410. 552. MARV III, 71:6 (StAT 5, 92) bir-mu ša ṣa-lam LUGAL. 80   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) vestments that covered the statue. The birmu was novelty of the 1st millennium, since the qualifica- produced by a specialised weaver called ušpār tion ša liwītim, translated as ‘for wrapping’, occurs birmi.553 Another plausible hypothesis is that in Old Assyrian texts in association with textile birmu indicated a multi-coloured breast-piece products.563 The border of Neo-Assyrian gar- which was added to vestments. Royal garments ments could be decorated by a variety of elements are usually represented in palace reliefs as having (e.g., rosettes, square-shaped ornaments, etc.), of- a finely-executed round- or rectangular-shaped ten in alternation, and the presence of tassels and decorative part in the breast-area,554 although it fringes.564 The Nimrud textile remains show that is not certain whether such breast-pieces were tassels were used to embellish the border of one made of fabric or metal plaques. or more garments of the Assyrian queens buried kiṣiptu, ‘cut-off piece (of a garment)’.555 This mean- there.565 ing is not included in the dictionaries, which only nītu. A Nimrud document shows that nītu-element(s) record the meaning ‘calculation’ (from the verb characterised the garment called šupālītu hal- kaṣāpu/keṣēpu, ‘to think, estimate’).556 How- luptu in Neo-Assyrian.566 In a text from Tell Billa ever, it is clear that the textile-related meaning this item occurs in association with nahlaptu- of kiṣiptu hardly derives from the verb kaṣāpu/ garments.567 The meaning of the word nītu is keṣēpu,557 while the best candidate seems to be not clear: AEAD suggests that it was a precious kaṣāpu (II), which seems to be a Neo-Assyrian item,568 perhaps used as a decoration for this gar- form of kasāpu, ‘to cut off’.558 ment. The verb nêtu means ‘to enclose, surround’ libītu. This term, derived from labû (lamû, lawû), ‘to and the idea of enclosure seems to fit well to the encircle’, probably designated the rim or border function of a metal clasp as well as of a decora- of garments.559 It is attested in the logographic tive geometrical element, for example, a circle. form NIGÍN in lists of textiles from Nineveh as However, we cannot rule out that it refers to a spe- a descriptive element of naṣbutus,560 urnutus,561 cific structural element of šupālītu halluptus and and šupālītu halluptu-garments.562 In the case of nahlaptus. urnutu, the border of this garment was also in- pūtu, ‘front-part’.569 This element, which is indi- dicated as sihru (see below). The word is not a cated in the texts with the logogram ZAG, occurs 553. ADW 9:4; SAA 6, 42 r.8; SAA 12, 27:24; 94:5. 554. See, e.g., Layard 1849-53, I, pls. 5-6, 19; Fales & Postgate 1992, 116 fig. 27. 555. CTN 2, 1:5’, 7’, 8’. This meaning is not included in AEAD, 50b. 556. CDA, 161b. 557. CAD K, 314a. 558. Postgate 1973, 27 fn. ad 5’. 559. CAD L, 191a. 560. SAA 7, 96:11’; 97:11’; 102:1’. 561. SAA 7, 96 r.2; 102:2’. 562. SAA 7, 105:9’, 10’. 563. Michel & Veenhof 2010, 241. 564. Layard 1849-53, I, pls. 5, 12, and passim; Barnett 1976, pls. 40, 49, and passim. 565. See Crowfoot 1995, 115 fig. 4. 566. ND 2687 r.10 (Iraq 23 [1961], 43, pl. XXIII) 1 TÚG.:. ina ni-tú, “One ditto (= reinforced undergarment) with nītu-element(s)” (Reconstruction of the line by the author). 567. Billa 61:19-21 (JCS 7 [1953], 135) [x TÚG.]GÚ.È [x]x x x / [x]x 12 ni-tu-[x x x] / [x] ma-hi-ṣu, “[… n]ahlaptu-garment(s) [of …, with] 12 nītu-elements(?), […] the weaver [x x x]”. 568. AEAD, 77b. This meaning is not included in the other dictionaries. 569. SAA 7, 93:1; 94:4; 95:1; 96:5’, 7’, r.1, 2, 4; 97:7’, 10’, r.1, 3; 98:4’, 5’, 8’, 9’; 102:5’; 104:3’; 105:3’, 8’; 107:8’, 9’, 10’; 108:14’, 15’, r. ii’ 3’; 109 r. iii 7’, 9’; StAT 3, 1:15. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   81 in descriptions of the items of clothing called the technique of lining, according to Durand.574 gulēnu, maklulu, maqaṭṭu, naṣbutu, qirmu, rad­ It is possible that the mention of coloured ‘front- didu, ša GIL and urnutu, as well as of the sasuppu- parts’ in Assyria was analogously used to indicate napkin.570 It is not clear whether the term pūtu in- lined textiles. dicates the whole surface of the front-part of a sihru. With this term, derived from the verb sahāru, garment or a small area of it. In the case of the ‘to go around, turn’, the edging or border of gar- niksu-textiles mentioned in a list from Assur, the ments was probably indicated.575 In the Neo-As- red pūtu is associated with red sides (braids?).571 syrian texts, it is attested in its logographic form The pūtu-element of Neo-Assyrian garments is NIGÍN in connection with šaddīnus576 and urnutu- usually red, except for some attestations where garments.577 It is not clear whether sihru and libītu it is black.572 These references to coloured front- (see above) were synonyms or whether a certain parts of certain garments suggest that the rear parts semantic distinction between the two terms was had a different colour, probably black in the case at work in their use in descriptions of textiles. of red pūtus. On this regard, the literary text of the However, the fact that both terms are used for the Marduk Ordeal is very informative. In this compo- same item, namely urnutu, seems to suggest a syn- sition, there is a passage concerning the goddess onymic relationship between the two. The possi- Ištar, precisely her manifestation in Babylon, who bility that the logographic form NIGIN is used in was called ‘The Lady of Babylon’. The text de- alternative to NIGÍN is considered by Fales and scribes the vestment which covered her statue in Postgate.578 the temple and uses the word šīpātu in metonymi- sissiqtu (also zizziqtu), ‘hem, fringe’.579 The form with cal function to indicate her garment. What is worth emphatic velar is confirmed by a Middle Assyrian noting here is that her garment (literally, ‘wool’) is attestation580 and suggests to normalize the Bab- said to be black on her back (ina kutallišāni) and ylonian and Assyrian form as sissiqtu (from *siq- red on her front (ina pānišāni).573 This description siqtu), instead of sissiktu.581 The phonetical render- of Ištar’s garment matches the attestations of red ing zizziqtu in a letter of the royal correspondence pūtus given in the Nineveh administrative textile of Esarhaddon582 shows that [z] was an allophone lists. If so, the use of the term pūtu in textile qual- for <š>.583 The kusītu’s hem is only attested in ifications may be considered analogous to that of Middle Assyrian texts.584 It seems that hems of the word pānu. The use of the term pānum in de- garments were managed as separate items by the scriptions of Mari textiles is possibly referring to state administration, as shown by an attestation 570. For the red-coloured front-part of sasuppu-napkins, see SAA 7, 120 ii’ 4-6. 571. StAT 3, 1:10-11. 572. See SAA 7, 95:1; 98:4’; 107:10’; 109 r. iii 11’. 573. SAA 3, 34:42-43 [dbe-lit—kÁ.dingir].ra.ki ša sÍg.mi ina ku-tal-li-šá-ni sÍg.tab-ri-bu ina pa-ni-[šá-ni 0] / [x x x ina pa- na-t]u-uš-šá da-mu ša ṣur-ri ša tab-ku-u-ni [šu-nu], “[The Lady of] Babylon who has black wool on her back and red wool on her front […]: [the red wool] on her [front] is blood of the heart which was shed […]”. 574. Durand 2009, 78. 575. CAD S, 239a. 576. SAA 7, 96 r.2; 97:12’; 102:2’; 109 ii 2’. 577. SAA 7, 109 ii 4’, 5’, 6’, 7’. 578. Fales & Postgate 1992, xxviii. 579. PVA 299; SAA 3, 11 r.14; SAA 16, 36 r.16. 580. MARV III, 8 r.25’ zi-zi-qa-tu-šu-n[u]. 581. See Postgate 2014, 425-426 for discussion and references. 582. SAA 16, 36 r.16 TÚG.zi-zi-ik-tú. For the form with <š>, see, e.g., SAA 10, 298:17 TÚG.ši-ši-ik-ti-sú. 583. Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 10. 584. MARV III, 5 r.38’-39’. 82   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) in a document from the palace administrator’s ar- an urnutu-garment.594 Dalley’s interpretation of the chive in Assur.585 The hem of a garment played sūnu as a ‘trimming’595 seems to accord with the an important role in Mesopotamian legal trans- Middle Assyrian attestations.596 In contrast, in a actions. Interestingly, the practice of sealing le- Neo-Babylonian letter of the royal correspondence gal documents with the garment’s sissiqtu586 seems sūnu is used as a commodity of its own; in fact, to be attested also in the Neo-Assyrian period, as the sender of the letter states to have sent one sūnu witnessed by a clay tablet from Til Barsip, where of very good quality,597 which was probably des- imprints of two cords ending in a fringe of tiny tined to the gods’ statues.598 In this case, the item threads are still visible.587 in question is understood by Dietrich as a ‘sash’.599 sūnu. This term designates a part of a garment. In In Neo-Babylonian sources the sūnu occurs among Mari texts it refers to a textile end product and the items of dress used to cover the statues of gods a type of wool.588 When related to a textile, Du- Dumuzi, dIGI.DU, and ‘the Goddesses’.600 rand translates the word as ‘gigot, galon, our- uṣurtu. The term indicates the design or pattern of let’.589 Also in Nuzi and Kassite Babylonia the garments. The cloth with designs or patterned fab- sūnu was a component of a garment. In Middle ric, called ša parāki(?) (reading uncertain, written Assyrian times, išhanabe- and ašiannu-garments, as ša GIL), occurs as a separate textile item in ad- as well as tusahhuri-wrappings, are mentioned ministrative records;601 it was probably added to with their own sūnu.590 This cloth-piece could be various areas of garments, especially on the chest, of takiltu-wool, according to Bābu-aha-iddina’s ar- the sleeves and the border.602 We also know that chive.591 In 1st-millennium BC Assyria this tex- the nahlaptus could be enriched by decorative tile was associated with other garments. In a doc- designs.603 Different elements of the decorative ument from Kalhu it occurs with a garment called design characterising Assyrian luxury garments ša IŠ (see above).592 In that case, Postgate trans- are explicitly mentioned in an administrative text lates the term as ‘breast-piece’.593 In an adminis- from Nineveh: unfortunately, the name of the trative text from Nineveh sūnu denotes a part of garment decorated with pomegranates (nurmû) 585. MARV X, 54:10 (StAT 5, 54) PAB 5 TÚG.zi-zíq-qa-[te]. But note that Prechel and Freydank transliterate the occurrence as TÚG. sí-sik-k[a?!-tu]. 586. CAD S, 323a s.v. sissiktu b. 587. Bunnens 2012, 79 and fig. 13. 588. Durand 2009, 93-95, 149. 589. Durand 2009, 94. 590. Donbaz 1991, 77, A 70:1-2 1 TÚG.iš-ha-na-be / ša ÚR BABBAR. See also Postgate 1979, 7. 591. Donbaz 1991, 74-75, A 1722:1-2; AfO 19, T.6:9-10 (Freydank & Saporetti 1989, 52). 592. CTN 2, 153:2. In the same text, ša IŠ garments without breast-piece occur. See ibidem 3. 593. Postgate 1973, 166. 594. SAA 7, 109 ii 5’. The term is not translated by Fales and Postgate. 595. Dalley 1980, 72-73. 596. Postgate 2014, 422-423. 597. SAA 17, 77 r.15’ 1!-en! TÚG!.ÚR bab-ba-nu-ú. 598. See SAA 17, 77 r.18e TÚG.ÚR! šá [x] dingir.meŠ. 599. Dietrich 2003, 71. 600. Beaulieu 2003, 15. 601. SAA 7, 108 r. ii’ 6’ [x x š]a?—GIL? GIŠ.HUR.MEŠ, “[… c]loth (with) designs.” See also SAA 7, 117 s.1 1 TÚG.šá—GIL ˹GIŠ?˺.H[UR.MEŠ?] (Reconstruction of the occurrence by the author). The ša parāki(?) also occurs in SAA 7, 63 iii 20’ [x x] šá?— GIL.MEŠ x[x x x]; SAA 7, 96 r.4 9 TÚG.šá—GIL ZAG! [x x (x x)]. 602. See Guralnick 2004, 231 for the hypothesis that some borders of patterned fabric were separately woven and attached. 603. See PVA 225 TÚG : ša ˹GIŠ.HUR˺.MEŠ. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   83 is not preserved in the document,604 while a bull Textile techniques from garment designations (alpu)605 and a goat (ṣibtu)606 are mentioned as decorative elements of urnutus. These decorative If we consider the Neo-Assyrian vocabulary of gen- elements may be identified, for instance, with the uine Assyrian descent, apart from the general idea of bulls, goats and pomegranates represented on covering, which inspired the designations of many Assurnaṣirpal II’s garments.607 It seems that fab- Assyrian garments (lubuštu, kusītu, nahlaptu, qirmu, rics decorated with mythological beings and re- and ša hīli) or of binding, girdling, or tying (kirbīnu?, ligious scenes were limited to the reign periods nēbettu, nēbuhu, and sunābu), which confirm the idea of Assurnaṣirpal II (883-859 BC) and Assurbani- that most items of clothing were untailored and in pal (668-631? BC).608 As regards vegetal motifs, form of wrap-cloths, a number of terms are based on petals and leaves have been detected on the tiny the idea of holding, seizing (see naṣbutu, but ṣubātu is fragments of patterned textiles found in the Tomb problematic616). Others, however, refer to the position 1 at Nimrud.609 of the textile on the body and/or are in association zibbutu, ‘tail, tail-end’. This term, logographically with other items of clothing (elītu, ša muhhi, ša qabli, written as KUN,610 is interpreted as referring to and šupālītu). Others may possibly be connected to the rear part of garments.611 From the extant attes- their workmanship (maklulu, ‘the light one?’). Some tations in the Nineveh administrative text corpus, visual characteristics of the end product, such as the it seems that the zibbutu-element characterised red ša taluk ṣirri, probably indicate the use of a finely- garments.612 In one case, both the front-part (pūtu) woven fabric, which generated an undulating move- and the rear part of a garment are mentioned.613 ment when its wearer walked. We also know that garments with a zibbutu-ele- Some Neo-Assyrian terms for garments may be ment also had fringes.614 It is also possible that this connected to specific textile techniques (see also Ta- designation indicated the lower part of garments ble 1), such as rubbing down (muṣiptu, if this word ending in a sort of ‘pointed tail’. The lower part of derives from ṣuppu II, ‘to decorate, overlay, rub a variety of male garment of the 7th century BC down’. See also gammīdu, ‘smooth cloak’); wash- seems to be the best candidate of the zibbutu men- ing or rinsing (šuhattu); reinforcing or strengthening tioned in texts. Assurbanipal is depicted in his re- (halluptu, perhaps also huzūnu?); trimming (ṣipirtu?), liefs from Nineveh615 as wearing an asymmetri- and cutting (maqaṭṭu, niksu). Perhaps, the operation of cal skirt; in other words, a skirt which is short in rubbing down (muṣiptu) can be identified with the ac- front and long in back and ending with a ‘pointed tion of smoothing, which was executed on a textile’s tail’ in the rear part. surface to make it shining and smooth, especially in 604. SAA 7, 109 i 2’. 605. SAA 7, 109 ii 3’. 606. SAA 7, 109 ii 5’. 607. See Layard 1849-53, I, pl. 5 and pls. 8 and 9 for details. See also ibidem pls. 43-50 for other attestations of bulls and goats as dec- orative elements of dresses. For pomegranates, see ibid. pl. 48 no. 3. 608. Guralnick 2004, 231. 609. Crowfoot 1995, 114, 117. 610. SAA 7, 106:2, 4; 107:2’; 108 i’ 5’; 109 r. iv 2’. 611. See CAD Z, 102a s.v. zibbatu 2; Fales & Postgate 1992, 114 and passim. 612. SAA 7, 106:2, 4. 613. SAA 7, 107:2’. 614. SAA 7, 108 i’ 5’. 615. See, e.g., Barnett 1976, pls. 50, 51, 52. 616. A derivation from the verb ṣabātu is rejected in Kaufman 1974, 95, where the scholar underlines the connection with the Neo- Babylonian garment name ṣibtu. 84   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) case of linen.617 Washing, also an integral part of the same garment?) or whether both masculine and fem- textile production cycle, was done after the fabrics inine forms were used to indicate the same vestment. were woven. Other names for garments are based on We cannot rule out that these forms reflect local dif- the concept of reinforcing or strengthening. Here, dif- ferences within the Neo-Assyrian textile vocabulary. ferent explanations may be proposed. A dense and More specific structural elements of Neo-Assyr- coarse weave, namely a weave with closely packed ian garments cannot be detected on the basis of the threads, was probably the main characteristic of cloth- designations analysed in this study, but the archaeo- ing items used as outer garments618 for different func- logical evidence grants us a clearer idea of some ma- tions. Coarse garments could be used as protection terial characteristics of the Neo-Assyrian clothes. As during the cold season but also as working clothes for regards the weave of Neo-Assyrian garments used menial activities or, just as importantly, as the stand- by urban social elites, for example, the few textile re- ard dress for soldiers of the royal army. It is also pos- mains found in Assur and Nimrud demonstrate that sible that the reinforcing of fabric could be achieved rep weave and tabby weave characterised the dresses through a fulling or smoothing process. Fulling the fabricated in Assyria during the 9th and 7th centuries textile made it denser,619 and kneading and stomping BC respectively.623 the fabric in wet and warm conditions thickened the fabric and closed its gaps.620 In this way, textiles were Conclusions made more waterproof621 and thus more suitable for indoor and/or working use. Cutting and trimming ac- This study has shown that the Assyrian textile lexi- tions could refer to operations executed after the cloth con is characterised by a substantial continuity from came off the loom, namely in the phase of manufac- the Middle Assyrian to the Neo-Assyrian dialects for turing the item of clothing through the tailor’s work. a number of designations of garments. Other terms There are also words possibly related to the quality of belong to the common 1st-millennium BC textile the fabric (qatattu, harīru?) and others based on qual- vocabulary, characterised by compound names with ifications of wool varieties (see, e.g., šer’ītu), as sug- ša and West Semitic loanwords. A peculiar trait of gested above. Lower quality fabrics were probably re- the Neo-Assyrian vocabulary is vowel harmony, in- ferred to by those qualifications of garments based on herited from earlier stages of the dialect (e.g., Neo- the word bētu, ‘house’. House-garments were prob- Assyrian nēbuhu vs. Neo-Babylonian nēbehu; NA ably made of coarse fabric, more suitable for every- naṣbutu vs. NB naṣbatu; NA gammīdutu vs. NB day domestic activities. The opposite of the indoor or gammīdatu). The mutual influence between Assyr- house-garment was the ceremonial vestment, made of ian and Babylonian textile terminologies, which dis- fine fabric and for use on important public occasions seminated the same designations across both dialects, outside the domestic milieu. In the case of garments was probably due both to the Babylonian language’s explicitly related to women (ša issi), it is possible that role in various sectors of imperial Assyrian society, their sizes differed from their male counterparts.622 As especially as a scholarly and official language, and to regards internal differences within the same category the displacement of Assyrian-speaking groups (e.g., of garment, it is unclear whether feminine forms of members of the royal army, merchants, and palace the same garment name were used to designate spe- envoys) to various regions of the imperial territory, cific items of clothing (a small-sized variant of the including Babylonia. The spread of Babylonian in 617. Andersson Strand 2010, 21. 618. Andersson Strand 2010, 16-17. 619. Völling 2008, 150. 620. On fulling, see Barber 1991, 216; Völling 2008, 149-150. 621. Andersson Strand 2010, 20-21. 622. See Durand 2009, 12 for analogous observations on male and female clothes in Mari. 623. Völling 2008, 124, table 2, 211. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   85 1. Basic meanings Textile terms No textile techniques detectable Covering labussu, kusītu, nahlaptu, qirmu, -- ša hīli Binding, girdling, tying nēbettu, nēbuhu, sunābu -- 2. Meanings indicating Textile terms Textile techniques specific operations detectable(?) Rubbing down muṣiptu Smoothing linen? Washing šuhattu Washing/rinsing Reinforcing, strengthening halluptu Reinforcing through fulling or smoothing? Cutting maqaṭṭu, niksu (As part of finishing procedures?) Trimming ṣipirtu (As part of finishing procedures?) Table 1: Neo-Assyrian garment designations and textile techniques. the Assyrian state sector probably determined the re- Neo-Assyrian terminology and reflect the interests duction in the number of Hurrian terms in the writ- of the Assyrian ruling elite towards specific areas ten form of the Neo-Assyrian dialect. This may be touched by the Empire’s military and commercial surmised in light of the greater number of Hurrian- expansion. References to kuzippus from Hamath, ur- isms in the Middle Assyrian dialect. Moreover, both nutus from Byblos, and Phrygian reinforced under- Assyrian and Babylonian were affected by Aramaic garments attest to the increased demand for special influence in the 1st millennium, as illustrated by the varieties of clothes for the needs of the palace sector various loanwords present in these late dialects of and the royal army in 1st-millennium Assyria, two Akkadian. The limits of the extant written evidence important factors for the development of the textile from Neo-Assyrian archives prevent us from reach- trade and production in the Empire’s economy. Re- ing a full understanding of the impact of Aramaic in nowned textiles from the Levant were imported in As- the Assyrian textile terminology, but it is possible syria624 and, thanks to the vast trade network of the that loanwords were also present in those sectors of Empire, became an important part of the urban elites’ the Neo-Assyrian textile vocabulary reflecting tex- wardrobes. Perhaps, these exotic textiles also con- tile activities predominantly performed by Aramaic- tributed to the spread of ‘royal fashions’ in various speaking workers. These West Semitic immigrants Near Eastern areas. The strengthening of trade con- probably brought their textile know-how and termin­ tacts with Anatolia in the Sargonid Age in the field of ology into the Assyrian imperial culture. imported textiles is also confirmed by a Senna­cherib’s The ‘new entries’ in the Akkadian textile termi- letter mentioning wool from the land of Kummuh, nology of the 1st millennium are not limited to the corresponding to Classical Commagene.625 nomenclature of end products but also concern the Another important point concerns the legacy of materials used to fabricate garments, such as the pre- the textile terminology of the language (or languages) cious material called būṣu. In addition, toponymic spoken in the Assyrian Empire. After the collapse of cloth designations continued to be used also in the the first world empire (612 BC), the Akkadian dialect 624. The import of linen and multi-coloured garments from the Levant, a well-known topos in descriptions of booty of Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, is also present in the Old Testament. See, e.g., Ezekiel’s description of choice fabrics, textiles with multi-coloured trim and fine linen as characteristic goods produced in Tyre and Aram and exchanged with foreign merchants. See Ezek. 27:16, 22, 23. 625. SAA 1, 33:19-r.3. 86   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) used by the Assyrians disappeared from the written of King Sardanapalus, who is described as wearing a documentation. However, it is reasonable to assume female robe and as being primarily occupied in deal- that Neo-Assyrian textile terms continued to be used ing with purple garments and wool.629 by the Assyro-Aramaic population under the Chal- dean dominion of Mesopotamia as well even though Aramaic progressively became the most diffused spo- Acknowledgments ken language for large social strata of Assyrian soci- ety in post-Assyrian times. In addition, many 1st-mil- I wish to thank Marie-Louise Nosch and Cécile lennium terms, some of which are of Aramaic origin, Michel for fruitful discussions on different aspects continued to be used in the Neo- and Late Babylo- about textile production and terminology in the frame- nian dialects, as evidenced by the use of gammīdatus, work of the research activities of the Marie Curie In- gulēnus, and qirmus in Babylonia even during the tra-European Fellowship Programme (2013-2015) Hellenistic period.626 As far as the nomenclature of and of the French-Danish scholarly cooperation (Re- garments is concerned, we may observe that borrow- search Programmes TexOrMed 2012-2014 and ATOM ings from the Assyrian dialect in Babylonian are very 2015-2018). rare. A typical Neo-Assyrian term entering the Neo- Babylonian textile vocabulary is the word ṣipirtu, Abbreviations which appears in the domestic textile terminology of Babylonia in the Hellenistic period as a qualification ADW = A. Y. Ahmad & J. N. Postgate, Archives from the limited to furniture.627 Domestic Wing of the North-West Palace at Kalhu/ Nimrud. Edubba 10. London 2007. Former and recent Neo-Assyrian studies have AEAD = S. Parpola & R. M. Whiting, Assyrian-English- elucidated a number of grammatical and lexical el- Assyrian Dictionary, Helsinki-Winona Lake 2007. ements of the language spoken by the Assyrians in AHw = W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, I- the 1st millennium BC. Various sectors of the Assyr- III. Wiesbaden 1958-81. ian vocabulary of material culture remain unexplored BWL = W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature. however. It is hoped that this study, as well as contri- Oxford 1960 (Reprint 1996). butions by other colleagues concerning Middle and CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute Neo-Assyrian textiles that have appeared in recent of the University of Chicago. Chicago 1956-2010. years,628 mark another step toward understanding the CDA = J. Black, A. George & N. Postgate, A Concise Dic- Assyrian realia. Further studies on the Neo- and Late tionary of Akkadian. SANTAG: Arbeiten und Unter- suchungen zur Keilschriftkunde 5. Wiesbaden 2000 Babylonian textile vocabulary will certainly complete (Second corrected printing). our knowledge of 1st-millennium Akkadian terminol- CTN 2 = J. N. Postgate, The Governor’s Palace Archive. ogy of garments and their parts, thereby contributing Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 2. London 1973. to a more in-depth understanding of the Assyrian leg- CTN 3 = S. Dalley & J. N. Postgate, The Tablets from Fort acy (or its absence) in the textile vocabulary of the Shalmaneser. Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 3. Lon- late centuries of the cuneiform world in the Land of don 1984. the Two Rivers. The memory of the luxury clothes DJBA = M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian that characterised the imperial dolce vita of the As- Aramaic. Dictionaries of Talmud, Midrash and Tar- syrian elite and of the importance of textile produc- gum 3. Ramat-Gan 2002. tion for court life in Nineveh seems in any case to DJPA = M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Byzantine Period. Dictionaries of Tal- have reached the Classical world. This may be recog- mud, Midrash and Targum 2. Ramat-Gan 2002 (Sec- nised, for instance, in Diodorus’ disparaging depiction ond edition). 626. See Joannès 2014, 459. 627. See Joannès 2014, 460. 628. See Villard 2010; Postgate 2001; Postgate 2014. 629. Diodorus of Sicily, Library of History, II.23, 1. The Greek author also mentions the rich wardrobe of this king, see ibidem II.27, 2. 3. The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Context   87 DNWSI = J. Hoftijzer & K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the BC), Part 2. The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-As- North-West Semitic Inscriptions, I-II. Handbuch der syrian Period 3/2. Winona Lake 2014. Orientalistik 21. Leiden 1995. RINAP 4 = E. Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esar- KAJ = E. Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur juristischen haddon, King of Assyria (680-669 BC). The Royal Inhalts. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 4. Winona Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 50. Leipzig 1927. Lake 2011. KAN 1 =L. Jakob-Rost & F. M. Fales, Neuassyrische SAA = State Archives of Assyria, 1-19. Helsinki 1987-. Rechtsurkunden, I. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentli- StAT 1 = K. Radner, Ein neuassyrisches Privatarchiv der chungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 94. Ber- Tempelgoldschmiede von Assur. Studien zu den As- lin 1996. sur-Texten 1. Saarbrücken 1999. KAN 2 = L. Jakob-Rost, K. Radner, & V. Donbaz, Neuas- StAT 2 = V. Donbaz & S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Legal syrische Rechtsurkunden, II. Wissenschaftliche Ver- Texts in Istanbul. Studien zu den Assur-Texten 2. öffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft Saarbrücken 2001. 98. Saarbrücken 2000. StAT 3 = B. Faist, Alltagstexte aus neuassyrischen Archi- KAR = E. Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiösen ven und Bibliotheken der Stadt Assur. Studien zu den Inhalts, I-II. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen Assur-Texten 3. Wiesbaden 2007. der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 28/34. Leipzig StAT 5 = D. Prechel & H. Freydank, Urkunden der könig- 1919/22. lichen Palastverwalter vom Ende des 2. Jt. v. Chr. KAV = O. Schroeder, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschie- Das „Archiv“ Assur 21101 (M7 F). Studien zu den denen Inhalts. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen Assur-Texten 5. Wiesbaden 2014. der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 35. Leipzig 1920. TCAE= J. N. Postgate, Taxation and Conscription in the LAS = S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Assyrian Empire. Studia Pohl: Series Maior 3. Roma Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Part I: Texts. 1974. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 5/1. Neukirchen- TH = J. Friedrich et al., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf. Vluyn 1970. Keilschrifttexte und aramäische Urkunden aus ei- LS = K. Brockelmann, Lexicon syriacum. Halle 1928. ner assyrischen Provinzhauptstadts. Archiv für Ori- MARV = H. Freydank et al., Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkun- entforschung, Beiheft 6. Berlin 1940 (Reprint 1967). den und Verwaltungstexte, I-X. Berlin/Saarbrücken/ VAT = siglum of the texts in the collections of the Vorder- Saarwellingen/Wiesbaden 1976-2011. asiatisches Museum in Berlin. NATAPA 1 = F. M. Fales & L. Jakob-Rost, Neo-Assyrian ZTT I = siglum of the texts nos. 1-28 from Ziyaret Tepe Texts from Assur. Private Archives in the Vorderasi- (Tušhan), for which see Parpola 2008. atisches Museum of Berlin, Part I, State Archives of ZTT II = siglum of the texts nos. 29-36 from Ziyaret Tepe Assyria Bulletin 5 (1991). (Tušhan), for which see MacGinnis & Willis Mon- NATAPA 2 = K. Deller, F. M. Fales & L. Jakob-Rost, Neo- roe 2013-2014. Assyrian Texts from Assur. Private Archives in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin, Part II, State Bibliography Archives of Assyria Bulletin 9 (1995). ND = siglum of the texts from Nimrud (Kalhu). Abraham, K. & M. Sokoloff (2011) Aramaic Loanwords PNA 1/II = K. Radner (ed.), The Prosopography of the in Akkadian – A Reassessment of the Proposal, Archiv Neo-Assyrian Empire, Volume 1, Part II: B-G, Hel- für Orientforschung 52, 22-76. sinki 1999. Albenda, P. (2005) Ornamental Wall Painting in the Art PVA = B. Landsberger & O. R. Gurney, The Practical Vo- of the Assyrian Empire. Cuneiform Monographs 28. cabulary of Assur, Archiv für Orientforschung 18 Leiden-Boston. (1957-58), 328-341. Andersson Strand, E. (2010) The Basic of Textile Tools RINAP 1 = H. Tadmor & Sh. Yamada, The Royal Inscrip- and Textile Technology: From Fibre to Fabric. In C. tions of Tiglath-pileser III (744-727 BC) and Shal- Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies maneser V (726-722 BC), Kings of Assyria. The in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 1. Third to the First Millennia BC, 10-22. Ancient Tex- Winona Lake 2011. tiles Series 8. Oxford. RINAP 3/2 = A. K. Grayson & J. R. Novotny, The Royal In- Andersson Strand, E. (2015) The Basic of Textile Tools scriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704-681 and Textile Technology – From Fibre to Fabric. In 88   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Andersson Strand, E. & M.-L. Nosch (eds.) Tools, Tex- 2002, 105-118. London. tiles and Contexts. Textile Production in the Aegean Crowfoot, E. (1995) Textiles from Recent Excavations at and Eastern Mediterranean Bronze Age, 40-60. Ancient Nimrud, Iraq 57, 113-118. Textiles Series 21. Oxford-Philadelphia. Curtis, J. & A. Green (1997) Excavations at Khirbet Kha- Barber, E. J. W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles. The Develop- tuniyeh. Saddam Dam Report 11. London. ment of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Dalley, S. (1980) Old Babylonian Dowries, Iraq 42, Special Reference to the Aegean. Princeton-Oxford 53-74. (Third printing of 1940 edition). Del Olmo Lete, G. & J. Sanmartín (1996) Diccionario de Barnett, R. D. (1976) Sculptures from the North Palace of la lengua ugarítica, I-II. Aula Orientalis Supplementa Ashurbanipal at Nineveh (668-627 BC). London. 7. Sabadell-Barcelona. Beaugeard, A.-C. (2010) Les textiles du Moyen-Euphrate Dietrich, M. (2003) The Babylonian Correspondence of à l’époque paléo-babylonienne d’après un ouvrage re- Sargon and Sennacherib. State Archives of Assyria 17. cent. In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Termi- Helsinki. nologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean Diodorus of Sicily Library of History, Book II, trans. C. H. from the Third to the First Millennia BC, 283-289. An- Oldfather, vol. I. Cambridge 1946. cient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. Donbaz, V. (1991) The Date of the Eponym Nabû-bēla- Beaulieu, P.-A. (1989) Textes administratifs inédits uṣur. 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(1952) Parfümrezepte und kultische Texte aus cavations at Tell Ahmar. In S. Parpola & R. M. Whiting Assur. Roma. (eds.), Assyria 1995. Proceedings of the 10th Anniver- Ellis, R. S. (1976) Mesopotamian Crafts in Modern and sary of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 17-28. Ancient Times: Ancient Near Eastern Weaving, Amer- Helsinki. ican Journal of Archaeology 80, 76-77. Bunnens, G. (2012) Sealing Practices at Neo-Assyrian Til Faist, B. (2001) Der Fernhandel des assyrischen Reiches Barsip: Cylinders – Stamps – Sissiktu – Seal Box. In T. zwischen dem 14. und 11 Jh. v. Chr. Alter Orient und Boiy et al. (eds.), The Ancient Near East, A Life! Fest- Altes Testament 265. Münster. schrift Karel Van Lerberghe, 75-89. Orientalia Lovani- Faist, B. (2007) Alltagstexte aus neuassyrischen Archiven ensia Analecta 220. Leuven. und Bibliotheken der Stadt Assur. Studien zu den As- Cancik-Kirschbaum, E. (1999) lúsāpi’u/sēpû. Eine akka- sur-Texten 3. 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(1980) Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der Luukko, M. & G. Van Buylaere (2002) The Political Cor- altbabylonischen Zeit. Répertoire Géographique des respondence of Esarhaddon. State Archives of Assyria Textes Cunéiformes 3. Wiesbaden. 16. Helsinki. Guralnick, E. (2004) Neo-Assyrian Patterned Fabrics, Iraq MacGinnis, J. & M. Willis Monroe (2013-2014) Recent 66, 221-232. Texts from Ziyaret Tepe, State Archives of Assyria Bul- Hallo, W. W. & K. L. Younger (eds.) (2000) The Context letin 20, 47-56. of Scripture, vol. II: Monumental Inscriptions from the Mankowski, S. J. (2000) Akkadian Loanwords in Bibli- Biblical World. Leiden-Boston-Köln. cal Hebrew. Harvard Semitic Studies 47. Winona Lake. Hämeen-Anttila, J. (2000) A Sketch of Neo-Assyrian Gram- Menzel, B. (1981) Assyrische Tempel, I-II. Studia Pohl: Se- mar. State Archives of Assyria Studies 13. Helsinki. ries Maior 10. Roma. Hecker, K. et al. (1998) Kappadokische Keilschrifttafeln Michel, C. & K. R. Veenhof (2010) The Textiles Traded aus den Sammlungen der Karlsuniversität Prag. Praha. by the Assyrians in Anatolia (19th-18th Centuries BC). Herodotus Historiae, Books I-II, transl. A. D. Godley. Lon- In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminolo- don 1920 (Reprint 1999). gies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from Herodotus Historiae, Books V-VII, transl. A. D. Godley. the Third to the First Millennia BC, 210-271. Ancient London 1922 (Reprint 1998). Textiles Series 8. Oxford. Ismail, B. Kh. & J. N. Postgate (2008) A Middle Assyr- Müller, K. F. (1937) Das assyrische Ritual, Teil I: Texte ian Flock-Master’s Archive from Tell Ali, Iraq 70, zum assyrischen Königsritual. Mitteilungen der Vor- 147-178. derasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 41/3. Leipzig. Jakob, S. (2003) Mittelassyrische Verwaltung und Sozial- Muscarella, O. W., A. Caubet & F. Tallon (1992) Achaeme- struktur. Cuneiform Monographs 23. Leiden-Boston. nid Brick Decoration. In P. O. Harper, J. Aruz & F. Tal- Jastrow, M. (1950) Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud lon (eds.), The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near East- Babli, Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature. London- ern Treasures in the Louvre, 215-241. New York. New York. Parpola, S. (1987) The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part Joannès, F. (2010) Textile Terminology in the Neo-Bab- I: Letters from Assyria and the West. State Archives of ylonian Documentation. In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch Assyria 1. Helsinki. (eds.), Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East Parpola, S. (2008) Cuneiform Texts from Ziyaret Tepe and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millen- (Tušhan), 2002-2003, State Archives of Assyria Bul- nia BC, 401-408. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. letin 17, 1-113. Joannès, F. (2014) Fabrics and Clothes from Mesopotamia Pasquali, J. (2010) Les noms sémitiques des tissus dans les During the Achaemenid and Seleucid Periods: The Tex- textes d’Ebla. In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Tex- tual References. In C. Breniquet & C. Michel (eds.), tile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Med- Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Ae- iterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC, gean. From the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to In- 173-185. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. stitutional Textile Industry, 452-463. Ancient Textiles Peyronel, L. (2004) Gli strumenti di tessitura dall’Età del Series 17. Oxford-Philadelphia. Bronzo all’Epoca persiana. Materiali e studi archeolo- Kaufman, S. A. (1974) The Akkadian Influences on Ara- gici di Ebla 4. Roma. maic. Assyriological Studies 19. Chicago. Porten, B. & A. Yardeni (1986) Textbook of Aramaic Doc- Kwasman, Th. (2009) A Neo-Assyrian Royal Funerary uments from Ancient Egypt. Winona Lake. Text. In M. Luukko, S. Svärd, & R. Mattila (eds.), Of Postgate, J. N. (1973) The Governor’s Palace Archive. Cu- God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars. Neo-Assyrian and neiform Texts from Nimrud 2. London. Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola, 111-125. Postgate, J. N. (1979) Assyrian Documents in the Musée Studia Orientalia 106. Helsinki. d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva, Assur 2/iv, 1-15. Layard, A. H. (1849-53) The Monuments of Nineveh, I-II. Postgate, J. N. (1988) The Archive of Urad-Šerūa and His London. Family. A Middle Assyrian Household in Government 90   Salvatore Gaspa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Service. Corpus Medio Assiro 1. Roma. Dietrich, 581-594. Alter Orient und Altes Testament Postgate, J. N. (2000) Assyrian Felt. In P. Negri Scafa & 281. Münster. P. Gentili (eds.), Donum natalicium: Studi in onore di Roth, M. (1989) Babylonian Marriage Agreements 7th-3rd Claudio Saporetti in occasione del suo 60° comple- Centuries BC. Alter Orients und Altes Testament 222. anno, 213-217. Roma. Neukirchen-Vluyn. Postgate, J. N. (2001) Assyrian Uniforms. In W. H. van Roth, M. (1989-90) The Material Composition of the Neo- Soldt et al. (eds.), Veenhof Anniversary Volume. 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(2009) A Syriac Lexicon. A Translation sur Tablets, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 13, 1-16. from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Up- Quillien, L. (2013) Túg-LUM-LUM = túg-guz-guz; a new date of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum. Winona interpretation of the ‘guzguzu’ garment in first millen- Lake-Piscataway. nium BC Mesopotamia, Nouvelles assyriologiques Staubli, Th. (2012) Kleider in biblischer Zeit. Freiburg. brèves et utilitaires 2013/2014, 21-25. Vallat, F. (1993) Les noms géographiques des sources suso- Quillien, L. (2014) Flax and Linen in the First Millennium élamites. Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéi- BC Babylonia: The Origins, Craft Industry and Uses formes 11. Wiesbaden. of a Remarkable Textile. In M. Harlow, C. Michel, & Villard, P. (2010) Les textiles néo-assyriens et leur M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Prehistoric, Ancient Near East- couleurs. In C. Michel & M.-L. 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Studies Presented to Frederick Mario Watson, W. G. E. (2007) Lexical Studies in Ugaritic. Fales on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, 699-717. Sabadell-Barcelona. Leipziger Altorientalische Studien 2. Wiesbaden. Wegner, I. (2000) Hurritisch: Eine Einführung. Wiesbaden. Reynolds, F. (2003) The Babylonian Correspondence of Weidner, E. F. (1954-56) Hof- und Harems-Erlasse assyri- Esarhaddon and Letters to Assurbanipal and Sîn-šarru- scher Könige aus den 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Archiv für iškun from Northern and Central Babylonia. State Ar- Orientforschung 17, 257-293. chives of Assyria 18. Helsinki. Zadok, R. (1985) Geographical Names According to New- Röllig, W. (2002) Aus der Kleiderkammer einer mittelas- and Late-Babylonian Texts. Répertoire Géographique syrischen Palastverwaltung mašhuru-Kleider. In O. des Textes Cunéiformes 8. Wiesbaden. Loretz, K. A. Metzler & H. Schaudig (eds.), Ex Me- Zawadzki, S. (2013) Garments of the Gods, vol. 2: Texts. sopotamia et Syria Lux. Festschrift für Manfried Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 260. Fribourg-Göttingen. 4 Tools and Crafts, the Terminology of Textile Manufacturing in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia Louise Quillien W hat did sheep shears in the 1st millennium changes in the textile craft that are visible through an BC Babylonia look like? We are not sure. analysis of the vocabulary. Many cuneiform texts were written about Textile tools were objects of everyday life, they textile work in Babylonia, but it was largely about were handled manually to transform the raw materials administration or accounting. There were hardly any into finished woven products. They included all the descriptions of the actual tools and processes. In this implements used at different stages of fibre prepara- article we go back over the words, the iconography, tion, spinning, and weaving, as well as dyeing, wash- and the archaeology in an attempt to find these miss- ing, decorating and the repair of fabrics. An approach ing descriptions. This study is limited to Babylonia that combines the study of vocabulary of tools with during the 1st millennium BC, and this period cor- the study of action verbs related to textile manufactur- respond to a state of the Akkadian language, called ing can bring information about the techniques known Neo-Babylonian. At these times, major evolution took in 1st millennium BC. place. Mesopotamia entered in the Iron Age at the In Babylonia, during the 1st millennium BC, the end of the 2nd millennium BC. Empires were built textile craft was well-developed. Textiles were widely (Neo-Assyrian 911-610 BC, Neo-Babylonian 610-539 used in transportation, in home furnishing as well as BC BC, Achaemenid 539-330 and Hellenistic 330-64 for clothing. Common domestic production and lux- BC). Most of the cuneiform documentation of that ury production both existed with the former being period discovered by the archaeological excavations much less documented than the latter. Luxury pro- is dated from the “long 6th century BC”.2 At these duction was organized by the temples, and probably times, Babylonia enjoyed an economic growth, long- also by the palaces.4 Wool was the most commonly distance trade developed, and the temples has an im- used raw material.5 Flax was rare but present, and portant economic weight.3 All these factors induce cotton appeared at these times in Babylonia.6 Special 1. I deeply thank Elizabeth Payne and Michael Jursa for sharing with me transliterations of unpublished texts from the Yale Babylo- nian Collection, and Walter Farber for providing permission to reproduce the image of the amulets of the Lamaštu. I also warmly thank Marie-Louise Nosch, Cécile Michel, Salvatore Gaspa, Ariel Rosenblum and Arch Naylor for their help in improving my pa- per. Responsibility for any errors lies with me. 2. Jursa 2010, 7. A synthesis of the Neo-Babylonian cuneiform documentation can be found in Jursa 2005. 3. See Jursa 2010 for the evolution of the economy of Mesopotamia in 1st millennium BC. 4. About the use of textiles in the temples during the Neo-Babylonian period see Zawadzki 2006 and 2013; Beaulieu 2003. The Neo- Babylonian and Achaemenid textile production in the palaces is poorly documented, but if we compare with the situation in Mari or in the Neo-Assyrian period, one can hypothesis that the Babylonian palaces were important centres of a luxury textile production. 5. The volume of Breniquet & Michel 2014 has demonstrated the importance of wool in Mesopotamia’s economy since the 4th mil- lennium BC. 6. About flax, see Quillien 2014 and about cotton, see Zawadzki 2006, 25-29 and Muthukumaran 2016, 98-105. 91 92   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) products like Egyptian flax, purple wool or special specific tasks (to spin, to weave, to decorate, to dye, dyes, especially destined for luxury production, were to wash, to repair) and finished products delivered to imported through long distance trade.7 Manufactur- the temples by craftsmen. These texts were written by ing techniques were complex: the luxury textiles were temple scribes to control the quality and quantity of adorned with metal appliqué, tassels, and embroi- textiles made by the craftsmen and to managed their dery.8 The vocabulary of tools and action verbs deal- work.11 However, these texts do not describe specif- ing with textile production gives some information ics of workers tasks, and most of the time craftsmen about the different tasks accomplished by the textile used their own tools. What was common was not craftsmen, and about the techniques they mastered. written down, for instance the clay tools like loom Important works about textile tools in Mesopota- weights were not recorded in the texts. Therefore, mia include the book by Catherine Breniquet Essai with the exception of some metal objects, the descrip- sur le tissage en Mesopotamie and the articles by Eva tive vocabulary of textile tools themselves remains Andersson Strand, Agnete Wisti Lassen, and Caroline scarce throughout these cuneiform tablets. The ac- Sauvage.9 Using the context of these previous works tion verbs of textile work are more frequent because supported by the Neo-Babylonian documentation, the texts sometimes mention which task has to be per- question is how studying tool terminology and action formed by the craftsmen with the material given to verbs can improve our understanding of the function them. These verbs reveal some of the stages of the of the textile production in 1st-millennium BC Meso- chaîne opératoire and show the specialisation of the potamia. Does textile terminology reveal evolutions craftsmen in one or several tasks. This temple admin- at this late period of Mesopotamian history? istrative documentation is complemented by some rit- ual texts and lexical lists where the terminology of The sources textile tools is mentioned. Private archives of rich ur- ban families sometimes mention textile work, for in- The cuneiform sources from Babylonia dealing with stance in letters. They come from a greater number of textiles and dated from the 1st millennium BC mostly cities: Uruk, Sippar, Babylon, Ur, Nippur, Borsippa. comes from the temples of Uruk and Sippar. They are Although the textual records are the primary sources administrative documents, written by scribes whose that elucidate the meaning of this vocabulary, some- purpose was to organize and control the production of times it is possible to compare these terms with the the textiles made especially for the clothing of gods’ iconographical representations and with the archae- statues and for the cult. In the temples, the garments ological remains. of deities were regularly renewed, and the statues’ at- tires were changed several times a year during cere- From fibre to thread monies called lubuštu (dressing).10 This regular need for clean or new items was an important factor for The collection of the fibres the growing production of luxury textiles in the Neo- Babylonian temples. Cuneiform texts do not describe the processes of pre- The texts from Babylonian temple archives deal- paring fibres for spinning. Indeed, these steps were ing with textile production mostly date to the “long very commonly performed and there was no need to 6th century BC”. They record materials given to put them down in writing. Only shearing is well doc- craftsmen by the temple’s administration to perform umented in texts dealing with the managing of the 7. Graslin 2009, Quillien 2015. 8. These different techniques can be seen, for the Neo-Assyrian period, on the palaces’ bas-reliefs and the paintings. We will see that they were also known by Neo-Babylonian craftsmen. 9. Breniquet 2008; Andersson 2010; Wisti Lassen 2010; Sauvage 2015. 10. About the lubuštu ceremony and the garments of the gods see Matsushima 1994 and 1998, Beaulieu 2003, Zawadzki 2006. 11. Zawadzki 2006 explains in detail this organization for the temple of Sippar. 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   93 temples’ large flocks.12 The tool used for shearing is the tools after the completion of their tasks, proba- named sirpu in Akkadian. The Chicago Assyrian Dic- bly at the end of the season.17 Sometimes, the Ebab- tionary (CAD) translates it as ‘shears, scissors’.13 We bar temple of Sippar did not have enough sirpu and do not know if this tool had one or two blades. The had to borrow equipment from its dependant sanctu- date of appearance of shears with two blades linked aries, for instance from the Bēl-ṣarbi temple at Bāṣ.18 together in a U-shape in Mesopotamia is not clear.14 The sirpu are also found in private archives, with- If it were a tool with one blade only, the translation out indication of their use within a household. How- ‘knife’ would be more appropriate. The following text ever, the terminology is ambiguous because the sirpu from the Ebabbar temple of Sippar in the Neo-Baby- were also used by carpenters.19 The sirpu found in the lonian period describes iron shears as weighing up to three texts Nbn 258, Camb 330 and Camb 331 which 163 grams, and made by a blacksmith. contain inventories of houses where beer was brewed.20 It is interesting that the word sirpu seems to ap- “{1/2?} talent 8 minas of iron had been pears in cuneiform documentation during the 1 st given to Sūqaia, blacksmith, to make iron millennium BC. This “new entry” in the Akkadian scissors for the shearing. Of that amount, vocabulary of the 1st millennium BC supports the Sūqaia delivered to the Ebabbar 4 minas hypothesis that sheep were mostly sheared, and no 15 shekels, weight of 13 shears, (and) 15 longer plucked in this period.21 Indeed, the genetic shekels, weight of three iron sickles, a total evolution of the continuous growth of sheep hair oc- of 4.5 minas in full, month Dūzu, 18th day, curred around 1200 BC in Europe, whereas previ- 15th year, Nabonidus, king of Babylon.”15 ously, the sheep moulted there every year.22 If one supposes the same evolution in Mesopotamia, the As iron was an expensive metal, specific instructions shearing would be the most used technique at the end were given to the blacksmiths working for the temples of the 2nd millennium BC. Furthermore, one can sup- of Sippar to make the shears and then to entrust the pose that the development of iron technology in the tools to the shepherds or to professional shearers for end of the 2nd millennium BC results in the appear- the shearing season.16 The workers had to give back ance of new, more efficient tools, like iron shears. 12. About sheep breeding in 1st millennium BC Babylonia, see van Driel 1993 and Kozuh 2014; on the wool economy in Mesopota- mian society, see Breniquet & Michel 2014. 13. CAD S, 316; also AHw III, 1037, serpu, serapu ‘Schermesser’. 14. For instance, the comprehensive inventory of bronze tools in Mesopotamia compiled by Deshayes 1960 does not mention such scissors. Margueron 1995, 134 refers to the discovery of ‘scissors’ at Emar, a Syrian archaeological site of the 14th century BC, but he does not describe the object. According to Barber 1991, 29 the most ancient scissors were discovered in France (Iron Age), in Roman Egypt, and in Parthian Iran. According to Ryder 1993, 15, bronze knifes can also be used for the sheep shearing, even is there is no evidence of it in Mesopotamia. 15. Nbn 867: “(1) ˹1/2?˺ gú-un 8 ma-na an-bar šá a-na e-peš si-ra-pi an-bar šá gi-iz-zu a-na Isu-˹qa-a-a˺ lúsimug an-bar sì-nu ina lìb-bi 4 ma-na 15 gín ki-lá (5) 13 si-ra-pi 15 gín ki-lá 3-ta níg-gál-la-a-tu4 an-bar pap 4 ½ ma-na gam-ri Isu-qa-a-a a-na e-babbar-ra it- ta-din iti šu u4 18-kam mu 15-kam (10) Idnà-i lugal eki”. 16. The specialists of the shearing were called (GCCI 1, 93, GCCI 1, 139 and GCCI 1, 183). 17. In the texts Nbn 867, Nbn 960, CT 55, 252 the use of iron shears “for the shearing” is mentioned. In the last text, the temple give to a man 40 iron shears in the 3rd month of the year, beginning of the shearing season at Sippar. 18. CT 55, 252. 19. CT 55, 445. In this context the word probably meant ‘chisel’. 20. Nbn 258, a dowry text; Camb 330 and Camb 331, two inventories of a cabaret from the Egibi archive, edited by Joannès 1992. The sirpu might have been used during the process of beer preparation. The three texts indeed mention containers for the brewing. 21. Wisti-Lassen 2010, 276; Barber 1991, 29. 22. See Rast-Eicher 2012, 14-15. The data about this evolution are lacking for Middle East. 94   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) Evidence of this change in wool collection methods possible to identify some terms dealing with this work is supported by the textual sources. The verb ‘to shear’, in the Neo-Babylonian corpus.28 The Akkadian term gazāzu, becomes progressively very frequent in com- for the comb is mušṭu.29 The term mušṭu, in Akka- parison to the verb ‘to pluck’, baqāmu.23 Although the dian, is not mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian texts word gazāzu is attested from the 3rd millennium BC on- from the temples’ archive dealing with textile manu- wards, it was scarcely employed before the Nuzi pe- facturing, probably because it was a common object riod of the 15th–14th century BC, and the two methods of low value. But the word does appears in 1st millen- were both used at Ugarit in the 14th–13th century BC.24 nium rituals against the Lamaštu, a demon responsi- In the available 1st millennium documentation from ble for the death of new-born babies. To keep this evil Babylonia, the verb baqāmu (to pluck) is mentioned female creature away from the house, the ritual is- at least once, in the text CT 22, 214, a letter dated sues instructions that she must be given, among other to the Neo-Babylonian period, “sheep ša baqanu’ u things, objects associated with textile work and/or toi- guzzu”, “the sheep have been plucked and shorn.” 25 letry: comb, distaff, spindle, oil, pin, needle. As the word gazāzu ‘to shear’ is preferred in the ad- ministrative document, this letter shows that in eve- “You give her a comb, a d[is]taff/spindle?, ryday life, outside the institutions, the plucking may (and) a half-sūtu fla[sk] of oil” Lamaštu have still continued to be in use, and that maybe not Series I: 50.30 everybody had shears at their disposal. “Accept from the woodworker a comb, a In comparison to wool, the vocabulary for the col- distaff/spindle?, and a needle for your sew- lection and preparation of flax is not well attested in ing needs” The Incantation Thureau-Dan- cuneiform texts. However, we know of its existence gin RA 18, 163: rev. 21.31 in earlier periods.26 Archaeological excavations have shown tools such as sickles and combs used for the From this text the comb (mušṭu) seems to be re- preparation of flax fibres for spinning in Mesopotamia, lated to textile fibre preparation rather than to wom- but they are older than our present period of study.27 en’s toiletry. The oil can also be used for spinning, as well as for toiletry.32 The word for distaff/spin- The preparation of fibres for spinning dle will be discuss later. These objects are found to- gether in images of the Lamaštu presented below.33 All the steps of the preparation of wool for the spin- One also learns from the second text that these tools ning are not mentioned in the cuneiform texts. It is were made of wood, even the needles. The combing 23. The verb gazāzu is translated “to shear (sheep and goats)” according to CAD G, 59 and “scheren” according to the AHw II, 284. CAD B, 97 translates baqāmu (baqānu) as “to pluck”, and the AHw I, 104 “ausraufen, scheren”. The word is attested since the 3rd millennium BC. In Hebrew two different words are also used for shearing and plucking, and the verb for shearing, Hebrew gazaz has the same root as the Akkadian gazāzu, according to Delcor 1955, 384-385. 24. At Nuzi, Abrahami 2014, 286, at Ugarit Vita 2016, 139-147. They may have used bronze tools. 25. CT 22, 214: 16–18 “Idamar-utu-re-man-ni i-ta-mar-ru-šú-nu-ut šá ba-qa-nu-’u u ga-zu-˹’u˺”; “Marduk-rēmanni has inspected them (the sheep) which have been plucked or sheared”. Ebeling 1930 n°214. 26. See the Sumerian poem “The song of Utu to Inanna”, in Jacobsen 1987, 13-15. 27. Breniquet 2006, 167-173; Breniquet 2008, 103-107. 28. In the same way, Salvatore Gaspa has studied the Neo-Assyrian terminology of wool processing. See Gaspa 2013, 225–226. 29. The word mušṭu, equivalent of the Sumerian giš-ga-ríg and is translated, according to the CAD M/II, 290, ‘comb’. See also AHw III, 687, ‘Kamm’. 30. “mulṭâ pi[la]qqa šik[kat] šamni bitqu tanaddinši”, translation by Farber 2014, 150-151. 31. “muḫrī ša naggāri mulṭâ pilaqqa u kirissa sīmat qêki”, Translation by Farber 2014, 298-299. As for the comb, the needle kirissu can be related to textile work (needle) but also to toiletry (hair clasp, pin) according to CAD K, 407. But here the term is specifi- cally linked to spinning. 32. If the wool is dry one can add oil to make the fibres stick together during the spinning. (I thank Eva Andersson-Strand for this infor- mation). In the wool industry in 19th century Europe, the wool, before being carded or combed, and after being washed to remove impurities and fat, was soaked with some oil, to facilitate the spinning of a fine thread. See also Blanqui 1839, 159. 33. Götting 2009, 68-71. 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   95 of the wool is mentioned in cuneiform texts since the following translation for ḫalṣu: “(1) obtained by the Ur III period.34 In the 3rd millennium BC an ide- ḫalāṣu (said of oil, etc.) (2) pressed out (said of ses- ogram had the shape of a comb.35 Combs have been ame seeds) (3) combed (said of flax).”40 The linen found in the archaeological remains in Mesopo­tamia ḫalṣu is given by the temple administration to the but it is difficult to know the functions of these ob- linen weavers or bleachers to make fabrics.41 The jects and to identify which ones were employed for wool also can be ḫalṣi, even if this word is more textile work.36 rare.42 Another term, ḫilṣu appears once in a text from The verbs napāšu and mašādum, translated ‘to Sippar to qualify wool. Even though it is translated comb wool’ by the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, do “combed wool” by the CAD, it may refer, instead, to not appear in the Neo-Babylonian texts.37 It is not the ḫilṣu ceremony.43 clear if carding, being the action of homogenizing fi- The word pušikku is another term translated as bres by brushing them loosely, was known in Meso- “combed wool” by the CAD.44 It appears, for in- potamia, or if only combing was used. Carding sorts stance, in the following text: the long fibres from the short ones and makes the fi- bres lie parallel.38 The two techniques do not produce “Wool issued, 8 talents (for) the female the same quality of thread. weavers, for pušikku-wool, the month Abu, Several terms mean raw fibres at different stages 20th day, 7th year, king”, BRM 1, 7.45 of the preparation for spinning, in Neo-Babylonian. In the texts issued from temple archives, one finds But in another text where pušikku-wool is issued to the term ‘combed flax’ gada ḫalṣi.39 The CAD gives a high official, Mac Ewan proposes the translation 34. Waetzoldt 1972, 115-119. 35. The ideogram ZATU 719, in shape of a comb, refers to the combing of the wool according to Charvát 2014, 81. 36. Breniquet 2006. Breniquet 2014, 66. 37. CAD N/I, 291 “1. To comb and clean wool, to pluck apart”, AHw III, 737 napāšu II “(Wolle) auszupfen”. CAD M/I, 351 “3. to comb hair, to comb wool”, but AHw III, 623 “schlagen, walken”. 38. Barber 1991, 29 and 261-262 explains that carding appeared late in History, probably in Medieval times. But according to Grömer, tools for carding have been discovered in the Hallstatt salt mines and date from 300 BC (Grömer 2016, 69-73). A Neo-Assyrian text seems to refer to carding at first sight but probably deals with the airing of the wool instead. This text is the prophecy for the crown prince Aššurbanipal, SAA 9, 7 e.14-r.1-2: “Secondly, let me tell you: I will finish the land of Gomer like (I finished) Elam. … I will break the thorn, I will pluck the bramble into a tuft of wool, I will turn the wasps into a squash.” (“mur-din-nu a-na ni-ip-ši a-nap-pa-áš”). In the text quoted, the verb napāšu is used. It usually means the airing of the wool, before the combing, according to Michel, 2014, 239, and Michel 1998. Airing ‘opens’ the wool, removes the bulk of the impurities and facilitates the cleaning. The tool used is a murdinnu or amurdinnu, translated “bramble” by the authors of the CAD A II, 90. Maybe the image here is the removing of foreign bodies in the wool by airing it and plucking it apart, to make the wool smooth for the spinning. 39. gada halṣi: UCP 9/I 68, GCCI 2, 381, NBC 8350. 40. CAD H, 50; AHw II, 313: “ausgekämmt, ausgepresst”. The verb ḫalāṣu is translated as “(1) to press, squeeze out (2) to clean by combing,” but it is not attested for textile work in the 1st millennium BC, only for combing human hair, CAD H, 40; AHw II, 311 “auskämmen, auspressen”. 41. For instance, to make the linen curtain, according to the text UCP 9/I 68 from the Eanna archive of Uruk. 42. Zawadzki Garments II 546, “8 ma-na síg ḫal-ṣi” translated “8 minas of combed wool” by Stefan Zawadzki. 43. The term ḫilṣu is mentioned in the text Zawadzki Garments II 462: “10 gín sígza-gìn-[kur-ra] šá ḫi-il-ṣu”. Stefan Zawadzki translates this extract in the following way: “10 shekels of blue-pu[rple] wool for the ḫilṣu ceremony?” (Zawadzki 2013, 424). According to Bongenaar 1997, 267, the ḫilṣu is a kind of perfume or incense, or the ceremony when this perfume/incense is used. The CAD H, 187 translate ḫilṣu “A. a cleaning process performed on sesame seeds”, the only meaning attested for the 1st millennium BC and “C. combed wool”, in lexical lists where this term is linked to wool. The place named bīt ḫilṣi in the Neo-Babylonian temples of the Egišnugal at Ur, of the Eanna at Uruk and of the Esabad at Babylone are dedicated to the manufacturing of oils, ointments and other medicine. CAD H, 187-188, Joannès 2006. 44. CAD P, 541-542; AHw III, 883: “gekämmte Wolle”. This term appears also, once, in the Nuzi texts according to Abrahami 2014, 294 who choose the translation “combed wool”. 45. “(1) síghi-a zi-ga mu-ni 8 gú-un mí-uš-bar-meš a-na síg pu-sik-ki iti-ne u4-20-kam (5) mu 7-kam dnà-pap lugal”, BRM 1, 7. Reign of Nabû-nāṣir (747-734 BC). 96   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) “wool ration.”46 In a third text the pušikku-wool is If the ṣuppātu are strips of combed or carded wool, used in a ritual with other precious raw materials in- as the proximity of the word with the Aramaic ṣuppā cluding purple wool and red wool, two precious mate- (carded wool) suggests, they are not destined to the rials.47 One can deduce from these two last texts that it spinning but used directly for the manufacturing of was a high quality wool, probably carefully selected, pieces of clothing or decoration. They were deliv- by combing, or other process. ered by the craftsmen in important quantities (8.5 The word ṣuppu is translated “strip of carded kg in the text Bertin 1884) and sometimes with the wool,” in the CAD, thanks to linguistic arguments.48 išḫunnu which are woollen decorations.53 Neverthe- This translation is problematic, because the existence less, at Uruk the term ṣuppu was preceded by the of the carding at these times is not proved, and be- determinative gada and Paul-Alain Beaulieu pro- cause ṣuppu applies not only to wool, but also to flax. poses the meaning ‘braided curtain’.54 Indeed, the The word ṣuppu appears in several documents from text PTS 2492 mentions 2 ṣuppātu for the door of a the Neo-Babylonian temples’ archives,49 always in the cella, as if they were curtains and not a raw mate- plural form (ṣuppātu), which indicates that it is a kind rial.55 So the material and use of the ṣuppu/ṣuppātu of raw material rather than a fabric. The ṣuppu can be may have differed within Babylonia according to the counted or weighted whereas raw is just weighted.50 city considered. In the texts from the temples’ archive, ṣuppu are never given to craftsmen to spin thread, they are sometimes The spinning dyed or even used directly made into belts, as in the following text.51 As with fibre preparation, spinning is poorly docu- “Nine minas 25 shekels, weight of sashes mented in cuneiform documentation, even if it was — ṣiprīrtu (made) of skeins of combed a routine task for textile workers. However, at least fibres (ṣuppātu), had been delivered by one spinning tool is well attested in the cuneiform Rēhētu. The skeins of combed fibres texts dated from the 1st millennium Babylonia: the (ṣuppātu) on the account of Bunene- spindle. The word for spindle, pilakku or pilaqqu,56 is šimānni […] the month Simānu, 25th day, attested in Akkadian texts since the Old Babylonian 4th year, Cambyses king of Babylon, king period. In Antiquity, spindles were made of various of Lands”, Camb 235.52 materials including wood, stone, and bone.57 Assyrian 46. McEwan LB Tablets No. 48: 5 47. TuM 2-3, 250: 5-6 “sígga-rík-ak-a sígza-gìn síghé-me-da”, among plants and vessels for a ritual. 48. CAD Ṣ, 249 “ṣuppu C”, translation suggested by the Talmudic ṣuppā/ṣippā; AHw III, 1112 suppatu II: “Lage gekämmte Wolle”; according to Abraham & Sokoloff 2011, 51, Talmudic ṣuppā mean “hatchelled wool”, and is an Aramaic ghost word. They doubt that the word ṣuppatu was a loanword from Aramaic. On the influence of Aramaic on the textile terminology, see Joannès 2010, 4 and 8, Abraham & Sokoloff 2011. 49. Nbk 286; Camb 235; Nbn 731; YOS 3, 117; YOS 21, 139; CT 55, 792; Bertin 1884. 50. Counted: Nbk 286, CT 55, 792; weighted: Camb 235, Nbn 731, Bertin 1884. 51. Dyed: Camb 235. 52. “(1) 9 ma-na 1/3 5 gín ki-lá ṣi-pi-ri-e-tu4 šá ṣu-up-pa-a-tu4 I!ri-{he}-tú it-ta-din ṣu-up-pa-tu4 ina [muh-hi(?) …] (5) Idsaggár-ši- man-ni [……] iti sig4 u4 25-kam mu 4-kam Ikam-bu-zi-ia lugal eki lugal kur-kur” Camb 235. The ṣi-pi-ri-e-tu4 here probably does not mean ṣiprētu, “a dye” (CAD Ṣ, 204) but ṣipīrtu (plural form), “a sash woven or threaded in a special technique” (CAD Ṣ, 201). 53. The first meaning of the term isḫunn(at)u is, according to the CAD I-J, 190, isḫunnatu “cluster of grapes” and ishunnu ”bunch of grapes” and the AHw I, 387 is/šḫunnatu(m) “Weintraube”. The word can also mean a wool decoration, as the text Nbk 286: 1-5. attests: “14 ma-na dul-lu gam-ru ki-lá 10 sígis-ḫu-nu ù 3-ta sígṣu-up-pa-a-ta Idub-numun a-na é-babbar-ra it-ta-din”, “14 minas, complete work, weight of 10 isḫunnu and 3 ṣuppātu, Šapīk-zēri (a weaver of coloured clothes) delivered to the Ebabbar”. See also Bertin 1884. It may be trimmings in the form of bunches of grapes. 54. Beaulieu 2003, 387. 55. PTS 2491: 4 “2-ta gadaṣu-up-pa-a-ta a-na ká pa-pa-ḫu”, “2 braided curtains ṣuppātu for the gate of the inner cella”. Beaulieu 2003, 283. 56. Sumerian giš-bal, CAD P, 371-373; AHw III, 863: “Stilett, Spindel”. 57. Andersson-Strand 2010, 12. 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   97 texts indicate that they were in wood.58 Only one text from the Neo-Babylonian temple archives mentions this tool. These finds are rare in the documentation because the spindle was a very common object, and the temple archives listed primarily precious or rare materials, belonging to the temple, that the adminis- tration wanted to track. In the text CT 56, 454, silver was given by the temple’s administration to a crafts- man for making or buying a spindle, but the amount of money spent is lost in a break of the tablet.59 But most of the time the craftsmen probably used their own spindle, and it is possible that this text may refer to religious objects rather than to real tools. The word for spindle whorl, literally the head of the spindle qaqqad pilakki is not attested in the Neo- Babylonian texts. The distaff, a tool use in spinning to hold the unspun fibres, was not distinguished from the spindle in the vocabulary, according to the CAD, which occasionally translate pilakku by ‘distaff’.60 We know that spinning tasks were accomplished for the temples, because the craftsmen working for the sanctuaries received raw flax and wool and delivered threads and fabrics.61 But the verbs to spin, ṭamûm Fig. 1. Lamaštu amulet no. 14, Teheran, photo taken in and to ply, eṣēpum are not attested in the Neo-Babylo- 1982 by P. Calmeyer, 34x40 mm. (From Farber 2014, 5). nian documentation.62 The absence of this vocabulary does not mean that these words were not employed; rather it indicates the purpose of the cuneiform doc- Archaeological remains from the 1st millennium BC umentation, which did not aim to describe in detail provide an example of a distaff, made in onyx, a semi- the technical work of craftsmen. Outside the temples, precious stone, discovered in the palace of Babylon.63 many people were surely spinning at home, but the The spindle object is present in omen texts and ritu- domestic work was usually not recorded by writing. als linked to femininity, to assist delivery, to avoid The spindle has symbolic uses in Mesopotamia. the death of a new-born baby.64 Representations of 58. CT 54, 219: 5 “gišpi-laq-qa ta-na-áš-ši-i-ma”, “you are carrying a wooden spindle”, in a broken text. 59. CT 56, 454 rev. 8. “[...]˹gín˺ kù-babbar šá a-na pi-la-qu a-na Idutu-sig5-iq! sì-˹nu˺ [...] 40? 1/2 gín kù-babbar ina pi-la-ki”, “[...] shekels of silver that were given for a spindle, to Šamaš-udammiq [...] 40? 1/2 shekels of silver in the spindles?”, in a broken list of transactions from Sippar. 60. The CAD translates pilakku by distaff in the texts dealing with Lamaštu’s objects (examples quoted above), for instance CAD D, 170, col. 1, probably following the usual translations of these texts. But pilakku could mean the spindle in this context. Maybe the Akkadian word for the distaff is simply unknown to us. It is not necessary to use a distaff to spin. 61. For example, the administration gives to a team of craftsmen raw flax and asks in exchange thread and fabrics, Nbn 163; Nbn 164. 62. ṭamûm: CAD Ṭ, 45: “to spin, twist, braid, entwine”; AHw III, 1379: “gezwirnt”; eṣēpum: CAD E, 345: “to twine, to double, to mul- tiply”; AHw I, 252: “verdoppeln”. 63. This object was also identified as a sceptre. Völling 1998, 102-104, has shown the parallel with the shape the distaff. See also Sau- vage 2014. 64. Opp. Dream-book 332; SAA 10, 92; Lamaštu ritual, see Farber 2014. “The symbol of womanhood were the spindle and a specific pin (or thimble)”, according to Stol 1995, 124 quoting Sjöberg 1975, 224. In the hymn to the goddess Inanna edited by Sjöberg, the spindle and comb are part of the feminine paraphernalia “she may dress them in a clothing of a woman, she may place the speech of a woman in their mouth and give them a spindle and a hair clasp”. See also Cassin 1964, 293 for the meaning of the spindle in Mesopotamia and Baccelli et al. 2014, 117 about the spindle and femininity in Anatolia and neighbouring areas. 98   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) these tools can be found on the amulets against the thanks to the lexical list Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu, dated to the Lamaštu-demon, as mentioned above.65 In one icon- 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC.70 When one looks ographic representation, we can see a spindle, a comb for these terms in the Neo-Babylonian documentation and a third object in the form of a stick with double of the 1st millennium BC, only a few of them can be crochet, probably a distaff. identified. This is not only because the lexical list is Another term, suppinnu, is translated as “a tool for older, but also because this text records all the terms spinning.”66 But this word has several meanings, as it in the Sumerian and Akkadian literature, even rare oc- also describes a tool to make bricks. The Neo-Baby- currences. Many of the words in this list are not found lonian texts mentioning the suppinnu list others tools elsewhere. It does not reflect the real spoken or writ- related with the manufacture of bricks, agriculture and ten language71. Only two words of the lexical list re- woodworking. The use of this term in the textile man- lated to the loom appear in the Neo-Babylonian texts: ufacture is not attested in the Neo-Babylonian texts. nanšu and muṣabittu. The word nanšu, included as a Indeed, the word appears on lists of utensils that are part of the loom in the lexical lists, means a lever ac- not related to textile work.67 cording to the CAD.72 It comes from the verb našû, ‘to rise’.73 This word appears only in a list of utensils From thread to fabric for a ritual.74 We know that the nanšu was made in wood, because the word is preceded by the Sumerian The terminology of the loom determinative giš. If this word still meant a wooden part of the loom in the Neo-Babylonian texts, and The terminology of weaving tools is also obscure. according to its root, the verb ‘to rise’, we can pro- Several types of loom existed in the Ancient Near pose the hypothesis that it refers to the wooden beam East. The Mesopotamian people used the horizon- where the heddles are attached. The heddles are the tal loom, the warp weighted loom and the vertical set of parallel cords in a loom used to separate warp loom with two beams. They also wove with small belt threads and make a path for the shuttle. looms and tablet looms.68 These looms were made of The word muṣabittu is mentioned again as a part wood. An Akkadian fable make this point. In it the of the loom the lexical list, Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu.75 The tamarisk and the palm tree both claim to be weav- word muṣabittu or muṣabbittu is the participle of the ers, the former says: “I am a weaver and beat-up the verb ṣabāṭum, ‘to seize’ (in G-stem): “the one who threads.” and the later “I am superior to you in every envelop, knot, attach the threads” according to the craft (...) I am a weaver and beat-up the threads.”69 CAD.76 Following this definition, it might be the up- The Akkadian vocabulary for the loom is known per beam, where the warp threads were attached. The 65. About the Lamaštu Incantation see Farber 2014. About her iconography see Götting 2009. 66. Sumerian giš-ba or giš-ba-bal, CAD S, 392 “a tool used in brick-making and spinning”; AHw III, 1060: “ein Bau-Werkzeug”. 67. BIN 1, 173: 3 (among tools for the jeweller); YOS 6, 236: 8 (text concerning bricks); YOS 6, 146: 5 (in a list of tools); GCCI 2, 7: 4 (with a tool to make bricks). 68. Breniquet 2008, 133, presents all these looms with pictures. 69. Lambert 1960, 155-161. to ‘beat the thread’ is a metaphor for the weaving. 70. Hh V 298-320. This list is a long enumeration of Sumerian vocabulary with translations in Akkadian, organized by topic. 71. Cavigneaux,1980-83, 609-641. 72. Reference of the lexical list: Hh. V 314. According to the CAD N/I, 261, nanšu (Sumerian giš-íl-lá) means “lever (of a loom)”. For AHw III, 731 it is “ein Heber?”. 73. Wisti Lassen 2010, 278 has identified the word asû (CAD A/II, 347, asû B) as the upper beam of the loom, but it is not attested in the 1st millennium documentation, except in a Neo-Assyrian lexical list. 74. TuM 2-3 249: 6. 75. CAD M/II, 240 Sumerian “giš-nir-ra”, “(1) part of a loom (2) an implement” ; AHw III, 678 “ein ‘Fasser’ am Webstuhl”. Refer- ence of the Lexical list: Hh V 311. 76. CAD M/II, 240. 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   99 word muṣabittu is attested in two Neo-Babylonian Why loom terminology is not often found in the texts from Uruk’s archives.77 One, the text NCBT Neo-Babylonian texts? One has to suppose that the 616, lists several iron tools delivered to the temple looms were property of the craftsmen working for by a blacksmith.78 Among these tools are the iron the temples because they were not mentioned in the muṣabittu and the iron ṣiṣītu, which could be a part of texts listing the materials that the institution supplied the loom, maybe the heddle according to the CAD and to them. The horizontal loom, for instance, did not which means the loom itself according to the Ḫar-ra have many parts and could be disassembled easily. It = ḫubullu lexical list.79 The following objects listed in was made with ordinary materials (palm or tamarisk this text are an iron knife (quppû), an iron bowl (nal- wood). As a common object, the loom was not consid- pattu), and an iron needle (natkapu).80 These words ered significant either to be recorded in dowries texts, may be linked with weaving work, but iron is not typ- recording all the precious belongings brought by the ical for a loom. If these objects are destined to a ritual bride to the house of her husband. it would explain their unusual material. The text comes from Uruk temple archive. The tools listed in NCBT The verbs for the weaving 791 where the muṣabittu also appears are not related to textile work.81 It is possible that the meaning of the A verb ‘to weave’ in Neo-Babylonian Akkadian is terms recorded in the lexical lists Ḫar-ra = ḫubullu, mahāṣu.84 Its most common meaning is ‘to beat’. It dated from the 2nd millennium BC have changed in is not surprising that the verb for beating meant, by the 1st millennium texts from Babylonia. metonymy, the action of weaving because the main Another weaving word documented in Neo-Bab- gesture of the weaver is the beating of the threads to ylonian texts is not a tool but a part of the loom: the create a uniform fabric.85 This verb is present in texts šutû, ‘warp’.82 This word is well attested in Old Bab- dealing with the fabrication of domestic textile, like ylonian texts but has been found in only one docu- for instance, in the following text : ment of the 1st millennium BC Babylonia. Accord- “Arrabi will deliver yearly a gulēnu- ing to this tablet from Sippar, some quantities of red garment to Ṭābia. Ṭābia has given to him and green dyed wool were delivered to a craftsman, 5 minas of wool, for the weaving of a with 14 shekels (117 grams) of warp thread (šutû).83 gulēnu.” VS 5, 24: 14-17.86 The dyed threads were probably for the weft. It would suggest that the coloured patterns were made in the According to this text from Babylon, coming from the weft, as no colour is mentioned for the warp. But the Sîn-ilī private archive; Ṭābia rented his palm grove beginning of the text is obscure, so hypothesis needs for 10 years to his slave Arrabi, with the gardening further support. equipment. He also gives him wool. In exchange the 77. NCBT 616: 2; NCBT 791: 2. 78. This text is mentioned by courtesy of Elizabeth Payne. 79. CAD Ṣ, 214: “a part of the loom”, “probably the harness of the loom or simply the heddle”. AHw III, 1105: “Qaste, Troddel” 80. Quppû: CAD Q, 311, AHw III, 928: “Stilett, Messer”; nalpattu: CAD N/I, 202, AHw III, 724 meaning 2: “eine Schale, Tiegel”; and natkapu: hapax, see below. 81. This text is mentioned by courtesy of Elizabeth Payne. 82. CAD Š/III, 408, šutû A: “warp”, AHw III, 1293: “Gewebe”. 83. ZA 4, 145 n. 18: 1-5 “1/3? 2-me 60? sígta-bar-ru ù sígḫa-ṣa-áš-ti 14 gín šu-tu-ú ina igi Idu-gur-din-iṭ lúuš-<bar> bir-mu”, “... red wool and green wool, 14 shekels, the wrap, at the disposal of Nergal-uballiṭ, weaver of coloured clothes”. 84. CAD M/I, 71-84, meaning 3 “to weave”; AHw III, 580: “schlagen, weben”. 85. Cassin 1964, 974-975. 86. VS 5, 24: 14-17 “ina mu-an-nameš [túg]˹gu˺-le-e-ni Iar-rab-bi a-na Idu10-ga-iá [i]-nam-din 5 ma-na síghi-a a-na ma-ḫa-ṣu [túg]-gu-le-e-ni Idu -ga-iá id!-da-áš-šú”, Babylon, Nabonidus’ reign. Michigan Coll. 47: 1-3 also deals with the weaving of the gulēnu: a woman 10 is supposed to weave (ta-ma-aḫ-ṣu) one gulēnu yearly. The text NBC 6189: 6 mentions the verb maḫāṣu in the expression “ana ma-ḫa-aṣ qu”, litteraly “for the beating of the thread”. I thank M. Jursa his transliteration of this text. 100   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) slave own him a part of the harvest and a garment. could express the process of the vat dye, especially The verb šatû, which also means ‘to weave’, was used for dyes containing indigotine92. no longer used in the 1st millennium BC.87 The verb meaning the action of dyeing comes from the verb “to soak”, ṣabû.93 It is used in the Neo-Bab- Ornamentation and care of the garments ylonian texts in the form of the noun ṣīpu.94 It is of- ten mentioned in temple archives dealing with the tex- The dyeing tile industry. Materials were given to the craftsmen ana ṣapê “for dyeing”. These craftsmen were special- While the vocabulary of the loom and weaving is not ised in the work of coloured wool, including the dye- often used in written documentation dealing with tex- ing and the manufacturing of small coloured woollen tile fabrication, the terminology for the preparation of items. At Sippar, they were named “the weavers of garments (decoration, washing, etc.) is found more coloured wool,” išpar birmu.95 frequently. Garments and fabrics offered to the gods in order to dress their cultic statues were richly deco- The decoration rated with golden appliqués and coloured wool. The texts coming from 1st millennium BC temple archives According to the temple archive of Sippar and Uruk, and dealing with the manufacturing of garments for many cultic garments were decorated with coloured the gods’ statues indicate which materials were used wool. Techniques for embroidery, tapestry or carpet, for dyeing, but they rarely mention tools. Only the and tassels were known in Mesopotamia.96 The Neo- vocabulary for the containers for dyes is mentioned. Assyrian bas-reliefs show that royal garments were The word naṣraptu is translated “dyeing vat” by the decorated with tassels and with complex scenes, for CAD.88 But in some Neo-Babylonian texts, for in- instance of hunting or mythology, probably embroi- stance TCL 12, 84, the word means linen textile.89 The dered.97 A Babylonian ritual written in the Hellenis- cauldron used for dyeing the wool is named ruqqu in tic period, maybe a copy of an older text, describes the Neo-Babylonian texts.90 It appears only in the con- the garments of the king. They were adorned with text of the blue dyes, in the expression “ša pî ruqqi” complex embroideries depicting gods symbols or as- which mean (wool) from the cauldron. This expres- tral motives.98 The Babylonian craftsmen would have sion is only applied to blue and blue-purple dye.91 It used needles for these embroideries or for sewing the 87. šatû CAD Š/ II, 217 šatû B, “to weave, to spin, to entwine, interlace, to join battle”; AHw III, 1203 šatû III: “(Fäden) knüpfen”. 88. CAD N/II, 51, AHw III, 757: “Färbbottich”. 89. TCL 12, 84: 12–13 and 16 “11 ma-na 1/3 gín [síg]za-gìn-kur-ra a-di 2 gada˹na-aṣ˺-ra-pa-a-tú gu-˹ra˺-[bu]?” and “2 na-aṣ-ra-pa-a-tú šá sígza-gìn-kur-a” “11 minas 1/3 shekel of blue purple (wool) together with two linen naṣrapātu in a bag”; “Two naṣrapātu of blue purple wool”; Transcription Joannès 1999, 194. 90. CAD R, 416 “1. kettle, cauldron”; AHw III, 995 “(Metall-)Kessel, Schale”. 91. Purple wool out of the cauldron: PTS 3230, YOS 19 74 (Payne 2007, 132); blue wool out of the cauldron: NCBT 632 (Payne 2007, 128). See Payne 2007, 137 who quotes these texts and translates the expression “wool fresh from the cauldron”, and the parallel YBC 7436 (Beaulieu 2003, 361–362). 92. This process requires to soak the wool in hot alkaline water with the blue dye (for instance woad) in a closed vat. The blue dye then became soluble and fix into the wool. Then the wool is exposed to air and become blue by oxidation. 93. CAD Ṣ, 45. AHw III, 1104: “Durchfeuchtung, 3. Färbung” 94. CAD Ṣ, 205, AHw III, 1104 meaning 3: “Färbung”. 95. This profession also existed during the Neo-Assyrian period, according to Gaspa 2013, 232. 96. Several texts indicate that a same garment could be made of linen and wool at the same time. Usually, a big quantity of linen is used with a small quantity of coloured wool. For example, in the text GCCI 2 381, Amēl-Nanāia, a bleacher, receives 250 grams of purple wool and 2,7 kilograms of flax to made a šiddu-curtain. We can suppose that the fabric was in white linen and the deco- ration in coloured wool. 97. Lion forthcoming. 98. UVB 15 40, Falkenstein 1959, 40-41 and Joannès 2014, 447. The garments “embroidered” are said “šapû”. On this verb, see below. 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   101 golden attachés that adorned the god’s garments. The The verb kubbû or ḫubbû means “to patch, to sew” word ṣillû, meaning needle in the Old Babylonian pe- or “to burnish, to attach” according to the CAD.104 riod, seems to have changed its meaning in the 1st mil- In the text GCCI 2, 69 from Uruk, concerning the lennium.99 Indeed, according to the texts GCCI 1, 130 manufacturing of the god’s garments, one reads “172 and GCCI 1, 75 the ṣillû is an iron object weighing rosettes and tenšu-sequins have been taken off the more than one kilogram, too heavy for a sewing nee- muṣiptu-garment to be kubbû (written ḫubbû). Here dle. It refers to a tool for working wood.100 It is prob- this verb may also mean “polish, repair.”105 It refers able that the same word, ṣillû, was used for several to the sewing and repairs of the little golden dec- pointed objects, from small to large. orations sewn on the garments adorning the gods’ Lastly, the term natkapu is mentioned once in a statues.106 The verb may also have mean the sewing Neo-Babylonian text from Uruk, NCBT 616, and of simple textiles with no mention of golden deco- could mean an iron needle, because it comes from rations, as in the following text from Uruk temple the verb takāpu, “to pierce, to puncture, to stitch.”101 archive: The words dalû and katātu, which also mean needle, “One lubāru garment, one linen salḫu- are not attested in the 1st millennium documentation tunic, at the disposal of fHipaia for the from Babylonia.102 The action of sewing may have sewing.”107 Eames R 27: 1-3. been expressed by the two verbs: takāpu “to pierce” and rakāsum “to attach.” It is expressed in the Neo- The verb hatû also refers to the action of sew- Babylonian letter BIN 1 6: ing golden appliqués onto a garment according to the CAD, and appear in that sense in two Neo-Bab- “Tablet of Ṣillaia, to Kalbaia (?) his sis- ylonian texts.108 For the application of woollen dec- ter, may Bēl and Nabû ordain well-being orations, another verb is employed, šapû. It is trans- of my sister. Sew (and) seal a šabbatu- lated “to wrap, to fasten with laces, thongs” by the garment, (taken) in the clean garments. CAD.109 This word is employed in the texts in the Send it to me through the messenger of form of a substantive in the expression ana šapê. Ac- Nādin.”103 cording to the texts coming from temples’ archive of To understand more about the techniques of or- Uruk and Sippar, the verb means an action of apply- namenting textiles, one has to examine the verbs. ing small quantities of coloured wool on the garments 99. CAD Ṣ, 193-194 ṣillû A; AHw III, 1101-1102 ṣillû II, 3: “Nadel”. 100. The texts GCCI 1, 130, GCCI 1, 75 and GCCI 1, 187 give clues about the weight of the ṣillû. It weighs less than 1.25 kilograms. 101. CAD T, 68; AHw III, 1305: “durch Stiche punktieren, sticheln, tüpfeln”. NCBT 616 is a list of iron tools including several terms, which can be linked to textile work. 102. CAD D, 56 dalû A: “a spear or a needle”; CAD K, 304 katātu: “needle”. 103. BIN 1, 6 “(1) im Iṣil-la-a a-na míur-a nin-šú den u dnà šú-lum šá nin-iá liq-bu-ú (5) 1-et túgšab-bat bab-ba-ni-ti ina túgmu-ṣip-ti eb- bé-ti ti-˹ik-pi-i’˺ (10) ru-˹ku-us˺-i ku-nu˺-uk-i u ina ˹šuII lúa-kin˺me šá Ina-din šu-bi-la”, transliteration of Hackl, Jursa and Schmidl 2014, 351-352. Another edition is Ebeling 1930, K 6. 104. “To patch, to sew”, according to the CAD K, 482, and “to burnish” or “to attach” according to the CAD H, 213; AHw I, 497: “benäht”. 105. Furthermore, the term appears as an adjective in a text to praise the gods “a god whose glory was ḫubbû (radiant)” Hinke Kudurru I, 13. In the same way, a Neo-Assyrian document describes the bed of a deity in these terms: “the lower mattress with golden dec- orations (in form of) water ḫubbû (radiant)”; Streck Asb. 296: 22. 106. About these golden ornaments, see Gaspa 2014 for the Neo-Assyrian period, and Beaulieu 2003, 21-25 for the Neo-Babylonian period. 107. Eames R27: 1-3 “1 túglu-bar 1 gadasal-ḫu / a-na ku-ub-bi-i / ina igi mífḫi-pa-a”. 108. CAD Ḫ, 152 “hatû B: (1) to attach (gold ornaments)”, AHw II, 336 ḫatû I: “verziert”. The two texts mentioned in the CAD can also relates with the weighing of the golden appliquée (verb ḫâṭu) (GCCI 1, 59: 7-8 [ina] ugu ḫa-te-e [šá] a-a-ri u te-en-še-e” and VS 6, 1: 4 “a-na [ḫa]-ti šá a-a-ri šá da-a”. 109. CAD Š/I, 490 šapû B. 102   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) for the gods.110 The garments concerned are specified, For example, in CT 55, 814, 27 new linen fabrics the headbands lubār mēṭu and lubār kulūlu, and the are given to Šamaš-zēr-ušabši, the washer, for wash- kusītu dress. The latter was a feminine divine gar- ing.116 The linen fabrics were never dyed, they were ment adorned with coloured wool and qualified birmu bleached to further whiten them by the pūṣaia.117 (adorned with coloured woollen embroideries or trim- The tools used for washing and bleaching are not mings).111 For the verb šapû in this context, we can mentioned, but the texts do indicate which materials suggest the translation “to embroider” or “to decorate were needed. For instance, for the bleaching of linen, (with trimmings)”. involve intensive washing with soap made from a The verb nasāḫu in the context of textile work special oil and a soda, plus sunlight exposure. In the meant the action of removing a part of a garment.112 text BM 84054, the craftsman Bunene-šimanni re- At Sippar, we find the same formulae in several texts: ceived tamarisk wood, alkali (soda) and an oil plant “250 grams of blue-purple wool coming from the gar- for the washing of linen door curtains.118 The mix- ments of Šamaš, 100 grams of blue-purple wool com- ing of soda and oil gives soap, and the wood was ing from the garments of Bunene, from these gar- used as a fuel. ments (the wool) was removed.”113 It seems that what The garments were also often entrusted to the was removed was not the wool of the fabric, thread by menders mukabbû to be ‘repaired’, ana batqa.119 thread, but tassels or woollen braids, because their re- They received a small number of garments, usually moval does not destroy the garment lubāru on which less than a tens, and they can be new or worn120. In the wool was taken. a legal text, Bēl-ittannu, a linen weaver of the Ebab- bar temple of Sippar described his work. He declared The care of the garments before the temple’s authorities the disappearance of a linen fabric belonging to the god Šamaš while he The maintenance of the garments is well documented was working on it, in those terms: in temple archives dealing with the luxury textile “(Concerning) A threadbare linen fabric craft. Professional craftsmen called ašlāku, ‘washer- that was at my disposal for repair, I was men’, regularly washed the woollen and linen tex- tearing it in strips for making the bed- tiles.114 These craftsmen received tens of items of cover of Šarrat-Sippar’s bed, and there clothing for various deities at the same time, and were were no strips left”.121 in charge of the zikûtu, the cleaning of the garments.115 110. For instance: CT 44, 73:22 = Zawadzki Garments II, 67; BM 75567/9 = Zawadzki Garments II, 472; NCBT 988:3; NCBT 90:1; YOS 19, 275:5; VS 20, 15:12; PTS 2576:4; YOS 19, 218:3. 111. Zawadzki 2006, 117-118. 112. CAD N/II, 1-15; AHw III, “ausreissen”. 113. See Zawadzki Garments II, 293; 294; 295; 297; 299; 304; 307. 114. CAD A/II, 445-446: “washerman”; AHw I, 81: “Wäscher” About the textile craftsmen at Sippar see Zawadzki 2006, 50-86; Bon- genaar 1997, 300-353. For these artisans in Uruk, see Payne 2007. See also Waerzeggers, 2006, for a study of the profession of washerman in Neo-Babylonian cities. 115. CAD Z, 117 “meaning uncertain”, the dictionary suggest a hypothetic translation “cleaning work”, based on the verbal form iza- kku coming from zākû “to become clean, clear, light” (CAD Z 25). 116. CT 55, 814: 27-28 “[pap] 27 gada a-na zi-ku-tu / [a-na] Idutu-numun-gál-ši lútúg-babbar sì-in”. 117. CAD P, 538: “launderer”; AHw III, 883: “Weisswäscher”. For instance, in the text Nbn 492: 8 from Sippar, craftsmen were en- trusted with a linen fabric sūnu to bleach it “a-na pu-uṣ-ṣi-[e]”. 118. Zawadzki 2006, 62-63. 119. mukabbû: CAD M, 181 “clothes mender”; AHw III, 669: “Näher, Flickschneider”. 120. For instance Nbn 115, Nbn 507, Nbn 137. 121. CT 2, 2: 3-4 “1+en ki-tu-ú qa-al-pu / šá a-na bat-qa ina igi-ia a-na mu-še-zib šuII-meš šá giš-ná dgašan zimbirki ú-še-ra-ṭu 1+en ši- iš-ṭi ina lìb-bi ia-a-nu” (Joannès 1992, 182-183). 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   103 The verb used is šarātu, meaning here “to tear ADD = Johns, C. H. W. (1898-1923) Assyrian Deeds and into strips, to shred”.122 Perhaps the craftsman is us- Documents. Cambridge. ing these strips of linen fabrics to make the padding AfO = Archiv für Orientforschung of the coverlet. The tools of the menders are not de- AHw = von Soden, W. (1959-1981) Akkadisches Hand- scribed in the documentation. wörterbuch, I-III. Wiesbaden. AOAT = Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Conclusion ASJ = Acta Sumerologica. BAR = British Archaeological Reports Thanks to an analysis of the terminology, with the BBR = Zimmern, H. (1896-1901) Beiträge zur Kennt- help of iconography and archaeology, it is possible nis der babylonischen Religion, Beschwörungstafeln to find some of the techniques known by the Babylo- Surpu, Ritualtafeln für Wahrsager, Beschwörer und nian textile craftsmen in the first millennium BC. The Sänger. I-II. Assyriologische Bibliothek 12. Leipzig. study of the Akkadian vocabulary in the Neo-Babylo- Bertin = Bertin, G. (1883) Copies of Babylonian Terra- nian texts reveals evolutions. New words appeared in cotta dated Tablets, principally Contracts, seven vol- this period, like the term ṣuppu, as well as new tech- umes, unpublished, held by the Department of Western niques, such as the shearing of sheep with iron shears. Asiatic Antiquities in the British Museum. Another characteristic of textile making in Babylonia BIN I = Keiser, C. E. (1917) Babylonian Inscriptions in the during the 1st millennium BC is the growing speciali- Collection of J. B. Nies, New Haven. zation of craftsmen, at least in Neo-Babylonian tem- BM = Tablets in the British Museum. ples. The tasks of the craftsmen were not limited to BRM I = Babylonian Records in the Library of J. Pierpont the weaving of textiles. The importance of the deco- Morgan, New Haven 1917. ration of the garments, with coloured wool or golden CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chi- appliqués, is obvious in the luxury textile production cago. Chicago 1956-2010. of the temples. In the domestic context, visible in the Camb = Strassmaier, J. N. (1890) Inschriften von Cam­ private archive, the textiles were also, not only woven byses, König von Babylon (529-521), Babylonische but also sewn and prepared in specific ways. Textiles Texte Heft VIII-IX. Leipzig. were valuable goods and their care was important. CT 22 = Campbell Thompson, M. R. (1906) Cuneiform Even the precious textiles destined to the cult were Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, re-used and cleaned repeatedly. When the garments of Part XXII. London. the gods were worn, they were recycled in other tex- CT 44 = Pinches T. G. (1963) Cuneiform Texts from Bab- tiles like bed-covers. The study of tool terminology ylonian Tablets in the British Museum, 44, Miscella- and action verbs confirms that the textile industry of neous Texts. London. 1st millennium BC Babylonia had reached a high level CT 54 = Dietrich, M. (1979) Cuneiform Texts from Babylo- of specialization and technical knowledge, especially nian Tablets in the British Museum Part 54, Neo-Bab- in luxury production of the temples. ylonian Letters from The Kuyunjik Collection. London. CT 55, 56, 57 = Pinches, T. G. & Finkel, I. L. (1981) Neo- Babylonian and Achaemenid Economic Texts. Cunei- form Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Mu- Abbreviations seum, band LV, LVI and LVII. London. Eames R27 = Oppenheim, A. L. (1948) Catalogue of the cu- ABL = Harper, R. F. (1892-1914) Assyrian and Babylo- neiform tablets of the Wilberforce Eames Babylonian nian Letters. London-Chicago. collection in the New York Public Library. New York. ABRT = Craig, J. (1895-1897) Assyrian and Babylonian GCCI 1 = Dougherty, R. P. (1923) Goucher College Cunei- Religious Texts, I-II. Assyriologische Bibliothek 13. form Inscriptions, Archives from Erech, time of Nabu- Leipzig. chadrezzar and Nabonidus. New Heaven. 122. CAD Š/II, 59 “2. šurrutu to tear into strips, to shread”. 104   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) GCCI 2 = Dougherty, R. P. (1933) Goucher College Cu- UCP 9/1 and 2 = Lutz, H.F. (1927) Neo-Babylonian Ad- neiform Inscriptions, Archives from Erech, Neo Bab- ministrative Documents from Erech, I & II. Univer- ylonian and Persian periods. New Heaven. sity of California. Hh V = Landsberger, B (1957) Material for Sumerian Lex- VS = Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der (Königlichen) icon V. The Series HAR-ra hubullu. Rome. Museen zu Berlin. Hinke Kudurru = Hinke, W. J. (1911) Selected Babylonian YOS 6 = Dougerthy, R. P. (1920) Records from Erech, Kudurru Inscriptions. Leiden. time of Nabonidus. Yale Oriental Series VI, Babylo- ITT 5 = Inventaire des tablettes de Tello nian Texts. New Heaven-London. JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Brit- YOS 19 = Beaulieu, P.-A. (2000) Legal and administrative ain and Ireland. London. texts from the reign of Nabonidus. Yale Oriental Series XIX. New-Haven-London. McEwan LB = Mc Ewan, G. J. P. (1982) The Late Babylo- nian Tablets in the Royal Ontario Museum. Toronto. ZA = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie. MDOG = Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Zawadzki Garments II = Zawadzki, S. (2013) Garments of Michigan Coll. 47 = Moore, E. (1939) Neo-Babylonian the Gods. Texts. Band 2. OBO 260. Fribourg. Documents in the University of Michigan Collection. Michigan. NBC = Tablets in the Nies Babylonian Collection. Yale University. Bibliography Nbk = Strassmaier, J.N. (1889) Inschriften von Nabuchodo- nosor, König von Babylon (604-561 v. Chr). Babyloni- Abrahami, P. (2014) Wool in the Nuzi Texts. In C. Breni- sche Texte Band V-VI. Leipzig. quet & C. Michel, Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean, From the Beginnings of Sheep Nbn = Strassmaier, J.N. (1889) Inschriften von Naboni- Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry. 283-309. dus, König von Babylon (555-538). Babylonische Texte Ancient Textiles Series 17. Oxford. Band I-IV. Leipzig. Abraham, K. & Sokoloff, M. (2011) Aramaic Loanwords NCBT = Newell Collection of Babylonian Tablets. Yale in Akkadian – A Reassessment of the Proposals, AfO University. 52, 22-76. OBO = Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Andersson Strand, E. (2010) The Basics of Textile Tools Oppenheim Dream-book and Textile Technology – From Fibre to Fabric. In C. Oppenheim A. L. (1956), The Interpretation of Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies, Dreams in the Ancient Near East, with a Translation in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the of an Assyrian Dream Book. Philadelphia. Third to the First Millennia BC, 10-22. Ancient Tex- PIHANS = Publications de l’Institut historique-ar- tiles Series 8, Oxford. chéologique néerlandais de Stamboul. Baccelli, J., Bellucci, B. & Vigo, M. (2014) Elements for a Comparative Study of Textile Production and Use in PTS = Tablets in the Princeton Theological Seminary. Hittite Anatolia and in Neighbouring Areas. In M. Har- RA = Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale. low, C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Prehistoric, An- SAA = State Archives of Assyria. Vols. 1-19. Helsinki. cient Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An SAALT = State Archives of Assyria Literary Texts. Interdisciplinary Anthology, 96-142. Ancient Textiles Helsinki. Series 18. Oxford-Philadelphia. Barber, E. J. W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles, The Develop- Streck Asb. = Streck, M. (1916) Assurbanipal und die letz- ment of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with ten assyrischen Könige bis zum Untergange Niniveh’s. Special Reference to the Aegean. Princeton. Leipzig. Beaulieu, P.-A. (2003) The Pantheon of Uruk During the TCL 12 = Conteneau P. (1927) Contrats Néo-Babyloniens, Neo-Babylonian Period. Cuneiform Monographs 23. de Téglath Phalasar à Nabonide. Textes Cunéiformes Leiden-Boston. du Louvre XII. Paris. Blanqui, A.-J. M. (1839) Dictionnaire du Commerce et de TuM 2 = Krückmann, O. (1933) Neubabylonische Recht- l’Industrie, tome troisième. Brussels. und Verwaltungs-Texte. Leipzig. Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. (1997) The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar 4. Tools and Crafts in 1st-Millennium BC Babylonia   105 Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and its Prosopog- Consumption in the Ancient Near East, 224-247. An- raphy. PIHANS 80. Leiden. cient Textiles Series 12. Oxford. Breniquet, C. (2006) Ce lin, qui me le peignera ? Enquête Gaspa, S. (2014) Golden Decorations in Assyrian Tex- sur la fonction des peignes en os du Néolithique précé- tiles: An Interdisciplinary Approach. In M. Harlow, C. ramique levantin, Syria 83, 167-176.  Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.) Prehistoric, Ancient Near Breniquet, C. (2008) Essai sur le tissage en Mésopotamie, Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdisci- des premières communautés sédentaires au milieu du plinary Anthology, 227-244. Ancient Textiles Series 18. IIIème millénaire av. J.-C. Paris. Oxford-Philadelphia. Breniquet, C. (2014), The Archaeology of Wool in Early Götting, E. (2009 - unpublished) Ikonographie einer alto- Mesopotamia, Sources, Methods, Perspectives. In C. rientalischen Dämonin, Magisterarbeit, Freie Univer- Breniquet & C. Michel (eds.), Wool Economy in the An- sität Berlin. cient Near East and the Aegean, From the Beginnings of Graslin, L. (2009) Les échanges à longue distance en Mé- Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry, 52-78. sopotamie au Ier millénaire, une approche économique. Ancient Textiles Series 17. Oxford-Philadelphia. Orient et Méditerranée 5. Paris. Breniquet, C. & Michel, C. (eds.) (2014) Wool Economy Grömer, K. (2016) The Art of Prehistoric Textile Making in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean. From the Be- – The development of craft traditions and clothing in ginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile In- Central Europe. Vienna. dustry. Ancient Textiles Series 17. Oxford-Philadelphia. Hackl, J., Jursa, M. & Schmidl, M. (2014) Spätbabylo- Cassin, E. (1964) Tissage. In Dictionnaire archéologique nische Privatbriefe. AOAT 414/1, Late Babylonian Pri- des techniques II, 974-977. Paris. vate Letters, Band 1. Münster. Cavigneaux, A. Lexikalische Listen, Reallexikon der As- Jacobsen, Th. (1987) The Harps that Once, Sumerian Po- syriologie 6, 1980-1983, 609-641. etry in Translation. New Haven & London. Charvát, P. (2014) Lambs of the Gods. The Beginnings of Joannès, F. (1992) Les temples de Sippar et leurs trésors the Wool Economy in Proto-Cuneiform Texts. In C. à l’époque néo-babylonienne. In Revue d’Assyriologie Breniquet & C. Michel (eds.), Wool Economy in the An- 86, 159-184. cient Near East and the Aegean, From the Beginnings Joannès, F. (1992) Inventaire d’un cabaret, NABU 1992/64, of Sheep Husbandry to institutional Textile Industry, 48-50. 79-93. Ancient Textiles Series 17. Oxford-Philadelphia. Joannès, F. (1999) Structures et opérations commerciales Delcor, M. (1979) Quelques termes relatifs à l’élevage des en Babylonie à l’époque néo-babylonienne. In J. 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Vorläufiger Bericht über die Terminologies from the 3rd to the 1st Millennia BC in von dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut und der the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deut- Area. 400-408. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. schen Forschunsgemeinschaft unternommenen Aus- Joannès, F. (2014) Fabrics and Clothes from Mesopota- grabungen in Uruk-Warka, Winter 1956-1957. Berlin. mia during the Achaemenid and Seleucid Periods: The Farber, W. (2014) Lamaštu. An Edition of the Canonical Textual references. In C. Breniquet & C. Michel, Wool Series of Lamaštu Incantations and Rituals and Related Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean, Texts from the Second and First Millennia B.C. Win- From the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institu- ona Lake, Indiana. tional Textile Industry. 453-464. Ancient Textiles Se- Gaspa, S. (2013) Textile Production and Consumption in ries 17. Oxford. the Neo-Assyrian Empire. In M.-L. Nosch, H. Koefoed Jursa, M. (2005) Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administra- & E. Andersson Strand (eds.), Textile Production and tive Documents, Typology, Contents and Archives. 106   Louise Quillien in Textile Terminologies (2017) Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record 1. Quillien, L. (2014) Flax and linen in the First Millennium Münster. BC Babylonia: The Origins, Craft Industry and Uses Jursa, M. (2010) Aspects of the Economic History of Bab- of a Remarkable Textile. In M. Harlow, C. Michel & ylonia in the First Millennium BC, Economic Geog- M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Prehistoric, Ancient Near East- raphy, Economic Mentalities, Agriculture, the Use of ern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdiscipli- Money and the Problem of Economic Growth. AOAT nary Anthology, 271-296. Ancient Textiles Series 18. 337. Münster. Oxford-Philadelphia. Kozuh, M. G. (2014) The Sacrificial Economy: Assessors, Quillien, L. (2015) Le manteau pourpre de Nabuchodon- Contractors, and Thieves in the Management of Sacri- osor : circulations économiques de la laine de couleur ficial Sheep at the Eanna Temple of Uruk (ca. 625–520 pourpre en Mésopotamie au Ier millénaire av. J.-C., Hy- B.C.) Exploration in Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations pothèses 2014, 105-118. 2, Winona Lake-Indiana Rast-Eicher, A. & Bender Jorgensen, L. (2012) Sheep wool Lambert, W. (1960) Babylonian Wisdom Literature, in Bronze Age and Iron Age Europe. Journal of Archae- Oxford. ological Science 40, 1224-1241. Lion, B. (forthcoming) Les vêtements brodés du roi Ryder, M. L. (1993) Sheep and Goat Husbandry, with Par- d’Assyrie. Communication à la 4ème journée d’étude ticular Reference to Textile Fibre and Milk Production. du programme corps, gestes et vêtements, Les mani- Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture 7/1, 9-32. festations du Politique, Université de Caen, 3-4 octo- Sauvage, C. (2014) Spindles and Distaffs: Late Bronze and bre 2013. 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(2016) Les gzzm “tondeurs” à Ougarit. In V. Ma- Michel, C. (2014) Wool Trade in Upper Mesopotamia and toïan & M. Al-Maqdissi (eds), Études ougaritiques IV, Syria According to Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian Ras Shamra – Ougarit XXIV, 139-147. Leuven. Texts. In C. Breniquet & C. Michel (eds.), Wool Econ- Völling, E. (1998) Bemerkungen zu einem Onyxfund aus omy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean, From Babylon. MDOG 130, 197-221. the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Waetzoldt, H. (1972) Untersuchungen zur neusumerischen Textile Industry, 232-254. Ancient Textiles Series 17. Textilindustrie. Studi economici e tecnologici 1. Roma. Oxford-Philadelphia. Wisti Lassen, A. (2010) Tools, Procedures and Profes- Michel, C. & Nosch, M.-L. (eds.) (2010) Textile Terminol- sion: a review of the Akkadian textile terminology. In ogies from the 3rd to the 1st Millennia BC in the Ancient C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminolo- Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean Area. 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(Unpublished, provided by the author). 5 Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources 1 Luigi Malatacca T he investigation of textiles and clothes in an- Methodology cient Mesopotamia has been anything but neglected in Assyriological studies. For the Two essays in the book Textile Terminologies in the Neo- and Late Babylonian periods, in particular, Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third two fundamental monographs have shed light on the to the First Millennia BC (2010) focus on textiles and clothes worn by the deities worshiped in lower Mes- clothing in the Neo-Babylonian period.3 In his article, opotamia.2 Scholars, however, have focused almost Stefan Zawadzki investigates clothing in non-cultic exclusively on clothing in the cultic context. This is contexts. As a guideline for the study of non-cultic at- due to a prevalence of textual sources – mostly eco- tire, I list below the different types of documents sin- nomic or administrative documents – recording cloth- gled out by Zawadzki as being most likely to include ing items worn by divine images during festivals and references to clothing items not destined for the stat- rituals. Sources on the clothes worn by common peo- ues of gods.4 ple, instead, are close to non-existent. Still, we can- • dowries; not overlook the fact that Mesopotamian towns were • quittances for rations; crowded by people rather than by gods. These peo- • payments for wet nurses; ple were workers, slaves and soldiers, and each one • text concerning military uniforms; of them – man or woman – wore clothes in his or her • texts concerning workmen’s clothes. everyday life. The objective of the present paper is to examine the three main clothing items worn by com- My focus and Zawadzki’s, however, are differ- mon people, using textual sources of the Neo- and ent. Zawadzki, in his article, deals with clothing in Late Babylonian periods. These items were túg-kur- non-cultic contexts, whereas here I discuss clothing ra (a blanket of a sort used as garment), muṣiptu (a for common people. The non-divine clothing items generic garment), and šir’am (a jerkin). mentioned in text usually belong to the fine apparel 1. This essay is drawn from a poster I presented at the conference cycle Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe 1000 BC – AD 1000. I would like to thank Professors Stefan Zawadzki and Michael Jursa for their valuable advice and Professor Federico Poole for the English version of this article. 2. In his study of the pantheon of Uruk, Beaulieu 2003 discusses at length the clothing destined for the divine statues of the Eanna, the temple complex of the city. Zawadzki 2006, instead, focuses entirely on the apparel of the gods of the Ebabbar, the main tem- ple of the town of Sippar. 3. Joannès 2010; Zawadzki 2010. 4. Zawadzki 2010, 410. 107 108   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) of the privileged classes of Mesopotamian society. had the means to buy fine clothes, while this pos- These fall outside of the scope of the present study, sibility was denied to economically disadvantaged which concentrates exclusively on inexpensive cloth- persons. It even appears that the lower social classes ing items worn by the middle-low classes in Baby- were forbidden from wearing the garments worn by lon. But who exactly were these ‘common people’? the elites. Text Camb. 321 is especially illuminating in Neo- and Late Babylonian society was roughly di- this regard.7 In this legal document, Nabû-ēṭir, a rich vided into two classes. The first was that of the mār man of the Ēṭiru family, strikes the slave Madānu- banê, the free citizens, while the second gathered in- bēl-uṣur, reproaching him for wearing a ṣibtu dress.8 dividuals legally depending from the central admin- Other than this document, there is indeed no evidence istration (the temple or the palace) or in a condition of the ṣibtu dress being worn by slaves, workmen, or of slavery. The mār banê enjoyed full rights in front soldiers. It was often used, instead, in religious cere- of the law and could own one or more slaves. They monies,9 and there is also evidence of its secular use.10 included temple officials, merchants, bankers, crafts- Thus, starting from Zawadzki’s list of documents men, farmers, and also individuals living in poverty.5 to determine what garments the majority of the popu- The second class, instead, included both free individ- lation wore, we need to exclude both the fine, expen- uals deprived of civil rights, such as the ‘royal soldier’ sive clothes worn by the upper classes,11 which also (bēl qašti), the ‘partially free dependents’ (šušānū),6 appear in Neo- and Late Babylonian documents,12 and and totally unfree individuals such as the slaves (ardū the clothes worn by divine statues. We can thus nar- or qallū) or the servants of the temple (širkū). Ev- row down our examination to the three garments I idently, when we speak of common people we are will be looking at in detail in the following sections. mainly referring to people belonging to this second class, although we cannot overlook the mār banê túg-kur-ra class, insofar as it also included non-wealthy indi- viduals. To sum up, by ‘common people’ I mean here The túg-kur-ra is frequently mentioned in Neo- and all the members of Babylonian society, whether free Late Babylonian documents. Many scholars have or not, who did not hold prestigious positions, such dealt with this garment and the various questions con- as dependent workers (workmen, craftsmen, etc.), ap- cerning it.13 The main issue is the actual Akkadian prentices, or slaves. reading of the logograms túg-kur-ra.14 We owe one of The existence in Babylonian society of a clear-cut the first hypotheses about túg-kur-ra and its Akkadian distinction between higher and lower social classes equivalent to Dougherty.15 On the basis of the kur-ra can also be deduced from the diversity of the clothing = šadû equivalence, this scholar proposed translat- worn by the two classes. Obviously, a rich individual ing the word as ‘mountain garment.’16 A later reading 5. MacGinnis 1995, 5-6. 6. Stolper 1985, 78-82. 7. The text is collated, translated and commented in Wunsch & Magdalene 2012. 8. The name of the garment is written with the signs túgsal.ì.dab. For the Akkadian reading of these logograms as ṣibtu, see Wunsch & Magdalene 2012, 110. 9. Principally used to cover divine statues, the ṣibtu was also worn by priests during the lilissu-drum ritual; cf. text UVB 15, 40 and Çağirgan & Lambert 1991-1993, 93. 10. CAD Ṣ, 162b. 11. Some individuals belonging to the elites can be identified, especially thanks to the prosopographical studies of Kümmel 1979, Bon- genaar 1997, and Payne 2007. 12. Luxury garments include the gulēnu (Zawadzki 2010, 419), the guzguzu (Quillien 2013), and the suḫattu (Jursa 2006, 206-207). 13. Dougherty 1933 (= GC 2), Ungnad 1937, San Nicolò 1945, Oppenheim 1950, Ebeling 1953, Borger 1981, Bongeenar 1997, Janković 2008, Zawadzki 2010, Jursa 2010, Jursa 2014 (= CTMMA 4). 14. Most recently addressed by Zawadzki 2010, 413-414. 15. Dougherty 1933, 211. 16. Labat 1995, 167 no. 366. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   109 is found in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD), Jursa has recently proposed the Akkadian reading where kur-ra is regarded as syllabic rather than logo- kanzu for túg-kur-ra: graphic writing, and is hence read sad-ra17 and trans- lated as ‘ordinary garment’. Later on, the CAD it- CTMMA 4, 38 self, following the indications of R. Borger, no longer accepted the reading of kur-ra as sad-ra.18 Once the Obverse logographic value of kur-ra was firmly established, 1. 2 gun 1en túgka-an-zu several Akkadian readings were proposed over the 2. šá ul-tu úḫki years, viz., muṣiptu,19 suḫattu and kanzu. 3. na-šá-’ ma-a u mdutu-gi As regards the reading suḫattu, S. Zawadzki leans 4. iḫ-ḫi-iṭ iti.kin ud.8.kám towards the reading proposed in CAD S, 346,20 on 5. mu.sag.nam.lugal.e mag-níg.du-pab the basis of the parallelism between two texts, UCP Lower edge 9, 271 and Dar. 253, where the word suḫattu is ev- 6. lugal tin.tirki idently used instead of túg-kur-ra, and vice versa. This leads the scholar to tentatively suggest that Reverse túg-kur-ra be read as suḫattu.21 Evidence from other 7. ina gubzu šá mden-da sources, however, speaks against this hypothesis. In 8. meri-ba-damar.utu mzi-ka-ri at least two loci, the terms suḫattu and túg-kur-ra 9. ma-a u mdutu-pab appear side-by-side, viz., in CTMMA 4, 1322 and 10. túg-kur-ra ina é.gur7meš TU 44.23 This enables us to rule out their equiva- “Two talents (of wool?) (and) one pack- lence. Furthermore, in the apprenticeship contract ing cloth that where brought from Opis: BM 54558,24 from the Hellenistic period, a certain Aplāya and Šamaš-ušallim weighed (it). Libluṭ, the son of the woman slave Guzasigu, has Month of Ulūlu, day 8 accession year of to learn how to make a suḫattu birmi, ‘a multicolor Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. In the suḫattu’.25 Now, multicolor túg-kur-ra never occurs presence of Bēl-lē’i, Erība-Marduk, Zi- in the documentation, probably because the túg-kur- karu, Aplāya, and Šamaš-nāṣir the blanket ra is not a fancy and, hence, prestigious garment.26 (was put) in the storehouse.”28 Finally, in CT 4, 29d suḫattu occurs as a royal gift,27 whereas, again, túg-kur-ra does not seem to be a lux- In the above-quoted text, it is evident, as Jursa re- ury commodity. marked, that the term túg-kur-ra is used as a synonym Basing himself on text CTMMA 4, 38, Michael for kanzu.29 As for túgkanzu, the term is never attested 17. CAD Ṣ, 225e. Sad and kur are written with the same sign, so either reading is possible. 18. CAD S, 19-20 s.v. sadru ‘ordinary’; cf. Borger 1981, 187 no. 536 and Zawadzki 2010, 413. 19. The clearest proof that túg-kur-ra and muṣiptu are not identical is that muṣiptu is a feminine noun, while túg-kur-ra is certainly mas- culine, being regularly followed by masculine adjectives. See Oppenheim 1950, 188-189, and Zawadzki 2010, 413. 20. Zawadzki 2010, 413-414. 21. “The parallelism between both texts is striking, and the probability that túg-kur-ra should be read suḫattu or supātu is high, though some doubt still exist,” Zawadzki 2010, 413. 22. suḫattu in obv. l.1; túg-kur-ra in rev. l.18. 23. túg-kur-ra in col. IV l.14; suḫattu in col. IV, l.28; on this text, see Linssen 2004, 252-262. 24. Published in Jursa 2006, 216. 25. fgu-za-si-gu gé[me x x x x x] ina ḫu-ud lìb-bi-šú mlib-luṭ ˹dumu-šú a˺-[na] la-ma-du dul-lu su-hat-tu4 bir-[mi]; BM 54558 obv. ll. 1-3. A multicolored suḫattu (suḫattu ša birmi) also appears in NBC 6164, where it is used as payment for a weaver, Jursa 2006, 207. 26. In the Neo-Babylonian period, the adjective birmu often refers to clothing items used in the context of cult, cf. CAD B, 258i. 27. McEwan 1985. 28. Transliteration and translation by Jursa in the volume CTMMA 4, 66-67; the copy of the tablet is on Plate 33. 29. See commentary in CTMMA 4, 38 l. 10. 110   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) in Akkadian documents. It could well be a loanword Another document where túg-kur-ra are given to from the Aramaic root knz ‘to deposit’30 or it could workers is BM 63343:35 be interpreted as a Persian loanword, based on the Old-Persian word kanz ‘treasure’.31 The túg-kur-ra = BM 63343 kanzu equivalence is possible for two reasons. The first we have already seen, namely, that in CTMMA 4, Reverse 38 kanzu and túg-kur-ra are two different terms used 1. 10 gú.un 20 ma.na s[íg.ḫi.a] to describe the same object. The second is that the 2. a-na 49 túg-kur-ram[eš] use of túg-kur-ra as packing material is also attested 3. šá lúerínmeš e-peš dul-lu in other documents. In the Uruk letter YOS 3, 11, a 4. šá qi-i-pi a-na mdutu-še[šmeš-su] given quantity of wool is placed inside some túg-kur- Ten talents and 20 minas of w[ool] for 49 ra. This is an analogous situation to the one we have túg-kur-ras of the workers of the qīpu to seen in CTMMA 4, 38.32 In ritual text TU 44, of the Šamaš-aḫ[ḫē-erība] Hellenistic period, a túg-kur-ra is used to wrap the carcass of a bull.33 It is thus clear that, in the present In this text, the 49 túg-kur-ras appear to be used as a state of the evidence, the term kanzu is the best can- medium for payment. The use of these textiles as ra- didate for the Akkadian reading of túg-kur-ra. Still, tions of sorts is well attested in Neo- and Late Baby- some problems remain unsolved, namely: lonian sources.36 Thanks to BM 63343, we know how 1) CTMMA 4, 38 is the only occurrence of kanzu much wool was required to buy a túg-kur-ra at Sippar where it is qualified as a textile; (during the reign of Nabonidus – 556-539 BC). A túg- 2) túg-kur-ra in CTMMA 4, 38 could be a ge- kur-ra costs 12.65 mine of wool, about six kilograms.37 neric term used to qualify the textile kanzu as Other textual sources give different quantities of wool a ‘blanket’; for one túg-kur-ra,38 indicating that this price fluctu- 3) wrapping objects is not the main use of túg-kur- ated. Unfortunately, these texts only tell us how much ra, while the term kanzu seems to refer exclu- a túg-kur-ra was worth in wool, not how much wool sively to a textile used for that purpose. was needed to make one. This information seems to be Although the correct Akkadian reading of túg-kur- found, instead, in CT 55, 783, from Sippar: ra is still not defined, the use of this textile is docu- mented by a wide range of evidence. CT 55, 783 In the letter YOS 21, 98, from Uruk, the túg-kur- ra is clearly indicated as a garment worn by the work- Obverse men: “send 20 túg-kur-ra-garments. Here there are 1. [12? ma.na síg.]ḫi.a a-na 2 many naked workmen.”34 túg-kur-rameš 30. CAD K, 148 s.v. kanāzu. Kunzu also repeatedly occurs as a leather bag in CAD K, 549 s.v. kunzu. See, again, the commentary in CTMMA 4, 38 l. 1. 31. See CDA, 145. I am grateful to C. Michel for this suggestion. 32. 10 gú síg.ḫi.a ina túg-kur-rameš-šú-nu ḫi-ṭi-ma (YOS 3, 11: 13-15); see commentary in CTMMA 4, 38 l. 10. 33. ad6 gu4 šá-a-šú ina 1en túg-kur-ra sa5 ta-qeb-bir “you will bury the carcass of that bull in a red túg-kur-ra” (TU 44, col. II, l. 19); Linssen 2004, 253. 34. 20 túg-kur-rame šu-bi-la erínme e-re-šá-ni-ia a-kan-na ma-’a-du-[tu] (YOS 21, 98 l. 34-35). 35. Published in Zawadzki 2002, 156-157. 36. See Jursa 2010, 619-623. In particular, see the table of prices on pp. 620-622, showing all the prices of túg-kur-ra attested between the reign of Assurbanipal (668-628 BC) and that of Darius (521-486 BC). The average price of a túg-kur-ra was thus roughly 5 shekels of silver in Uruk, roughly 6 shekels of silver in Sippar. 37. One shekel = 8.3 grams; one mina = 500 grams; one talent = 30 kilograms. One mina = 60 shekels; one talent = 60 minas. 38. GC 1, 161, from Uruk (Nabucodonosor II – 605-559 BC) has eight minas for one túg-kur-ra (four kilograms); NCBT 641 (Uruk – Nabucodonosor II) has eight minas and ten shekels for one túg-kur-ra (3.5 kilograms); PTS 2370 (Uruk - Nabonedus) has ten minas for one túg-kur-ra (five kilograms). 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   111 2. far-na-bé u dumu.salmeš-šú of garment, although in the text TC 3, 17, of the Old 3. 6 ma.na a-na 1en túg-kur-ra Assyrian period (2000-1740 BC), the measurements 4. fdi-di-i-tu4 of a finished cloth roughly coincide with those of the túg-kur-ra of Camb. 398,43 and the same is true of ITT “[12? minas of w]ool for two túg-kur-ras to V, 1921, pl. 63, no. 9996, (Ur III period – 2112-2004 Arnabe and her daughters. Six minas for BC), where a cloth measures 8 by 7 cubits.44 one túg-kur-ra to Didītu” The large size of the túg-kur-ra induced A. L. Op- In this text, each woman is given a standard quantity penheim to proposed translating the term generi- of wool (six minas) to make túg-kur-ra. In all likeli- cally as ‘blanket’.45 His intuition seems to have hit hood, these women are weavers in the service of an the mark, having been adopted in many later stud- išparu (chief weaver).39 Woman weavers are not un- ies.46 The final test – as Oppenheim himself regards common in Near Eastern sources, whether epigraphic it to be – of whether túg-kur-ra was a blanket is pos- or iconographic. It is likely that in this geographical sibly found in text Nbn. 662, where two individuals area, as well as elsewhere, weaving was an exclu- each receive one half (mišil) of the same túg-kur-ra.47 sively female occupation.40 Other women, probably Túg-kur-ra could be, therefore, a blanket wrapped engaged in spinning, are recorded on some clay dock- around the body as a garment, and it was not used ets dated to the reign of Merodach-baldan II (722- only by workers. The garment is also mentioned as 703 BC). Each docket gives the name of the spinner being worn by priests (during particular ritual acts?), and her supervisor, and was presumably tied with a slaves, wet nurses, travelers, and soldiers. string to the wool to be spun.41 Another textual source, Concerning priests, clearly these must be regarded Camb. 398, adds some useful information about the as part of the elite, which, as I specified above, I will characteristics of túg-kur-ra: not be dealing with in the present study. However, I think it is important to mention, if only in passing, the Camb. 398 role of the túg-kur-ra worn by a galamaḫḫu-priest in a ritual of the Hellenistic period: 1. 2 túg-kur-rameš eš-šu-tu šá 8 kùš 2. gíd.da-’ ˹8?˺ [kùš dagal]-’ ù UVB 15, 40 3. 12 ma.na ki.lá-šú-nu “Two new túg-kur-ra, 8 cubits long each, 13. lúgalamaḫu túglu-bar kitî ḫa-líp u túgsūna šá šapal rēši qaqqad-su rakis 8? [cubits wide] each and their weight (be- ing together) 12 minas”.42 14. [ina] l[i-l]i-[ì]s siparri ina a-šá-bi-šú túglu-bar du -ma 8 According to Camb 398, a regular túg-kur-ra weigh- 15. [túgx x x] u túg-kur-ra il-lab-biš ing 6 minas (like the túg-kur-ra mentioned in CT 55, 783) should be 8 cubits (about four meters) long, and “The galamaḫḫu-priest will wear a linen probably 7 or 8 cubits wide. This is the only Neo- lubāru-garment and he will tie a sūnu- Babylonian record of the measurements of this kind hat for the lower head, but if he wants to 39. Like CT 55, 783, another document, NBC 4920, mentions a zakītu weaving túg-kur-ra; see Jursa 2010, 5963217. 40. Nemet-Nejat 1999, 106-107. 41. Joannès 2010, 401-402. 42. See also Oppenheim 1950, 189. 43. ga-am-ra-am ṣu-ba-ta-am ša té-pí-ši-ni tí-šé i-na-mì-tim lu ú-ru-uk-šu ša-ma-né ina a-mì-tim lu ru-pu-šu “a finished textile that you make must be nine cubits long and eight cubits wide” (ll. 33-36). See Michel & Veenhof 2010, 250-251. 44. Veenhof 1972, 91-92. 45. Oppenheim 1950, 189. 46. For example, Bongenaar 1997, 39; Janković 2008, 452; Jursa 2010, 619. 47. Oppenheim 1950, 189; cf. Zawadzki 2010, 414. 112   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) sit near the bronze kettledrum, he will di- I mentioned above that the túg-kur-ra was part of vest the lubāru and he will wear [...] and the attire of travelers and soldiers. When clothes are a túg-kur-ra” mentioned in connection with travelers or soldiers, these are almost certain to be túg-kur-ra and šir’am; In this text, it is evident that túg-kur-ra is somehow in most cases, the two clothes are recorded together distinct from the other prestige clothing items men- as the constituent elements of a uniform of sorts.51 tioned in the text, as it is used by the priest in replace- Finally, BM 3397852 shows that the túg-kur-ra could ment of a lubāru-dress made of linen, a garment fre- be one of the items that wet nurses were paid with: quently used to clothe divine images. This change of clothes occurs at a specific point in the ritual, that is, BM 33978 when the priest is about to sit on the lilissu-tympa- num. It is not clear why it is required, since the tym- Obverse panum is usually not viewed negatively or regarded 1. fnu-up-ta-a dumu.sal šá mdag-šeš-i[t-tan-nu as impure.48 Linen was not regarded as an impure fi- …] ber either; the opposite, if anything, is true. Probably 2. a-na um.me.ga.lá-ú-tu ˹a˺-di 2-˹ta˺ mu.an. some actions the priest was called upon to perform nameš were regarded as being somehow impure, and this is 3. dumu.sal šá f gemé-ia dumu.sal šá mki- why he needed to change his dress into an ordinary ˹ag˺-tin dumu mden-e-ṭè-ru garment.49 Túg-kur-ra are rarely mentioned as being 4. tu-še-šab ina mu.an.na 1en túg-kur-ra worn by slaves or servants. The text GC 1, 161 re- 5. 3 gín kù.babbar iti 1 qa ˹mun˺.ḫi.a 1 qa cords the giving of the garment to a slave, more spe- saḫ-le-e cifically to a širku: 6. 1en ˹su˺-um-mu-nu šá ˹ì.giš˺ u4-mu 2 qa qí-me GC 1, 161 7. ˹4?˺ ninda.ḫi.a 1 qa kaš.sag fgemé-ia 8. [a-na] [f]nu-up-ta-a ta-nam-din 1. 1 túg-kur-ra 9. […] ˹x x˺ […] 2. šá a-na 8 ma.na síg.ḫi.a Reverse 3. ana-šá-’ 10. [1en túg].kur.ra fgemé-ia a-na fnu-up-t[a-a] 4. a-na mden-e-ṭè-ru 11. [ta-n]am-din 5. lúšim-ki na-din (witnesses and date) “One túg-kur-ra, which for 8 minas of “Nūptāya, daughter of Nabû-aḫa-it[tannu wool is brought, to Bēl-ēṭeru, the oblate, …], receives the daughter of Amtiya, the is given”. daughter of Itti-Nabû-balāṭu, of the Eg- The širku or ‘oblate’ is a particular kind of slave ibi family, for a breastfeeding lasting two enjoying a rather privileged position, as he is con- years. Amtiya will give [to] Nūptāya: an- secrated to the temple and a specific deity. As nually 1 túg-kur-ra (and) 3 shekels of sil- for mere slaves (qallū or ardū), instead, they are ver; monthly 1 litre of salt, 1 litre of cress, more frequently mentioned as wearing šir’am or 1 summunu-vessel (full) of oil; daily 2 li- muṣiptu.50 tres of flour, 4? loaves (and) 1 litre of first 48. Linssen 2004, 93. 49. See Zawadzki 2006, 91. 50. For these garments, see below. 51. I will discuss túg-kur-ra and šir’am for travelers and soldiers below, in my section on šir’am. 52. Wunsch 2003-2004, no. 20. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   113 quality beer […] Amtiya [will] give [the túg-kur-ra with muṣiptu by proving that the latter túg].kur.ra to Nūptāya […]” has no ideographic equivalent.57 The name muṣiptu is very likely to derive from ṣuppu ‘to rub’, attested The text, written in Babylon and dated to the reign in the Middle Assyrian period (1350-1100 BC) in the of Xerxes (485-465 BC), is a contract for the pay- context of horse husbandry with the specific mean- ment of the wet nurse Nūptāya. She is charged with ing ‘to groom’.58 Its nominal form muṣiptu possi- breastfeeding Amtiya’s daughter, in exchange for bly designates the dressing of wool.59 According to which she will be paid with silver, staple foods, and the authors of the Concise Dictionary of Akkadian a túg-kur-ra.53 (CDA), the verb ṣuppu may also have the mean- Interestingly, in at least two such wet-nurse con- ing of ‘decorating,’ which however is not appli- tracts the term túg-kur-ra is replaced by the term túgk- cable to muṣiptu, because evidence for decorated abru.54 For example, in BM 74330 a wet nurse is paid muṣiptu is just about nonexistent.60 In Neo-Babylo- four silver shekels and a kabru-garment.55 This does nian documents, the term muṣiptu often occurs with not enable us to conclude that kabru is the Akkadian the generic meaning of ‘garment.’61 The Akkadisches reading of túg-kur-ra. However, if the kabru-garment Handwörterbuch (AHw) and the CDA hence trans- is actually made of heavy cloth, the very fact that it late it, respectively, as ‘Gewand’ and ‘garment,’62 takes the place of túg-kur-ra in the same type of doc- while the Assyrian Dictionary of Chicago (CAD) at- ument suggests that the túg-kur-ra was also made of tempts a more detailed translation ‘(standard size) heavy cloth, at least in this case. piece of cloth.’63 By placing ‘standard size’ between parentheses, the authors admit to doubts regarding muṣiptu the actual standardization of the measurements of a muṣiptu garment, and indeed no text indicating these In 1953, in the like-titled entry in his Glossar zu measurements is known so far. Some sources pro- den neubabylonischen Briefe, Erich Ebeling ex- vide other kinds of information: plains the word muṣêptu as follows: “muṣêptu (D Part. von ṣêpu) “Hülle”, eine Art Burnus, Idgr. túg- YOS 6, 91 kur.ra.”56 Although Ebeling’s work remains to this day one of the most important studies ever carried 1. 5 gín kù.babbar š[ám] 4 mu-ṣip-ti out on Neo-Babylonian correspondence, since then some progress has been made in the understanding “5 shekels of silver, the price of 4 of the term. In 1950, A.L. Oppenheim had already muṣiptus” solved the problem of the incorrect identification of 53. In rev. 1, it appears that Amtiya gives another túg-kur-ra to Nūptāya. It is likely that this túg-kur-ra is actually part of an annual payment given immediately to Nūptāya together with 3 silver shekels, which were possibly mentioned in the damaged portion of the tablet (obv. 9). 54. Wunsch 2003-2004, no. 214. According to CAD K, 23 s.v. d, kabru could be a heavy garment. 55. Wunsch 2003-2004, no. 19 (obv. 8): i-na mu 4 gín kù.babbar 1en túgkab-ri. 56. Ebeling 1953, 140-141. 57. Oppenheim 1950, 188-189; see also the section on túg-kur-ra in the present essay, and Zawadzki 2010, 413. 58. CAD Ṣ, 250; on this term see also Gaspa in the present volume. 59. CAD Ṣ, 249 s.v. *ṣuppu C “strip of carded wool.” 60. CDA, 341 s.v. ṣuppu II “to decorate, inlay ?, overlay ?”; cf. Zawadzki 2010, 417. 61. This is true, for example, of texts relative to dowries, where different types of garments are listed under the term muṣiptu; cf. Roth 1989-1990, 29. 62. AHw, 679; CDA, 220. 63. CAD M2, 242. 114   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) YOS 3, 104 GC 2, 349: 10. 5 túgmu-ṣip-˹tu4˺ Obverse 11. šu-bi-lam 1. ˹40˺ túgmu-ṣip-ti md15-mu-mu a-šú šá 12. udu.níta mdag-[x x] 13. lu-bu-uk-kam-ma 2. 3 0 m d a g - n a - d i n - m u a - š ú š á 14. lu-uš-pur-ka mri-mut-dgu-la 3. 10-ta mgar.mu a-šú šá mdù-d15 “Send me 5 muṣiptus and I will take and 4. 10-ta mden-gi a-šú šá mdutu-mu send you a ram.” 5. 10-ta mdù-d15 a-šú šá mšá-dag-šu-ú 6. 10-ta md innin-na-mu-šeš a-šú šá Evetts Lab. 6 m mu-dag 7. 10-ta mdinnin-na-numun-be a-šú šá 1. i-na maš ma.na 3 gín kù.babbar m gin-numun 2. šá a-na mu-ṣip-tu4 sumin 8. 10-ta mdinnin-na-numun-giš a-šú šá mden-mu-garun “Out of a half mina (of silver), 3 shekels of silver were given for a muṣiptu”6 9. 5-ta mdx x-dù-uš a-šú šá mden-diniṭ Lower edge 10. pap 135-ta túgmu-ṣip-ti VAS 6, 58 Reverse 5. ˹2?˺ gín 4-ut šá mu-ṣip-e-tu4 11. ina ú-ìl-tim šá é.an.na ina ugu 12. lúgalmeš 50meš a-di qí-it “2 shekels (and) ¼ for a muṣiptu” 13. šá iti.kin a-na é.an.na i-nam-di-nu According to the indications of these four texts, a “40 muṣiptus (for) Ištar-šum-iddin son of muṣiptu was not especially valuable. YOS 6, 91 in- Nabû?-x-x dicates a price of 1.25 shekels of silver, and the Uruk 30 (for) Nabû-nadin-šumi son of letter YOS 3, 104 clearly states that five muṣiptus Rimūt-Gula were worth the same price as a sheep. Assuming the 10 (for) Šākin-šumi son of Ibni-Ištar average price of a sheep to be around three shekels 10 (for) Bēl-ušallim son of Šamaš-iddin of silver,65 this muṣiptu would be worth about half a 10 (for) Ibni-Ištar son of Ša-Nabû-šu-ú shekel. These are of course approximate figures, but 10 (for) Innina-šum-uṣur son of they clearly suggest that the muṣiptu was an inexpen- Iddin-Nabû sive clothing item. The other two documents record, 10 (for) Innina-zēr-ušabši son of respectively 3, and 2.25 shekels per item. These prices Mukīn-zēri match those attested for a túg-kur-ra. 10 (for) Innina-zēr-līšir son of Not only is the cost of a muṣiptu about the same, Bēl-šum-iškun in some cases, as that of a túg-kur-ra, but the two 5 (for) x-x-epuš son of Bēl-uballiṭ garments are also used in the same ways. GC 2, 349, Total 135 muṣiptus where some workers are given large quantities of the debit of the Eanna temple over the rab clothing items, is the best evidence of the fact that ḫanše. Up to the end of the month of Elūlu the muṣiptu was not only inexpensive, but also used they will give (back) to Eanna temple.” by common people:66 64. CAD M2, 243, has this differently: ina 33 gín kaspi šá ana muṣiptu nadin. According to this reading, the cost of a muṣiptu is of 33 silver shekels. 65. Jursa 2010, 739. 66. Zawadzki 2010, 417. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   115 Actually, the text records a total of 135 clothing items 9. ti-ik-pi-i’ to be distributed, in lots of 40, 30, 10, 5, among nine 10. ru-˹ku˺-us-i supervisors of working units of 40, 30, 10, and 5 11. ku-nu-uk-i workers. In the final part of the text, these supervi- 12. u ina šuII lúa.kinme sors are identified as rab ḫanše.67 One of the tasks of 13. šá mna-din these supervisors was to return some of the muṣiptu 14. šu-bi-la within the month of Elūlu, probably the date estab- “Letter of Ṣillāya to Kalbāya, his sister. lished for completion of the work. The returning of May Bel and Nabû decree good health to the clothes to the temple – in this particular case, the my sister. Sew, tie and seal one good-qual- Eanna – is undisputable proof that institutions pos- ity šabbatu in a clean muṣiptu and send it sessed clothes, presumably kept in their storerooms,68 through the messengers of Nadin.” which they would distribute among dependents when work was to be done. In this document from Uruk, a man named Ṣillāya A particular feature of muṣiptu, probably shared asks a woman, Kalbāya, to send him a fine šabbatu.71 with the guzuzu clothing item,69 was that they could To do so, the woman must first of all sew the prized be rolled up.70 In the text Nbk. 369, we read: 1en gišná garment inside a clean muṣiptu, tie it, and seal it. Here ki-ir-ka túgguz-guz túgmu-ṣi-pe-ti “a bed (with) rolled the verb to sew seems to be rendered with the word up guzguzu and muṣiptu.” Dar. 530 reads: giša-ra- ti-ik-pi-i’, presumably the imperative of the second an-nu mu-ṣi-pe-e-tu4 ki-iš-ki, where it is evident that person singular of the verb takāpu. The translation as rolled up (kišku) muṣiptu were gathered in a basket ‘sew,’ however, is questionable, as the commonly ac- (arannu). cepted translation for this verb is ‘to bore, to sting.’72 As to how muṣiptu were used, the information The CAD, however, also includes ‘to sew’ among found in letter BIN 1, 6 is particularly surprising: the possible translations of takāpu, as an extension of the original meaning, since sewing is done by bor- BIN 1, 6 ing a hole through a textile.73 Leaving aside the yet unsolved issue of the meaning of the verb takāpu, the Obverse subsequent lines of BIN 1, 6 bear witness to a prac- 1. im mṣil-la-a a-na tice that is rarely attested in the Neo- and Late Baby- 2. fur-a nin-šú lonian periods, but well-documented for early Assyr- 3. den u dag šu-lum šá ian times, namely, the use of packaging and sealing 4. nin-iá liq-bu-ú textiles to send them to third parties.74 The only other 5. 1et túgšab-bat known Neo-Babylonian attestation of the packaging 6. bab-ba-ni-ti of textiles is a letter (YOS 21, 31) where a garment 7. ina túgmu-ṣip-ti of the šir’am type undergoes the same treatment as 8. eb-bé-ti the garment šabbatu before being sent.75 To conclude, 67. The rab ḫanšû (CAD H, 81) is the head of a team of 50 workmen or soldiers. A typical team was composed of ten men under the supervision of a rab eširti; cf. CAD E, 365. 68. As was the case for túg-kur-ra, cf. Nbn. 290: 9 túg-kur-ra ta è šuII “nine túg-kur-ra in the storeroom (bīt qāti)”. For bīt qāti, see CAD Q, 199 and Joannès 2010, 401. 69. Quillien 2013, 22. 70. See CAD M2, 242b; Zawadzki 2010, 411 and Roth 1989-1990, 30. 71. The garment called šabbatu, mentioned in earlier periods as a luxury clothing item, is never mentioned in Neo-Babylonian docu- ments, except in this case: cf. CAD Š1, 8 s.v. šabattu. 72. In the Neo-Babylonian period, the verb for “sewing” is kubbû; cf. CAD K, 482-483. 73. CAD T, 68. 74. Veenhof 1972, 41-44. 75. šir-a-am rak-su-ú u ka-an-gu-ú “a šir’am packaged and sealed” (YOS 21, 31: l.10). 116   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) on the evidence of BIN 1, 6 and on the basis of other 5. šá map-la-a a mden-e-ṭè-ru ta-ad-di-in considerations, it is reasonable to affirm that muṣiptu 6. iš-pa-ru-tu gab-bi u-lam-mad-su is a length of an inexpensive textile used as a garment, 7. ṭup-pi ṭup-pi u4-mu 1 qa pad.hi.a ù but also to wrap things up (possibly by sewing it) and 8. mu-ṣip-tu4 fnu-up-ta-a a-na mat-kal-a- protect fine clothes during transportation. na-damar.utu The term muṣiptu also occurs as a designation for 9. ta-nam-din … garments worn by various members of Babylonian so- “Nūptāya, daughter of Iddin-Marduk, son ciety. In several textual sources we learn of muṣiptus of Nūr-Sîn, has given Atkal-ana-Mar- used as female garments. For example, in Dar. 575, a duk, the slave of Itti-Marduk-balāṭu, son slave woman called Mušezibtum receives a muṣiptu,76 of Nabû-ahhē-iddin of the Egibi family, to and the legal text BM 10345277 refers to the stealing Bēl-ēṭer son of Aplāya son of Bēl-ēṭeru, for of a muṣiptu belonging to a woman named Rišāya, learning the weaver’s craft for a period of 5 possibly a widow: years. For the entire period of his training, Nūptāya will give daily one qû of bread BM 103452 and a muṣiptu to Atkal-ana-Marduk […]” 6. m˹ki˺-dutu-tin a-šú mla-ba-ši a-na da- Apprenticeship contracts are typical of the Late Bab- na-na a-na é ylonian period.78 They consist of a contract between 7. a-na muḫ-ḫi-ia ki-i i-ru-ub a free citizen and a master craftsman. The citizen en- iṭ-ṭi-ra-an-ni trusts his or her son, daughter or slave to the master 8. u túgmu-ṣip-ti-ia it-ta-ši for a given period of time for training in a specific craft. Once taken in charge, the practitioner’s keep “Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu, the son of Lâbâši had is paid for by the parent or owner, not the tutor, who broken into my house by force, he beat me, in some cases also receives additional payment. The took away my muṣiptu.” muṣiptu-garment is one of the most frequently men- A garment of the muṣiptu type is mentioned in con- tioned items among the provisions given to the ap- nection with animal husbandry in BE 8, 106. Here a prentice, whereas túg-kur-ra or uzāru-garments79 are slave, charged with pasturing cows, receives food ra- mentioned, albeit rarely, among the goods given to the tions and a muṣiptu from the rē’û (herdsman) Nabû- teacher in payment, but never muṣiptu. mukīn-zēri for carrying out the task. Finally, muṣiptu are prominently featured in ap- šir’am prenticeship contracts, for example Cyr. 64: The šir’am-garment occurs quite frequently in Meso- Cyr. 64 potamian documents. It originally was exclusively an item of military apparel, a cuirass of sorts. It is men- 1. fnu-up-ta-a dumu.sal-su šá mmu-damar. tioned as such, for example, in EA 22, a text from the utu a mzálag-d30 El-Amarna period (ca. 1350 BC): 2. mat-kal-a-na-damar.utu lúqal-la šá mki- damar.utu-tin EA 22, col. III 3. a-šú šá mag-šešmeš-mu a me-gi-bi a-na lúiš-pa-ru-tu 37. 1 šu sa-ri-am zabar 1 gur-sí-ib zabar 4. a-di 5 mu.an.nameš a-na mden-karer a-šú ša lú 76. mu-ṣip-tu4 migi-ir-ki a-na fmu-še-zib-tum ú-kát-[tam] (Dar. 575 ll. 10-11) 77. Published in Jursa, Paszkowiak & Waerzeggers 2003-2004, 265-268. 78. J. Hackl has dealt extensively with this theme in Jursa 2010, 700-725. 79. uzāru appears in apprenticeship contract BOR 1, 83, túg-kur-ra in Cyr. 313. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   117 38. 1 šu sa-ri-am ša kuš 1 gur-sí-ib zabar metal. As regards the šir’am as a cuirass, one text 39. ša lú za-ar-gu-ti … more than any other, UCP 9, 271, adds important in- formation, as it mentions a sir’annu (= šir’am) rein- “1 bronze cuirass set, 1 bronze helmet for forced with iron (parzillu). A šir’am of cloth could a man, 1 leather cuirass set, 1 bronze hel- be a jerkin, but also a tunic of sorts.82 This is borne met for the sarku-soldiers” out by Neo-Assyrian reliefs where archers, in partic- In the Neo-Babylonian period, the šir’am is still part ular, wear a long dress reinforced with plates.83 The of the military uniform, but also occurs among the karballatu, made of wool or linen, is the most fre- garments worn by civilians. Neo-Babylonian cunei- quently mentioned headwear in Neo- and Late Bab- form sources quite commonly mention šir’am as mil- ylonian documents.84 The above-cited text UCP 9, itary apparel: 271 mentions a karballatu ša sir’annu. This suggests that there was a connection between karballatu and Dar. 253 the iron šir’am. It is possible that the headwear was somehow connected to the jerkin, or that the expres- 6. 12 túg-kur-ra 12-ta túgšir-a-am sion karballatu ša sir’annu alludes to the fact that the 7. 12-ta kar-bal-la-tu4 12 kušnu-ú-ṭu karballatu is of metal, just like the šir’am. The two 8. 24 kušše-e-nu … remaining elements – which were made of leather, “12 túg-kur-ras, 12 šir’am, 12 karballatus, since the term is preceded by the determinative kuš – 12 nūṭus, 24 šenus” are nūṭu and šenu. The former term designates a bag used to carry goods, while the latter was normally Dar. 253 enumerates the items making up the equip- employed for footwear. ment of 12 soldiers, and is thus a valuable example Túg-kur-ra and šir’am (often mentioned together of the composition of a military uniform. The specific with karballatu, nūṭu and šenu) were not merely el- function of each item is well known, not only thanks ements of military apparel; they were also worn by to abundant data in epigraphic sources, both coeval individuals undertaking long journeys (ṣidītu) at the and from other periods, but also and especially thanks behest of the temple or the palace.85 A good exam- to the availability of iconographic sources that one ple of this is BM 78828,86 where some carpenters can compare with textual ones. The persistent depic- (naggāru) receive túg-kur-ra and šir’am garments tion of fully armed and clad soldiers in Neo-Assyrian that they may travel to a military camp (madāktu).87 palace reliefs is certainly the most informative source As F. Joannès had already noted, there existed a for a comparison between the Akkadian term and the broad range of šir’am:88 for men (šir’am ša zikāri in actual garment it designated. Evetts Ner. 28) and for women (šir’am ša kitī amilti In military uniforms, the túg-kur-ra is a used as in Evetts Ner. 28); of linen (šir’am ša kitī in TCL 9, underwear and placed under the šir’am. The best 117); red-dyed (šir’am ša tabāri in Nbn. 661), blue- translation for šir’am seems to be the one proposed dyed (šir’am ša inzahurēti in YOS 7, 7), or of pur- by J. MacGinnis,80 who renders the Akkadian term ple-dyed wool (šir’am ša síghé.me.da in GC 1, 299); as ‘jerkin.’81 Soldiers wore it either as a simple wool fine šir’am worn as undergarments (šir’am šupālītu garment or as a cuirass reinforced with pieces of eššetu babbanītu in Nbk. 12); and luxury šir’am 80. MacGinnis 2012. 81. The same translation is used by Zawadzki 2010, 414. 82. Janković 2008, 453, gives the same translation. 83. See for example Paterson 1915, Plate 14. 84. CAD K, 215. 85. See Janković 2008, esp. 452-454. 86. MacGinnis 2012, no. 35. 87. The carpenters were probably headed to a military camp to repair wooden objects, such as boats; cf. Zawadzki 2008, 334-335. 118   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) worn as outer garments (šir’am elēnītu murruqītu Conclusions babbanītu in AJSL 16, 73 no. 16). This piece of ev- idence enables us to conclude that the šir’am was The aim of this article was to investigate a field used in Babylonian society both as an ordinary gar- fraught with insurmountable hurdles. The main diffi- ment – there are quite a few testimonies of šir’am culty besetting a study of clothing worn by ordinary worn by slave men or women89 – and as a fine one.90 people is that epigraphic documents provide little in- Šir’am may have had different values depending on formation about the lives of those who do not belong how they were manufactured. This is suggested by to the upper echelons of Babylonian society. In the some documents indicating their prices: rare cases when Babylonian common people are men- tioned, their role is merely accessory, their actions YOS 19, 242 only being noted down because they are correlated to individuals or events worthy of being recorded. 1. 1/3 1/2 gín kù.babbar 4 túg-kur-rameš Another extremely complicated question is that of 2. ù 1 túgšir-a-am a-na 10 gín kù.babbar terminology. The clothes of common people are of- 3. pap 1/2 ma.na 1/2 gín kù.babbar šám é ten generically described as ‘dress’ or ‘garment.’ Túg- kur-ra and muṣiptu, in particular, are used is this ge- “1/3 (mina) half shekel, 4 túg-kur-ras and neric way. It is thus hard to understand, in the lack of 1 šir’am for 10 shekels. The house price is a clear textual context, whether a muṣiptu in a given in total half 1/2 and 1/2 a shekel” document is just any clothing item or the clothing In YOS 19, 242, the price of the šir’am can be inter- item thus designated. preted in two different ways: the ten silver shekels The best sources on the wearing of túg-kur-ra, may be the price of the šir’am alone,91 or the over- muṣiptu and šir’am by common people are texts re- all price of the šir’am and the túg-kur-ra. Both in- cording their donation to groups of people, such as terpretations pose problems, of a different order. If workmen or soldiers.94 In exceptional cases, some we assume the ten shekels to be the price of the two particular categories of workers to whom specific items together, we are unable to determine the exact clothing items were assigned can be discerned. As price of either.92 If, instead, we assume the ten shek- we have seen, túg-kur-ra, besides being a garment els to be the price of the šir’am alone, it appears to donned by workmen and soldiers was also donated be too high compared to the other recorded prices to wet nurses as part of their sustenance. The muṣiptu for a šir’am.93 was worn by workmen, but above I have indicated one case where it was used in an animal husbandry 88. Joannès 2010, 407; cf. CAD S, 314b and Zawadzki 2010, 414. 89. In Nbk. 408, the slave Apatšu receives a šir’am from Tatāya, a freewoman: 1en túgšir-a-am fta-ta-a a-na fa-pa-at-šú sum[in] (rev. ll.23- 24). Other texts mentioning šir’am for slave women are Evetts Ner. 28 and UET 4, 118; in Nbn. 1116, a šir’am is given to a slave man, while in NCBT 4692 it is given to širku and zakītu. 90. This is the case for šir’am in dowry texts; cf. Roth 1989-1990, 31. 91. This is the interpretation favored by Janković 2008, 453109. 92. YOS 19, 242 is dated to the fourth year of Nabonidus. The prices attested for a túg-kur-ra in that year are: 1 shekel, 2 shekels, and 3.5 shekels (see Jursa 2010, 621). Usually the price of a túg-kur-ra is higher than that of a šir’am. This suggests that the price of a túg-kur-ra was around 2.125 silver shekels, that of a šir’am around 1.5 shekels. 93. 1 shekel (GC 1, 198), 1.25 shekels (GC 1, 299), 1.5 shekels (NCBT 826), 2 shekels (BM 74398), 3.3 shekels (Camb. 340). In CT 56, 317 a bag-maker (sabsinnu), Bēl-šulmu-šukun, receives from the temple of Ebabbar 4 silver shekels for a šir’am: 4 gín kù!.bab- bar a-na túgšir-a-a[m] a-na mden-šu-lum-šu-kun (ll. 4-5). This is a clear proof that the cost of a šir’am was not of 4 shekels, since we need to factor in the labor employed to produce the item. 94. For túg-kur-ra, see YOS 21, 98; for muṣiptu, see GC 2, 349; for šir’am, see BM 78828. The Akkadian term commonly used to in- dicate groups of people is ṣābu (often in the logographic form lúerín); cf. CAD Ṣ, 46-55. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   119 context. More importantly, as we have seen, muṣiptu CM Cuneiform Monographs are regularly featured in apprenticeship contracts. Fi- CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets nally, šir’am, like túg-kur-ra, were worn by work- in the British Museum men and soldiers, and it appears it was not unusual CTMMA Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Mu- for them to be worn by slaves, on the evidence of a seum of Art number of textual sources. CTMMA 4 I. Spar & M. Jursa, The Ebabbar Temple The present essay, following in the wake of S. Za- Archive and Other Texts from the Fourth to wadzki’s study on clothes in non-cultic contexts,95 is the First Millennium B.C. CTMMA 4. New a first attempt to investigate clothes worn by common York 2014 people in Babylonian society. I hope it will provide Cyr. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Cyrus, a stimulus for further research, confirming or contra- König von Babylon. Leipzig 1890 dicting what I have stated in the previous pages. Dar. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Darius, König von Babylon. Leipzig 1897 EA J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln. Abbreviations Leipzig 1915 Evetts Lab. B. T. A. Evetts, Inscriptions of the Reign of ADOG Abhandlungen der Deutschen Laborosoarchod. Leipzig 1892 Orient-Gesellschaft Evetts Ner. B. T. A. Evetts, Inscriptions of the Reign of AHw W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörter- Neriglissar. Leipzig 1892 buch. Wiesbaden 1965-1981 GC 1 R. P. Dougherty, Archives from Erech, AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages Time of Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus. and Literatures Goucher College Cuneiform Inscriptions 1. AO tablets in the collections of the Musée du New Haven 1923 Louvre, Paris GC 2 R. P. Dougherty, Archives from Erech, Neo- AfO Archiv für Orientforschung Babylonian and Persian Periods. Goucher AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament. College Cuneiform Inscriptions 2. New Ha- Neukirchen-Vluyn ven 1933 BE Babylonian Expedition of the University of ITT Inventaire des tablettes de Tello Pennsylvania, Series A: Cuneiform Texts JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies BINBabylonian Inscriptions in the Collec- JSS Journal of Semitic Studies tion of James Buchanan Nies KASKAL Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vi- BIN 1 C. E. Keiser, Letters and Contracts from cino Oriente Antico Erech Written in Neo-Babylonian Period. N.A.B.U. Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et New Haven-London 1917 utilitaires BM Tablets in the collections of the British NBC Tablets in the Nies Babylonian Collection, Museum Yale University Library BRM Babylonian Records in the Library of J. NCBT Tablets in the Newell Collection of Babylo- Pierpont Morgan nian Tablets, Yale University Library CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Orien- Nbk. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabuch- tal Institute of the University of Chicago. odonosor, König von Babylon. Leipzig 1889 Chicago 1956-2010 Nbn. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Naboni- Camb. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Camby- dus, König von Babylon. Leipzig 1887 ses, König von Babylon. Leipzig 1890 OIP Oriental Institute Publications CDA J. Black et al. (eds.), A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian. Wiesbaden 1999-2000 OIP 122 D. B. Weisberg, Neo-Babylonian Texts in 95. Zawadzki 2010. 120   Luigi Malatacca in Textile Terminologies (2017) the Oriental Institute Collection. Chicago des Fortifications de Persépolis. État des questions et 2003 perspectives de recherches, 429-464. Paris. PIHANS Publications de l’Institut historique et ar- Joannès, F. (2010) Textile Terminology in the Neo-Baby- chéologique néerlandais de Stamboul lonian Documentation. In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East RA Revue d’assyriologie et archéologie and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millen- orientale nia BC, 400-408. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. TC Textes cappadociennes du Louvre (Paris) Jursa, M. (2006) Agricultural Management, Tax Farming TCL Textes cunéiformes du Louvre and Banking: Aspects of Entrepreneurial Activity in TU F. Thureau-Dangin, Tablettes D’Uruk à Babylonia in the Late Achaemenid and Hellenistic Pe- l’usage des prêtres du Temple d’Anu au riods. In P. Briant & F. Joannès (eds.), La transition temps des Séleucides. Paris 1922 entre l’empire achéménide et les royaumes hellénistique (vers 350-300 av. J.-C.), 137-222. Paris. UCP University of California Publications in Se- Jursa, M. (2010) Aspects of the Economic History of Baby- mitic Philology lonia in the First Millennium BC. AOAT 377. Münster. UET 4 H. H. Figulla, Business Documents of New- Jursa, M., Paszkowiak, J. & Waerzeggers, C. (2003-2004) Babylonian Period. Ur Excavations Texts 4. Three Court Records, AfO 50, 255-268. London 1949 Kümmel, H. M (1979) Familie, Beruf und Amt im spätba- YOS Yale Oriental Series – Babylonian Texts bylonischen Uruk. ADOG 20. Berlin. YOS 3 A. T. Clay, Neo-Babylonian Letters from Labat, R. (1995) Manuel d’épigraphie akkadienne. Revue Erech. New Haven-London 1919 et augmenté par Florence Malbran-Labat. Paris. MacGinnis, J. (1995) Letter Orders From Sippar and the YOS 6 R. P. Dougherty, Records from Erech, Time Administration of the Ebabbara in the Late-Babylo- of Nabonidus. New Haven-London 1920 nian Period. Poznań. YOS 19 P.-A. Beaulieu, Legal and Administrative MacGinnis, J. (2012) The Arrows of the Sun: Armed Forces Texts from the Reign of Nabonidus, New in Sippar in the First Millennium B.C. Babylonische Haven-London 2000 Archive 4. Dresden. YOS 21 E. Frahm & M. Jursa, Neo-Babylonian Let- McEwan, G. J. P. (1985) The First Seleucid Document ters and Contracts from the Eanna Archive. from Babylonia, JSS 30, 169-180. New Haven-London 2011 Michel, C. & Veenhof, K. R (2010) The Textiles Traded by UVB Vorläufige Bericht über … Ausgrabungen in the Assyrians in Anatolia. In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch Uruk-Warka (eds.), Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millen- nia BC, 210-271. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. Bibliography Nemet-Nejat, K. R. (1999) Women in Ancient Mesopo- tamia. In B. Vivante (ed.), Women’s Role in Ancient Beaulieu, P.-A. (2003) The Pantheon of Uruk During the Civilizations. A Reference Guide, 85-114. Westport, Neo-Babylonian Period. CM 23. Leiden-Boston.Bon- Connecticut-London. genaar, A. C. V. M (1997) The Neo-Babylonian Ebab- Oppenheim, A. L. (1950) Review of H. H. Figulla, Busi- bar Temple at Sippar: its Administration and its Proso- ness Documents of the New-Babylonian Period, UET pography. PIHANS 80. Leiden. 4, 1949, JCS 4, 188-195. Borger, R. (1981) Assyrisch-babylonische Zeichenliste. Paterson, A., 1915. Assyrian Sculptures: Palace of Sinach- Neukirchen-Vluyn. erib, The Hauge, 1915. Çağirgan, G. & Lambert, W. G. (1991-1993) The Late-Bab- Payne, E. E. (2007) The Craftsmen of the Neo-Babylonian ylonian Kislīmu Ritual for Esagil, JCS 43-45, 86-106. Period: A Study of the Textile and Metal Workers of the Dougherty, R. P. (1933) Archives from Erech, Neo-Babylo- Eanna Temple, Ph.D. diss. Yale University. nian and Persian Periods. GC 2. New Haven. Quillien, L. (2013) túg-LUM-LUM = túg-guz-guz; a new Ebeling, E. (1953) Glossar zu den neubabylonischen Brie- interpretation of the «guzguzu» garment in first millen- fen. München. nium BC Mesopotamia, N.A.B.U. 2013/1, 21-25. Jankovic, B. (2008) Travel Provisions in Babylonia in the Roth, M. (1989-1990) The Material Composition of the First Millennium BC. In P. Briant et al. (eds.), L’archive Neo-Babylonian Dowry, AfO 63, 1-55. 5. Ordinary People’s Garments in Neo- and Late-Babylonian Sources   121 San Nicolò, M. (1945), Festschrift für Leopold Wenger, Zawadzki, S. (2006) Garments of the Gods. Studies on the vol. 2. München. Textile Industry and the Pantheon of Sippar according Stolper, M. W. (1985) Entrepreneurs and Empire. The to the Texts from the Ebabbar Archive. Orbis Biblicus Murašû Archive, the Murašû Firm, and Persian Rule et Orientalis 218. Fribourg-Göttingen. in Babylonia. PIHANS 54. Leiden. Zawadzki, S. (2008) Nebuchadnezzar’s Campaign in the Ungnad, A. (1937) Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwal- 30th Year (575 B.C.): A Conflict with Tyre? In M. Co- tungsurkunden. Glossar. Leipzig. gan & D. Kahn (eds.) Treasures on Camels’ Humps: Veenhof, K. R. (1972) Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and Historical and Literary Studies from the Ancient Near its Terminology. Studia et documenta ad iura orientis East Presented to Israel Eph’al, 331-336. Jerusalem. antique pertinentia 10. Leiden. Zawadzki, S. (2010) Garments in Non-Cultic Context Wunsch, C. (2003-2004) Findelkinder und Adoption nach (Neo-Babylonian Period). In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch neubabylonischen Quellen, AfO 50, 174-244. (eds.), Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East Wunsch, C.& Magdalene, F. R. (2012) A Slave Is Not Sup- and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millen- posed to Wear Such a Garment!, KASKAL 9, 99-120. nia BC, 409-429. Ancient Textiles Series 8. Oxford. Zawadzki, S. (2002) Payment in Wool in the Economy of the Ebabbar Temple at Sippar, RA 96, 149-167. 6 Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature Nahum Ben-Yehuda1 M aterial culture data is mentioned in Tal- those periods (c. 2nd - 5th centuries AD) and regions mudic (or ‘rabbinical’) literature when a (Land of Israel and Babylonia). This premise is unaf- relevant legal (‘halakhic’) or homiletic fected by the academic disagreement which exists re- (‘midrashic’) context arises. Therefore, certain details garding the extent to which Talmudic laws were actu- may be lacking or ambiguously stated. This however ally practiced by the general populace outside of the is not presented in a systematic and detailed manner, sphere of the Sages themselves. There is, however, such as in ‘Pliny’s Natural History’.2 Additional clas- academic consensus regarding those aspects of ma- sical authors mention flax and linen. First and fore- terial culture which are described in this literature as most: Diocletian3 in his edict of maximum prices. And reflecting Sitz im Leben. in less scope and detail: Xenophon,4 Virgil,5 Strabo,6 Historiography based upon Talmudic literature Columella,7 Pausanias,8 and Theodosius II9 – in his source material is a complex and challenging sci- codex. In some instances, these sources may be use- ence. It will encompass aspects such as the use of ful for comparison, contrast and clarification – to Tal- various Aramaic dialects, the identities, backgrounds, mudic sources. times and locales of tradents10 and the legal and homi- It is difficult to gauge the exact societal extent of letic contexts in which the material culture data is pre- the phenomena mentioned in this literature, however sented. Nevertheless, these are outside of the scope it may be assumed that they can be viewed as a rep- of the current paper, which will focus strictly on ma- resentative sampling, or reliable cross-section of the terial culture itself. material culture found in contemporaneous society in The principal rabbinic works from which data is 1. This research was assisted by grants from the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture and “Targum Shlishi” Foundation – for which I am grateful. I offer my thanks to Professor Steven Fassberg, Professor Leib Moskowitz, Dr. Yitzhak Shlesinger, Professor Michael Sokoloff, and Dr. John Peter Wild for their respective good advice and patience with my numerous queries. 2. (23-79 AD) Primarily in book 19, chapters 1-6. 3. (244-311 AD) 4. (430-354 BC) 5. (70-19 BC) 6. (64 BC-24 AD) 7. (4-70 AD) 8. (110-180 AD) 9. (401-450 AD) 10. One who is responsible for preserving and handing on the oral tradition, in this case the Rabbis or “Sages”. Oxford Bible Studies Online. 122 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   123 gleaned include: Mishna, Tosefta, Mekhilta, Sifra, Flax-linen27 production: longue durée Sifre,11 Jerusalem Talmud,12 Babylonian Talmud,13 Midrash Bereshit Rabba, Midrash Tanḥuma,14 and Ar- Reconstruction of the complete flax-linen chaîne opé- amaic ‘Targums’15 of the Pentateuch and Hebrew Bi- ratoire may be performed by comparison and cross- ble. Each of these works embodies content originat- checking flax-linen production in the Land of Israel28 ing in various periods, some of them long before the with that in various other regions and periods, such as date of their respective final redactions. Ancient Egypt,29 Roman-era Europe, Asia Minor and Pioneers in this field of Talmudic material culture Egypt, Roman30 and Medieval Iberia,31 and modern- research in general, and textiles specifically, were Gus- day Northern Ireland and Great Britain,32 Croatia,33 tav Dalman,16 R.J. Forbes,17 Abraham Herszberg,18 Lithuania34 and Flanders.35 In light of parallel descrip- Samuel Krauss,19 and Saul Lieberman.20 Since then, tions, we can deduce that the processes of flax-linen our knowledge of Roman-era textiles has been greatly production are a longue durée phenomenon with quite enhanced, due to research advances21 in the fields of similar chaîne opératoire, notwithstanding some mi- archaeology, botany, iconography and philology. No- nor variations. This basis corroborates the Talmudic table among those whom have contributed to this field information, enables filling of any gaps and enhances are Yehuda Feliks,22 John Peter Wild,23 Daniel Sper- clarification of ambiguities which may exist therein. ber,24 Ze’ev Safrai,25 and Michael Sokoloff.26 All of An additional benefit of this deduction is that the the above will be accounted for in the current paper. implements historically used in the various stages of 11. Final redactions of these five works: 3rd century AD, Land of Israel. 12. (Also known as the Palestinian Talmud, or Talmud of the Land of Israel) Final redaction: c. 4th century AD, Land of Israel. 13. Final redaction: c. 6th century AD, Babylonia. 14. Final redactions: c. 5th century AD, Land of Israel. 15. ‘Translations’. Final redactions: c. 3rd-5th centuries AD. 16. Published 1937. 17. Published 1956. 18. Published 1924. 19. Published 1945. 20. Publications 1939 - 1968. 21. Research in textile history and archaeology has advanced in recent years, partly thanks to research consortia such as CTR, NESAT, Purpureae Vestes, DressID, TRC, CIETA, and the Archaeological Textile Review (ATR). 22. Publications 1963 - 2005. 23. Publications 1963 - present. Several additional publications relevant to this paper are listed in the bibliography. 24. Publications 1974 - present. 25. Publications 1977- present. 26. Publications 1974 - present. 27. The term “flax” in this paper indicates the plant Linum usitatissimum and its derived fiber. “Linen” in turn indicates yarn and cloth derived from that fiber. This is in accordance with ASTM Designation: D 6798–02 Standard Terminology Relating to Flax and Linen. 28. Amar 2002 (160, 331, 336, and 340) tracks the cultivation and use of flax in the Land of Israel from the Byzantine Period (330 AD) through the Muslim conquest (640 AD and onwards) and up to the Middle Ages. 29. Vogelsang-Eastwood 1992. 30. Alfaro 1984, 49-58 31. Córdoba De La Llave 1990, 85-93. Veiga de Oliveira 1978, 8-23. In addition, presented there is a detailed essay on modern flax- linen production in Portugal. 32. Warden 1967, 248-680. 33. Cruickshank 2011. 34. Meek 2000. 35. DeWilde 1999. 124   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) manufacture, which have indeed become more so- regions generally relevant to Talmudic literature.38 phisticated or mechanized with time, but their respec- tive basic functions remain essentially the same. One Detailed chaîne opératoire (with respective may choose, therefore, to illustrate Talmudic era pro- occupational names) duction processes with implements from other peri- ods and regions when contemporaneous and local il- {1}39 Soil preparation40 lustrations are not available. {2} Sowing (Sower)41 A noticeable exception to the above rule is mod- {3} Weeding (Weeder)42 ern field or dew retting36 as opposed to historical pool ⟨4⟩ Commerce – of plants currently growing in the retting. The hot dry climates of Egypt and the Land field.43(Trader, Merchant) This procedure is op- of Israel37 proximate to the flax-pulling season do not tional, for the flax may be further processed by the enable the growth of fungi essential for to this pro- farmer (and his family) himself.44 cess, in contrast to the respective damp temperate cli- {5} Pulling, uprooting (Puller)45 mates of Western and Eastern Europe. Therefore, field ⟨6⟩ Drying, stooking (Stooker)46 This procedure is retting apparently did not and does not exist in the optional, for sometimes the flax straw is already 36. Nowadays, pool retting is subject to strict regulation by the European Union, and therefore rarely used. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/le- gal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=OJ%3AJOL_2014_174_R_0015. Criterion 2. Flax and other bast fibres. The historical record of dew- retting is currently obscure. 37. Pausanias, Elis I, v. 2-5: “The fine flax of Ellis (Approximately 38° N. latitude, 70 M elevation) is as fine as that of the Hebrews, but it is not so yellow.” Assumedly he is referring to the flax fiber. Pool-retted flax in the hot climate of the Land of Israel (Beth Shean is 32.5° N. latitude, 121M below sea level elevation) produces blond-colored fibers. Dew-retted fibers range in color from ecru through dark gray. (NBY) See Carter 1920, 32: Different colors of flax under various water-retting conditions. 38. Freckman 1979, 91-102: Retting could be undertaken in ponds or tanks – or simply by long exposure in the fields. Dew retting in the climatic conditions of modern and historical Mesopotamia is a topic which has not yet been researched (NBY). 39. For the significance of the various types of parentheses and brackets used in this paper, see “Symbols” infra. 40. Pliny, Book 19, chapter 2: “Flax is chiefly grown in sandy soils, and with a single ploughing. No other plant grows more quickly: it is sown in spring and plucked in summer, and owing to this also it does damage to the land.” Bradbury 1920, 39-41. Carter 1920, 19. DeWilde 1999, 19-22. 41. Columella Book II. x.17: “Flax-seed should not be sown unless it yields a heavy crop and brings a good price in the region where you farm; for it is particularly hurtful to land. For this reason it requires a soil which is very rich and moderately moist. It is sown from the first of October to the rising of Aquila, which falls on the seventh day before the Ides of December 6. An iugerum of land is sown with eight modii of it. Some hold that it should be sown in poor land, and very thickly, so that the flax may grow with a more slender stem. The same people also say that if it is sown in rich ground in February, ten modii should be broadcast to the iu- gerum.” Vogelsang-Eastwood 1992, 5 mentions that flax is sown in Egypt in mid-November. That is nearly identical to the sowing date in the Land of Israel, in contrast to Spring sowing in many other regions. DeWilde 1999, 32-29. Feliks 1963, 149 examines the dates for sowing flax in the Land of Israel. On p. 156 he discusses the proper density of seeds necessary to obtain the desired non-branching plants. 42. Columella Book II. xii.5: “Eight or ten modii of flax seed are sown with four days ploughing, harrowed with three days’ work, wee- ded with one, and pulled with three, the total amounting to eleven days’ work.” 43. Wipszycka 1965, 45-46 mentions merchants and trade of “raw materials” in flax context. The exact stage of production is not indi- cated, and could vary. DeWilde 1999, 203. See: infra Temporary and auxiliary professions: commerce. 44. Safrai 1994, 229; “A number of sources also indicate that the wife of a farmer, who raised sheep or cultivated flax, would sell clo- thes woven from either wool or linen.” Presumably, she herself either performed the labors herself or supervised them being per- formed on site. 45. Pliny, Book 19, chapter 3: “With us the ripeness of flax is ascertained by two indications, the swelling of the seed or its assuming a yellowish color. It is then plucked up and tied together in little bundles each about the size of a handful, hung up in the sun to dry for one day with the roots turned upward…” Vogelsang-Eastwood 1992, 45 provides an illustration of Ancient Egyptian flax pul- ling. DeWilde 1999, 49-64. Feliks 1963, 197-198 examines the dates for pulling flax in the Land of Israel. On p. 219 emphasis is placed on the method of harvesting – by pulling, not cut with a sickle as grain crops. 46. Bradbury 1920, 80-81. DeWilde 1999, 65-66. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   125 dry when pulled and suitable for retting, or is ret- ⁅10b⁆ Rippling [with a “ripple”- a comb with widely ted while still moist. spaced tines] seed bolls from the remainder of the ⟨7⟩ Binding, stacking, storing (with seed bolls still at- flax plant, to deseed before retting.52 Sometimes tached to their stems).47 This procedure is optional, flax straw is retted without deseeding, either when for the flax straw may be deseeded and retted im- the seeds are immature due to early pulling (in or- mediately after pulling. der to obtain very fine fibers), or when new seeds ⟨8⟩ Transport of the flax straw to site of deseeding.48 are purchased to sow each year, rendering deseed- Transport in antiquity was executed by porter, ing extraneous.53 Only one of the above two pro- donkey or camel.49 This procedure is possible, not cedures is performed.54 (Rippler) mandatory, as deseeding may be performed on- {11} Rebinding – in preparation for subsequent pool site, without need for transport at this stage. (Por- retting.55 ter, Cameleer, Donkey driver)50 ⁅12a⁆ Pond (or: pool, pit) retting (or: steeping, water- ⟨9⟩ Commerce – in pulled and dried flax straw. This ing56).57 In this process, bacteria such as Clostrid- procedure is possible, not mandatory, as further ium butyricum and/or Clostridium pectinovorum58 stages of production may be performed by the which are naturally present in the environment farmer himself. (Trader, Merchant) multiply and create a culture, in turn producing ⁅10a⁆ Crushing seed bolls [with a mallet] – to de- the enzyme pectinase which dissolves the natu- seed before retting (the retting process would ruin rally-occurring pectin present in the flax stalks the seeds, rendering them unusable for sowing the and has glued the fibers together. Only after this next year).51 (Crusher) procedure, can the further processing of the flax 47. DeWilde 1999, 67-73. 48. DeWilde 1999, 74-79. 49. Safrai 1994, 289 calculates the respective mass of each method’s maximum load while transporting wheat. Figures for flax (at dif- ferent stages of production) may be different due to its reduced specific gravity (especially retted and dried flax straw). Porter – 42.7 liters (= 32 kg). Donkey – 128 liters (= 96 kg). Camel – 256 liters (= 192 kg). Safrai 1995, 190 comments that commerce between the small villages was enabled by transporting goods via camel-train or donkey-train. In this paper, we will quote Talmudic passa- ges which mention the transport of flax (at some stage of production) by porter, by donkey and/or by camel. 50. The above methods of overland transport are all mentioned in Talmudic literature. See: Sperber 1976, 113-114, 123-125, and 133- 136: Re transport of goods by boat to and from Egypt. Flax and linen in various stages of production were exported and impor- ted between the Land of Israel and Egypt. The commerce and transport of flax-line via inland waterways (The Sea of Galilee, The Dead Sea, or The Jordan River) and the coastal seaways of the Mediterranean (between locales in the Land of Israel, e.g. Jaffa and Caesarea Maritima or Acre, or to and from Asia Minor, the Aegean Sea, and Rome) and the Red Sea require additional research. 51. Dewilde 1999, 82-86. 52. See Georgacas 1959, 259: ξελινίζω “beat the dry flax so that its seeds fall away”. DeWilde 1999, 86-94. 53. Warden 1967, 18: “If good seed is required for future sowing, a little of the flax should be allowed to remain after the bulk of the crop is pulled, that it may ripen fully, and yield seed with the germinating principle really in it.” Carter 1920, 19: Preservation of the seeds for future sowing may be unimportant. Feliks 1968, 282, and Feliks 2005, 262: Flax seeds were used for food, but since this use requires later pulling - after the seeds have ripened - it damages the crop which is primarily intended for its fine fibers, it was therefore discouraged. Flax seed oil for consumption as food and use in oil lamps was used in Asia Minor during this period, but is not mentioned in Talmudic literature – NBY. See: Ertuğ 2000, 171-185. 54. Weindling 1947, 238 suggests that rippling is done if the straw is green and crushing if the straw is dry. If the green seed bolls are rippled, they will have to be dried and subsequently threshed. 55. Carter 1920, 28: Flax straw is carted to the retting dam. 56. Hann 2005, 8-9. DeWilde 1999, 103-126. 57. Pliny Book 19, Chapter 3: “…the actual stalks of the flax are plunged in water that has been left to get warm in the sun, and a weight is put on them to press them down, as flax floats very readily. The outer coat becoming looser is a sign that they are completely soa- ked, and they are again dried in the sun, turned head downwards as before…”. Theodosius (NVal 13-1) mentions municipally ope- rated flax steeping in Numidia (Tunisia). 58. Hellinger 1951. Rahman 1963. Kozłowski 2012, 70-71. 126   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) be done. Removal of the flax straw from the ret- as subsequent fiber processing may be done by the ting liquor must be done at the proper time, by an retter himself. (Trader, Merchant) expert. Early removal, while the flax is still un- {16} Breaking (or ‘braking’) – preliminary separat- der-retted, will render fiber separation impossible. ing of the flax fibers by breaking up the woody Second-retting can rectify this situation, but is ob- parts of the stalks, using a mallet or similar viously time and money-consuming. Late removal implement.63(Braker) from retting will cause the fibers themselves to be ⁅17a⁆ Roughing – combing or hackling by hand to damaged (a state which is irreversible) by the en- remove woody impurities and short fibers and to zyme and unfit for further use. The retting pro- square them on the root end thereby producing a cess is malodorous, and the acidic effluent59 may piece of flax which could be gripped by the hack- leach into adjacent soil thus causing damage to lers with improved yields as result.64Apparently, crops. (Retter) this terminology and separate procedure were tra- ⁅12b1⁆ Drawing (or pulling out) of the retting pond, ditionally used only in Northern Ireland, and in and transport to the drying area.60 other regions would be included in scutching. ⁅12b2⁆ Ringing out the excess retting fluid, to expe- (Rougher) dite drying. ⁅17b⁆ Scutching – scraping, batting, shaking and/or ⁅12c⁆ Dew (or field) retting. In this process, fungi flailing the flax fibers to begin their alignment and such as Alternaria alternate or Alternaria linicola remove remaining woody impurities and short fib- reproduce in warm and moist conditions, and dis- ers.65 The product of this procedure is “scutched integrate the pectin of the flax straw, enabling sub- line” (long fibers) and the by-products produced sequent fiber separation.61 This method is suita- are “scutched (coarse) tow” and coarse shives. ble in some European and Russian climates and (Scutcher) in widely used in modern production, in place of {18} Hackling – combing the scutched flax fibers pond-retting. Egypt and the Land of Israel are both in series of ‘hackles’ (combs) with increasingly unsuitable for this manner of retting, due to their compact tines, to remove the remaining short fib- respective hot and arid climates, which deter fun- ers and shives, and to straighten them in prepara- gus growth, adjacent to the season of flax pulling. tion for spinning. The product of this procedure {13} Drying (or: grassing, spreading) and gaiting is ‘hackled line’ (long fibers), and the by-prod- (erecting ‘chapels’, and subsequent rebinding). ucts are ‘hackled (fine) tow’, and fine shives. In Drying is essential after pool retting, before sub- modern industry, the hackled line is converted into sequent processes of fiber separation.62 continuous ribbons –‘sliver’, and subsequently ⟨14⟩ Transport – to (and from) the scutching mill. In given a slight twist – ‘roving’, in preparation for antiquity, this was executed by porter, camel or spinning.66 (Hackler) donkey. This procedure is possible, not mandatory, ⟨19⟩ Transport – to the spinning mill. (Porter, Cam- for scutching may have been done adjacent to the eleer, Donkey driver) An optional procedure. In retting pool. (Porter, Cameleer, Donkey driver) antiquity, it is possible that most or all of the in- ⟨15⟩ Commerce – of retted and dried flax straw. termediate stages of production were done in the Again, this procedure is possible, not mandatory, same vicinity, by the farmer and his laborers. 59. Kempa & Bartoszewski 1992, 515-517. 60. DeWilde 1999, 133, 136, and 140. 61. Kozłowski 2012, 71-72. DeWilde 1999, 100-103. 62. Carter 1920, 45. DeWilde 1999, 126-133. 63. Pliny Book 19, Chapter 3: “…afterwards when thoroughly dry they are pounded on a stone with a tow-hammer.” DeWilde 1999, 151-161. 64. Carter 1920, 73. Weindling 1947, 255-256. Elaine Flanigan, Keeper of Collections, Irish Linen Center, Lisburn, NI – personal correspondence. 65. Dewilde 1999, 162-188. 66. DeWilde 1999, 192-197. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   127 ⟨20⟩ Commerce – line, tow, and shives. 67 Com- tactile surface and visual sheen. Pliny the Elder merce at this stage is optional, as above. (Trader, mentions that, in antiquity, this was also done to Merchant) yarn. In the modern era, this is considered a proce- {21} Spinning. In antiquity, as today, flax was often dure characteristic to Northern Ireland.77(Beetler) wet-spun, utilizing water or saliva to soften the ⟨25b⟩ Polishing – rubbing with a glass, stone or bone fibers. This will produce a finer quality yarn, and implement to give smoothness and sheen to the in turn finer cloth. In modern industry; ‘line’ (long cloth. Initially this may be performed after weav- fiber) is spun wet, 68 dry or semi-wet; and ‘tow’ ing and subsequently after each laundering. In the (short fiber) is usually spun dry. Plying (or: ‘dou- medieval period this was practiced in Western Eu- bling’) may also be done wet for certain applica- rope, and in the early-modern era, is considered a tions.69 (Spinner) characteristically Scandinavian procedure.78 ⟨22⟩ Transport – as above, to the weaver. (Porter, ⟨26⟩ Transport of woven cloth.79 (Porter, Cameleer, Cameleer, Donkey driver) Donkey driver) ⟨23⟩ Commerce – in spun yarn.70 (Trader, Merchant) ⟨27⟩ Commerce of woven cloth. (Trader, Merchant) {24} Weaving71(Weaver) ⟨28⟩ Rope, cord and twine manufacture – by two pos- ⟨25⟩ Boiling (and bleaching) – may be done at differ- sible different methods: ‘laying’ (or: ‘twisting’)80 ent stages of production: hackled fiber (in mod- or ‘plaiting’ (or: ‘braiding’). ern industry – sliver or roving72), spun yarn, or {29} Production of other end products – nets, gar- as a post-loom process to woven cloth.73 Boiling, ments, and various textile applications. which is an integral part of some historical and ⟨30⟩ Laundering and post-laundry treatment of linen modern production processes - and is often inte- textiles. grated with bleaching,74 softens the fiber and fur- ther dissolves remaining impurities such as pectin Linguistic and etymological fundamentals and wax, and thus enables a finer yarn to be spun, When performed after weaving, this improves the This paper focuses on the Hebrew and Aramaic lan- handle of the woven cloth.75 (Bleacher, Boiler) guage flax production terminology in Talmudic liter- ⟨25a⟩ Beetling76– woven cloth may be (wetted and ature. Nevertheless, the language of the Hebrew Bible subsequently) beaten with a mallet or similar im- is a predecessor dialect, and will be presented herein. plement, in order to provide it with a smoother Standard Biblical Hebrew (SBH) is the stratum of 67. Curchin 1985, 35 quotes Diokletian 32.26 that “raw flax was purchased in bundles”, but this partial text offered by Graser 1959, 416, is omitted by Lauffer 1971. DeWilde 1999, 200-201. 68. Carter 1919, 213-239. 69. Sándor Nagy, managing director, Hungaro-Len spinning mill, personal correspondence. In addition, fine linen spun threads may be cold-water polished. Plied linen twines may be hot-water polished with added starch. 70. Marzuq 1955, 39 – yarn merchants. Curchin 1985, 35 – barter of spun skeins. 71. Wild 1967, 656 mentions “linyphi” – the linen-weavers of Scythopolis, as liable to the state levy (publico canoni obnoxii). 72. Hann 2005, 17. 73. Bleaching and beating woven cloth in Ancient Egypt: Allgrove-McDowell 2003, 36. 74. Woodhouse 1928, 261-273. Hann 2005, 24-26. 75. Wild 2003, 102 “flax boilers”. Carter 1920, 97. Kernaghan & Kiekens 1992, 343-445. 76. Pliny book 19, Chapter 3: “…Then it (the fiber) is polished in the thread a second time, after being soaked in water and repeatedly beaten out against a stone, and it is woven into a fabric and then again beaten with clubs, as it is always better for rough treatment.” 77. Woodhouse 1928, 308-320. Carter 1920, 98. Hall 1957, 131-134. 78. Macquet 1990, 319-334. Scott 1953-1955, 226-227. Steppuhn 1998, 74-76. Noss 1976. My thanks to Professor Eva Andersson Strand for her assistance with this topic. 79. Theodosian Code 8.5.48: “(Coarse) linen and cloaks… shall no longer be dispatched by carriages but by (express) postwagons or boats… But the other delicate garments and the (fine) linen for cloaks… shall be sent by (express) carriages… The additions in pa- rentheses are after Wild 1967, 662. Forbes 1956, 43 mentions that in Ancient Egypt flax was transported in bundles or bales. 80. Denton & Daniels 2002, 41, 194, and 286-287. 128   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) language used in the relatively early books of the He- It is currently impossible to discern the textile dif- brew Bible, prior to the Babylonian exile, and often ferentiation between this and the term šeš, both of embodies Egyptian loanwords. Late Biblical Hebrew which have the identical LBH (and Targumic) paral- (LBH) is used in relatively late books of the Hebrew lel – būṣ (infra). Bible, during and after the Babylonian exile, and is in- creasingly influenced by Aramaic.81 In these two lin- Kūtōneṯ > Kūtōnōṯ. Construct state: Kᵊṯōneṯ > Kōṯnōṯ guistic strata, there are several different terms refer- Etym: This term originates from the Akkadian kītū, ring to flax-linen. kītītū, kītīntu – linen, flax, or linen garment; and the Aramaic kītan.87 It subsequently became the Greek χιτών, and later the Latin tunic – after metathesis.88 SBH terminology of flax-linen It is the name of a garment, originally made of linen, but later on became a generic name for a shirt-like Bāḏ82 tunic made of any textile material.89 Sometimes a Etym: Of unknown etymology.83 modifier is used90 to specifically indicate a linen Selected HB pericopes: garment.91 He shall be dressed in a sacral bāḏ84 tu- Selected HB pericopes: nic, with bāḏ breeches next to his flesh, And the Lord God made skin kōṯnōṯ for and be girt with a bāḏ sash, and he shall Adam and his wife, and clothed them. wear a bāḏ turban….85 (Leviticus 16:4) (Genesis 3:21) Samuel was engaged in the service of the You shall make the fringed kᵊṯōneṯ šeš… Lord as an attendant, girded with a bāḏ (Exodus 28:39) ephod. (I Samuel 2:18) He shall be dressed in a sacral kᵊṯōneṯ One said to the man clothed in bādīm,86 bāḏ… (Leviticus 16:4) who was above the water of the river… (Daniel 12:6) Nᵊˁōreṯ92 – flax tow. Short fibers, often with remnants of shives, usually of lesser value.93 81. Hurvitz 2014, 3-4. 82. Bāḏ is a homonym in HB with four meanings: 1) linen cloth, 2) a branch or pole, 3) a part or portion, 4) a lie, boasting. Apparently there is no connection between them. Nevertheless, Murtonen 1990, 105 suggests that all shades of meaning are derived from the basic notion of separation, and the word for fine linen fits that pattern on the assumption that it originally referred to a piece of linen. 83. HALOT 1994, 109. Gesenius 1987, 105. Grintz 1975, 13-15 Identifies a rare, archaic Egyptian term for a hard stiff cloth. Dickson 2006, 47: [bDA] stiff roll of linen. 84. TO (Pentateuch), TY (Prophets) both consistently translate bāḏ as būṣ, or the determined būṣā. The term bāḏ is not used indepen- dently in Talmudic literature, excluding Biblical quotes and their respective Talmudic discussions. 85. LXX, VUL, KJV, NIV: linen. RVR: lino. LUT: leinenen. 86. Masculine plural form 87. Gesenius 1987, 480-481. Murtonen 1990, 241-242. 88. Kutscher 1961, 98. 89. HALOT Vol. 2, 505 90. Presumably, all of the Kūtōnōṯ mentioned in priestly vestments’ context (Exodus, Leviticus, Ezra, and Nehemiah) are made of li- nen. Additional Kūtōnōṯ, mentioned in Genesis, Exodus, and II Samuel may not be linen. Ezekiel Ch. 44 describes these priestly vestments using the term bīg̱dei pīštīm, and does not use the term “kūtōneṯ”. Ezekiel also uses the alternative terms: Šeš (16:10, 16:13, 27:7) and Būṣ (27:16) albeit in other contexts. 91. The Aramaic Targums - Onqelos, Neofiti and Pseudo-Yonaṯan - of the Pentateuch consistently translate this term using the respec- tive parallel Aramaic forms e.g. Kītūnā, Kītūnīn, Kōṯnān, etc. 92. TY consistently translates this term kītānā. Nᵊˁōreṯ (and its Aramaic parallel dāqtā) appear in Talmudic literature in several con- texts (infra). 93. The production of hemp and jute fibers also creates tow. These textile materials are not present in HB Sitz im Leben. The contexts of hemp in Talmudic literature infer to its production process being similar to that of flax. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   129 Etym:94 Something which is shaken out or shaken off, Now the pıˉštaˉ and the barley were ruined, for as is done in scutching and hackling.95 the barley was in the ear and the pīštā was in bud.102 (Exodus 9:31) HB pericopes: 2) Nomen unitatus– i.e. a single example of a class … Whereat he pulled the tendons apart, – “a flax fiber”, “a flax plant”.103 as a strand of nᵊˁōreṯ comes apart at the … they lay down to rise no more, they were touch of fire…96 (Judges 16:9) extinguished, quenched like pīštā.104 (Isaiah Stored wealth shall become as nᵊˁōretˍ, 42:17) and he who amassed it a spark; and the c) Pīštīm – linen. This morphological plural-like two shall burn together, with none to form indicates a natural/raw product when rep- quench. (Isaiah 1:31) resented in a manufactured condition.105 Pšt Selected HB pericopes: Eytm: This is the basic consonantal form of a Semitic The cloth, whether warp or woof, in wool term, a primary noun.97 It is found in the non-vocal- or pīštīm, or any article of leather in ized Gezer Calendar from 10th century BCE.98 Its vo- which the affection is found, shall be calized variants are as follows: burned…106 (Leviticus 13:52) a) Pešeṯ –“flax”. In HB, found only in Hosea. This …Go buy yourself a loincloth of pīštīm, is a dialectic variation, possibly of Phoenician and put it around your loins…107 (Jere- influence.99 miah 13:1) … I will go after my lovers, who supply my They shall have pīštīm turbans on their bread and my water, my wool and pīštī,100 heads and pīštīm breeches on their my oil and my drink. (Hosea 2:7) loins…108 (Ezekiel 44:18) b) Pīštā 1) A collective, comprehensive designation – “all of the flax”, or “flax in the field”.101 94. HALOT, 707-708, Kadari 2006, 721 “refuse of the flax”, “something small(er)”, Gesenius 1987, 654. Murtonen 1990, 254-255 “ofall (tow, scraps, chips)”. Also known as “oakum”. http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?allowed_in_frame=0&search=oakum 95. A probable BT synonym, and certain Syriac synonym – “ sᵊrāqtˀā” – indicates “something which has been combed out”. DJBA 833, ASR 1051. 96. Cf. Judges 15:14 for similar phrasing, albeit the text uses the term pīštīm and TY translates kītānā. 97. HALOT, 983. 98. Borowski 2002, 34-35. Gilˁad 1976, 543-549. Talmon 1968, 3-14. Amar 2012, 57-58. 99. Murtonen 1990, 351. Morag 1995, 82, 103. 100. “... my flax”. With suffixed possessive pronoun – first person. Also Ibid. verse 11. TY translates both as būṣ. 101. Kautsch 1966, 394. HALOT ibid. 102. TO translates kītānā. 103. Kautsch ibid. HALOT ibid. 104. JPS translates “a wick”. Also Ibid. 42:3. TY translates both occurrences būṣīn (plural form). 105. Kautsch 1966, 400. 106. TO consistently translates pīštīm as kītān or the determined kītānā. 107. TY translates pīštīm as kītān (or the determined kītānā) or būṣ. In contrast to TO’s translation consistency, i.e. pīštīm = kītān. We have not found the key to resolve which translation was chosen by TY for each specific context. 108. LXX, VUL, KFV, NIV: linen. RVR: lino. LUT: leinenen. Examination of the Aramaic Targums to the HB indicates that šeš, bāḏ, būṣ, and pīštīm (and kītān) are interchangeable terms, thus casting doubt upon English translations of “fine linen” or “white li- nen’ vs. (plain) “linen” in various contexts. The Aramaic Targums’ collective advantage over other translations is their continuous diachronic tradition of Biblical Hebrew. 130   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) Šeš109 indicates that it is a newcomer on the Akkadian lin- Etym: An Egyptian loanword – šś with the clothing guistic scene ... Although its ultimate origin has not determinative.110 yet been definitely established, its geographical diffu- Selected HB pericopes: sion points to a northern milieu.”114 Or, a Kulturwort … Pharaoh put it on Joseph’s hand; and he had of unknown origin.115 him dressed in robes of šeš111… (Genesis Selected HB pericopes:116 41:42) … with a magnificent crown of gold and a You shall make the fringed tunic of šeš. You mantle of būṣ and royal-purple.117 (Es- shall make the headdress of šeš.112 (Exodus ther 8:15) 28:39) … and the families of the būṣ factory at … Her clothing is šeš and royal-purple. (Prov- Beṯ-ˀašbeaˁ.118 (I Chronicles 4:21) erbs 31:22) All the Levite singers, Asap̱ , Heman, Yeduṯun, their sons and their brothers, LBH terminology dressed in būṣ.119 (II Chronicles 5:12) Būṣ – The LBH parallel to Šeš and Bāḏ.113 Etym: “The distribution pattern of the Akkadian buṣu 109. Šeš appears only once independently (not as an explanation of a Biblical text) in Talmudic literature. Tosefta Tractate Mᵊnaḥoṯ 9:17, in context of the raw materials used to produce articles required for use in the Temple. This subchapter states that “šeš”(sic)– required for priestly vestments – is pištān (flax), and if they are produced from qanabūs (hemp), they are unfit (and therefore forbidden) for use. I am not aware of an explanation for the use of this term there. Qanabūs is familiar to the Mishnah (Tractates Kīlˀayīm 9:1 and Nᵊgaˁīm 11:2) as a textile fiber similar to flax. 110. Lambdin 1953, 155. Murtonen 1990, 439. Kadari 2006, 1150. Gesenius 1987, 1534. HALOT, 1663 entry III: “Homonymous with the Egyptian loanword for limestone alabaster. Both share the same property in that they are dazzling white.” Loanwords may change from their exact original meaning in transition from the donor language to the recipient language. Therefore, šeš in HB may not necessarily be “dazzling white”. Actually, the color white is not mentioned in context with garments anywhere in the HB, as it is in other contexts, e.g. “teeth” (Genesis 49:15), “manna” (Exodus 16:31), skin and hair affections (Leviticus 13 passim). Noteably, Mishna Yoma chapters 3 and 7, indeed describes the high-priest’s vestments used on the Day of Atonement as being white, in contrast to his daily vestments which are multi-colored. Rabbinic literature does not define the degree of whiteness of these garments, as it does regarding affections of the skin. (Mishna Nᵊgaˁīm Ch. 1, 1.) 111. TO (Pentateuch), TY (Prophets), and the Targum of Proverbs – all consistently translate šeš as būṣ, or the determined būṣa. 112. LXX, VUL, KJV, NIV: fine linen. RVR: lino. LUT: weißer Leinwand. 113. Hurvitz 2014, 50. TO (Pentateuch) and TY (Prophets) – all consistently translate šeš and bāḏ (in their textile contexts) as būṣ, or the determined būṣā. 114. Hurvitz Ibid. 115. Murtonen 1990, 108. Gesenius 1987, 132. 116. This term is used in Talmudic literature rarely, and in only three specific contexts: 1) The white vestments of the High Priest, worn during his parts of his service in the Jerusalem Temple on the Day of Atonement, (Mishna Yoma Chapter 3, subchapters 4 and 6, and parallels in Sīfrā and the Talmuds), 2) The curtain or screen (sāḏīn) used in the Temple on that same day to conceal the High Priest while he is doffing and donning his vestments. (Ibid. Chapter 7, subchapter 1, and 3) A curtain used in the Temple to con- ceal the procedure in which a women suspect of adultery (“sōṭā”) has her head bared. (Numbers 5:18, Sīfrei BaMīdbār chapter 11) This philological phenomenon may be explained thus, that both the Yoma and Sōṭā respective ceremonies’ descriptions are relatively ancient literary works – from the second Temple period – in relation to most other content in Talmudic literature (Me- lamed 1973, 61-62). Therefore, ancient second Temple biblical terminology was selected, instead of the regular Mishnaic pištān. A hapax is the Nomina agentis used in Geonic literature – būṣa’ei infra. 117. Parallel to Genesis 41:42 supra. 118. A guild, factory or workshop. Demsky 1966, 213-214 119. Parallel to Leviticus 16:4 supra. LXX: linen. VUL, NIV: fine linen. KJV: white linen. RVR: lino fino. LUT: feiner Leinwand. We have commented (supra) on this usage. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   131 Talmudic terminology Others do not differentiate: Spanish: Lino The evolutionary process of the regular Rabbinical Russian: “лён” - in transcription [le’n]121 Hebrew term for flax-linen pištān – is as follows. The In the continuation of this linguistic process, the HB term pīštā was adopted as the basis, and subse- noun pīštān may become adjectival by nisba122 form, quently the final character “nun” was added to close i.e. the addition of the suffix “-ī”, hence “pīštānī” – the ultimate open syllable.120 This is a familiar lin- flaxen,123 or “related to flax”. By addition of “man”, guistic-phonetic phenomenon in later Hebrew dia- in Hebrew – “ˀīš”, “ˀīš pīštānī” = “a man dealing lects. Following are several similar examples: with flax”. With nominalization,”ˀīš” is omitted, and Pīštā (Exodus 9:31) ► Pīštān (RH passim) “pištāni” retained, now forming an occupational Yᵊhūḏā (Genesis 29:35, passim)► Yūdān name (Nomina agentis). The occupational name (RH passim) does not indicate what specific activity is done, e.g. Kaisáreia (Greek) ► Qesārī (RH passim) flax-farmer, flax-worker, flax-producer, flax-trader or ► Qesārīn (RH passim) flax-transporter – only “flaxman” or “flaxist”, quite Sepphoris (Greek) ►Ṣīpōrī (RH passim) similar to the Spanish “linero”. Again, additional in- ►Ṣīpōrīn (RH passim) formation must be gleaned from textual context, and Mᵊgīddō (Joshua 12:21, passim) ► may be translated using periphrasis. The Aramaic Mᵊgīddōn (Zekhariah [LBH] 12:11) parallel to pištāni is kītānāi.124 There are additional ►Ἁρμαγεδών (LXX NT Revelations forms of occupational names in Hebrew, e.g. qāṭṭāl, 16:16) ► Armageddon (KJV ibid.) qaṭlan, qaṭōl, and the use of the participle - qōṭel.125 Šᵊlōmō (II Samuel 12:24, passim) ► All have applications in our context. Šlemun (Syriac) ►Σαλωμών (LXX passim)►Solomon (KJV passim) Glossary of Talmudic flax-linen terminology126 Unfortunately, the HB differentiation between flax and linen is lost in Mishnaic Hebrew. Pīštān, The terms are arranged in accordance with the stages as well as kītān in Aramaic, indicate both flax and in the chaîne opératoire with which they are affili- linen, and therefore require a suitable interpretation ated. When a number of possible affiliations are ap- in each context. plicable, such will be indicated. Modern languages vary in this same aspect: Selected quotes from rabbinic literature will be Some differentiate: cited. English: Flax – Linen Hungarian: Len – Vászon Procedures Swedish: Lin – Linne German: Flachs – Leinen Entries are presented alphabetically,127 in Semitic tri- Dutch: Vlas – Linnen consonantal128verbal root form. 120. This process is referred to as “nunation”. Ben-Ḥayim 1972, 46: This is not an actual “nun”, but “nasalization”. Nevertheless, the common pronunciation is “n”. (NBY) 121. This information was provided by Professor Igor Uschapovsky, All-Russian Research and Engineering Institute for Flax Production. 122. Hilman 2016: The gentilic suffix ‫ יִ‬- -ī (sometimes referred to by the Arabic term nisba) is used to form adjectives that denote some form of relation, such as affiliation, origin, or numerical order. 123. Cf. silk – silken, wood - wooden, wool – woolen. 124. More on this topic infra. 125. Bendavid 1971, 441, 445, 446. Gross 1994, 265. 126. The transliterations of Talmudic texts in this paper are vocalized generally accordant to Sokoloff 2012, Melamed 1992, Jastrow 1903 or Kohut 1878. 127. ˀ (aleph) and ˁ (ayin) are placed before “a”. Subsequently: b, c, d, g, h, ḥ, k, l, m, n, p, q, r, s, ṣ, ś, š, t, ṭ, w, y, z. 128. Also referred to as triliteral. Occasionally, the verbal root form is quadriliteral. 132   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) ˀrg (Hb) ± mḥy, nwl (Ar). To weave linen, wool,129 ± ktš (Hb, Ar). To “pestle”133 (pound and rub, to etc. Literally – “to beat-up (weft insertions)130”. apply pressure and friction). {16}⟨25a⟩⟨25b⟩ “… I told him, to buy flax (“leˀerōg̱ ”) to “This pīštānī (flax worker), when he knows that weave…” (Midrash Tanḥūmā Wāyeleḵ 2). “ˁōḇāḏ his flax is good… the more he beats (“kōteš”) it, māḥei”(weaver’s131 work) of the linen tunics… the more it improves …” (Bereshit Rabba Co- (TO Exodus 39:27). A certain woman when she dex 32:3, Vatican 30). DJBA 610. DJPA 273. See (“māḥya”) beats-up on the Sabbath is liable for also: Māˁārōḵā infra. the labor of weaving (JT Šabbaṯ 10g). DJPA 300, DJBA656, 735. {24} dwš (Hb, Ar). ⁅10a⁆ To thresh – remove the seed bolls from the flax straw, by striking them with ˁly↓šly a mallet or other implement. “That flax-worker ˁqr↓tlš (“kītānāyā”) – using a mallet (on the Sabbath), is ˁzl↓ṭwy liable for performing the labor of (“dāš”) thresh- bqˁ↓pšl ing”. (JT Šābbāṯ 10a) DJBA 322-323. dqq (Ar). 1) To make thin (or fine) by beating (or gdl (Hb, Ar) ± qlˁ (Hb/Ar). To twist or plait vari- rolling out).⟨25a⟩⟨25b⟩ “Rāḇā permitted to beat ous items (cord, hair, wreaths, fringes, etc.) or to (“lᵊmedāq”) rough-cloth garments (“ṣādrei”) dur- make nets. “Rabbi Ḥīyyā planted flax and gāḏelnā ing the intermediate days of the festival” (BT Bāḇā (made) nets134…” (BT Kᵊṯūbōṯ 103b). {27} “One Mᵊṣiˁā 60b). 2) Braking flax stalks. “Flax which strand of (yarn), doubled into two, (“qᵊlīˁā”)135 is braked (“dāyīq”) but not (yet) scutched.” (BT into three, plied into six, and “double plied” into Šabbaṯ 20b){16} DJBA 349. twelve…” (JT Šᵊqālīm 51b) {21} DJBA 261, 1021. DJPA 494-495. “One who (“gāḏel”) braids/ ± nqš (Hb, Ar). To hammer, beat (beetle), plaits a chain (braided cord). (BT Pᵊsāḥīm 72a). pound.132{16}⟨25a⟩ “This pīštānī (flax worker), ⟨26⟩ when he knows that his flax is good... the more he beats (“māqīš”) it, the more it shines…” (Be- ghṣ (Hb). To rub136 (and therefore polish) with a round reshit Rabba 32:3, Codex Vatican 30). DJBA 776. stone or glass137 a linen [especially white] or wool DJPA 361. garment, or to launder well.“Rav Yosep̱ teaches: 129. We do not find in Talmudic literature specific occupational names: “linen weaver” (or “wool weaver”) as in Greek λινοπλόκος or λινουργός . Nevertheless, two foreign-originated terms for weavers are fairly common in Talmudic literature: Ṭarsi (a weaver originally from Tarsus?) [DJPA 231] and Gardi (from the Greek γερδιός) [DJPA 135. DJBA 283, 299]. Further research is requi- red to assess if, in Talmudic literature, either term indicates one who weaves linen. See: Blackwell 1974, 359. Rosenfeld & Me- nirav 1999. Wild 1969. 130. Denton & Daniels 2002, 23. Or: “to throw the shuttle”. http://cal1.cn.huc.edu/ mḥy G1a. 131. Here serving as an active participle. 132. Cf. “There is an art of combing out and separating flax: it is a fair amount for fifteen ... to be carried out from fifty pounds’ weight of bundles; and spinning flax is a respectable occupation even for men. Then it is polished in the thread a second time, after being soaked in water and repeatedly beaten out against a stone, and it is woven into a fabric and then again beaten with clubs, as it is always better for rough treatment.” (Pliny’s Natural History, Book XIX, Chapter III) 133. Archaic transitive verb: to beat, pound, or pulverize with or as if with a pestle. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/pe- stle. Cf. ghṣ infra. 134. For various types of nets, see: Denton & Daniels 2002, 233. These were probably knotted nets, which are suitable for trapping animals. See: Davidson 2012, 6. 135. I am uncertain exactly how to explain this technique, literally “braided”. (NBY) 136. Cf. dqq, nqš and ktš supra. 137. Rashi BT Kᵊṯūbōṯ 10b (s.v. gīhūṣ) identifies this as: “lischier – with a glass stone” (Catane 1996, 92). There is currently no firm evidence that this procedure was actually practiced in the Land of Israel or Babylonia during the Talmudic period. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   133 In the Land of Israel one should purchase – for his (“lᵊḵāsḵōsei”) rub a (“kītānītā”) linen tunic on the wife, as a festival gift – (“mᵊgōhāṣīm”) pressed Sabbath? …If one’s intention is to soften it, then linen garments.” (BT Pᵊsāḥīm 109a). “Linen gar- it is permitted. But if the intention is to whiten ments are not restricted from (“gīhūṣ”) being it, then it is prohibited.” (BT Šābbāṯ 140a) DJBA pressed adjacent to the fast of Aḇ” (BT Tāˁānīṯ 592. 29b).⟨25b⟩, ⟨28⟩ ktš ↑ dqq hbl (Hb). To steam, in order to soften and/or bleach flax. “…It is forbidden to place (“ˁūnīn”) [mois- lbn (Hb) ± kbr (Ar). To bleach, literally “to whiten” tened and] hackled flax fibers138 into the oven on (“kbr” = with sulfur). “Hackled flax fibers (be- Friday, unless they (“yāhāḇīlū”) steam before (the come susceptible to halakhic impurity) only af- entrance of Šābbāṯ in) the evening…” ⟨25⟩ ter they have been (“mīšᵊyīṯlābbᵊnū”) bleached.“ (Mishna Nᵊgāˁīm 11:8) “…dᵊḵāḇrei ḵaḇrōyei…” kbr↓lbn They have certainly been (sulfured) bleached. (BT Bāḇā Qāmā 93b) DJBA 551.143⟨25⟩ kbš (Hb, Ar). To press139⟨28⟩ [See: Māḵbeš infra] “On the Sabbath, it is permitted to open (or “release”) a mḥy ↑ ˀrg homeowner’s press, but not to begin (“kōḇᵊšīm”) pressing. A professional fuller’s press may not mzr (Hb, Ar). To spin yarn.{21}“One who has had ‘a be touched.” (Mishna Šābbāṯ 20:5) DJBA, 551. fit of jealousy and is wrought up’ about his wife, DJPA, 249. that she has ‘secretly gone astray’144 must divorce her and remit the kᵊṯūbā145 … only if this has been kbs (Hb). To launder.140 “Linen garments are permit- gossiped about by the women (“mōzᵊrōṯ”) whom ted (“lᵊḵābsān”) to be laundered during the inter- are spinning by moonlight.”(Mishna Sōṭā 6:1). In mediate days141 of the Festival”. (BT Mōeḏ Qāṭān JT Sōṭā 20d it is offered that the following are var- 18a)⟨28⟩ iant readings of this verbal root. DJPA 311, 326, 543. (Cf. “Māmzōr” infra) kss ►ksks142 (Hb, Ar). To rub or knead (with the fin- → mṣr146 (Hb, Ar). To spin wool yarn. “One who gers) a linen garment after laundering, in order reads “mōṣᵊrōṯ” – understands the text to indicate to soften and whiten it. ⟨28⟩ “Is it permitted to ‘spinners (f.pl.) (“māṣᵊrān”) of wool.’” (JT ibid.) 138. Or spun yarn. See: ˁūn infra. 139. Further research is required to determine to what extent linen garments were pressed in this fashion, in comparison to wool. Flohr 2013, 116-117, 145-148 describes this process and its respective apparatus in detail. The “homeowner’s press” is not mentioned. 140. Flohr 2013, 63-64 leans toward the position that linen garments were not usually laundered by a professional fullo. 141. This may refer to either the Festival of Unleavened Bread, of the Festival of Booths. Generally speaking, laundering (among other se- cular and time-consuming activities which should be performed before the festival) is prohibited during this period, in order to both ensure that the entry to the festival will be with an honorable appearance, and to preserve free time to rejoice. Several explanations have been offered regarding this specific permit: 1) Linen garments soil quickly even if they were (as required) laundered immedia- tely before the festival. (Linen garments were as a rule white – in contrast to woolens which were dyed - so that soiling was quite noticeable, and considered dishonorable particularly during a festival – NBY.) 2) Laundering linen garments is relatively easy and not very bothersome. (In contrast with laundering and fulling wool garments, which is both difficult and time-consuming – NBY.) 142. Originally from a biconsonantal root - just two root letters (ks), which subsequently became a triconsonantal or quadriconsonan- tal root by either geminating the last letter (kss) or reduplicating both root letters (ksks). 143. Sokoloff assigns this to linen, notwithstanding the local context of wool. 144. Translation of Numbers 5:13-24 - after JPS. 145. Marital monetary compensation obligated by rabbinical law. 146. The second radical shifts from “z” to the phonetically similar “ṣ”. 134   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) → šzr147 (Hb, Ar). To ply flax yarn. (Cf. gdl, qlˁ su- make (“lᵊhāp̱šīl”) ropes … (…in a desolate syna- pra) “One who reads “mōzᵊrōṯ” – under- gogue)” (Mishna Mᵊgīllā 3, 3). ⟨26⟩ “Everybody stands ‘pliers (f.pl.) (“šāzᵊrān”) of flax.’” (JT ibid.) else makes (“map̱ qīˁīn”) ropes of regular wool and flax, but he (King Ahasuerus) makes them (for his npṣ ➷ nps (Hb, Ar). To scutch (by beating and/or banquet) of fine linen and royal-purple.” (Esther by flailing) or hackle (comb) flax fibers. “In the Raba 2:7). DJBA 926-927, 944. DJPA 110, 443. household of Bar Marion son of Raḇin, when they were (“nāpṣī”) scutching flax, the shives and tow qlˁ↑gdl would go out and damage people…” (BT Bāḇā Bāṯrā 26a). “Rāḇa said: Flax that was braked but rṭy (Hb). To wring or spin out (liquid) from flax to not yet (“nᵊp̱īṣ”) scutched.” (BT Šābbāṯ 20b). expedite the drying process (?). The term is exclu- “When one separates flax fibers on the Sabbath, sive to the Tosefta lexicon151 and of unclear appli- he is liable for the labor of (“mᵊnāpes”) scutch- cation in the chaîne opératoire.152 “One who laun- ing (and/or hackling)…” (JT Šābbāṯ 10a).148 DJPA ders his garment, or wrings out his hair or “rōṭeh” 356. DJBA 763. ⁅17a-b⁆ {18} his flax…” (Tosefta Tāhōrōṯ 5:16).⁅12b2⁆⟨25⟩ nqš ↑ dqq šdy↓zrˁ nwl ↑ ˀrg šdy #2. To spin yarn. ↓ṭwy plg (Ar). To separate flax fibers by scutching. “When one (“mᵊp̱āleg̱) separates flax fibers on the Sab- šly (Hb, Ar) ± ˁly (Hb). To pull or draw flax out of bath, he is liable for the labor of scutching (and/or (retting) water. “(One is permitted) to (“šōleh”) hackling)…” (JT Shabbat 10b) DJBA 908. DJPA pull his flax out of the retting pool (during the 433. ⁅17a-b⁆ {18} intermediate days of the Festival of Unleavened Bread153)” (Mishna Mō’eḏ Qāṭān 2:3). “One whom pqˁ↓ pšl has hired workers to (“lᵊhaˁalōṯ”) pull his flax out of the retting pool…” (Mishna Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 6:1) pšl (Hb, Ar) ± pqˁ ≈ bqˁ.149 To lay/twist (and/or ⁅12b1⁆ DJBA 1149 2#. DJPA 553 2#. braid/plait?) rope.150 “It is forbidden to … and to 147. The relationship between the verbal roots √mzr and √šzr may be based upon the Akkadian biconsonantal verb ‘zâru’ – to twist, (CAD z 72) and adjective ‘zēru’ – braided, plaited. (CAD z 89). 148. Perhaps this is also a hapax nomen agentis: nppṣ (Hb) ≈ nāppṣˀā (Ar) (BT Yᵊḇāmōṯ 118b). 149. This is a rare usage of pqˁ (3 or 4 times in Talmudic literature), as opposed to other, more frequent meanings: “to rend (tear), to unravel, to break, to confiscate, etc.” – all destructive. In this instance, the meaning is converse - constructive, i.e. “to build or manufacture (rope)”. This is an example of one verbal root which expresses both a meaning and its opposite meaning. The other sources for this meaning are: JT Sūkkā 55g, Bereshit Raba 68:12. The consonant shift from “p” to “b” is (alternation of voiced and non-voiced counterparts) is common. 150. Cf. ḥeḇel. 151. The only other occurrence is in this same tractate 4:11. 152. Cf. Wipszycka 1965, 23: “The artisans boiled flax (hackled fiber), in large vases of clay or metal in water containing oil and so- dium carbonate (Na2Co3) which formed a kind of soapy substance… Finally, they would sponge (wring out) and wash the flax, wrapping the tangles around poles and exposing them to the sun decomposed coloring and fats.” I have not found any parallel to this description – NBY. See also Liebermann 1939, Part IV, P. 68, footnote 32 at end. 153. This festival falls in March-April, adjacent to the season of flax pulling in the Land of Israel. Retting is done as soon as possible af- ter pulling the dry straw. In addition, the warm temperatures at this time are suitable to support the necessary bacterial culture for retting. The other festival which has intermediate days is the Festival of Booths, which falls in September-October, months after pulling flax, and the temperatures are too cool to support the bacterial culture. Labor is permitted during the intermediate days of a festi­val, in order to prevent monetary loss. In this case, flax which is not pulled out of the water at the correct time will be over-retted and therefore almost worthless. The exact time of pulling is difficult to plan, as it depends on climatic and other natural conditions. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   135 srq (Hb, Ar). To comb, hackle, or ripple flax. “(The the entire crop).” (Mishna Bāḇā Bāṯrā 5:7) DJPA wadi154 where the calf’s neck has been broken) 416, 583. DJBA 877, 1211. may not be sown nor tilled, but it is permitted to (“līsrōq”) comb155 there flax.” ⁅10b⁆, {18} DJPA try ↑ šry 339. DJBA 832 2#. See: Sereq infra. ṭwy (Hb/Ar) ± ˁzl ➘ ˀzl, šdy (Ar). To spin flax (or šry156 (Hb) ± try (Ar). To steep (ret) flax in water. “It wool) yarn.159 “As one (f.) who lifts her left arm is prohibited to bring flax straw from outside of to spin flax…” (Mishna Nᵊgāˁīm 2:4). “Flax which the country (Land of Israel) and (“šōrīn”) ret it in was spun by a woman during her menstrual pe- the country.” (Tosefta Šᵊḇīˁīṯ 4:19). “After he saw riod… if it was (still) damp160, one who moves that they were using it (the water drawn out by a it is rendered halakhically impure.” (Tosefta “water wheel”157 on the Sabbath) for (“tārū”) ret- Tāhōrōṯ 4:11). “He saw Orpah161 Ishbi’s162 mother, ting flax, he forbade it.” (BT ˁerūḇīn 104b).⁅12a⁆ and she is (“ˁāzlā”) spinning flax…” (Midrash DJPA 591. DJBA 1233 2#. Tehilim 18:30). {21} DJBA 102, 496, 849-850. DJPA 322, 401. šzr ↑ mzr zrˁ (Hb) ± šdy (Ar). To sow. “One who leases a field tlš (Hb) ± ˁqr (Hb, Ar). To pull(-up), uproot. Flax is from another for only a few years is prohibited not harvested as grains are with a scythe, the en- to (“yīzrāˁenā) sow flax…” (Mishna Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā tire plant is pulled up for cutting is difficult due 9:9). “I go and (“šāḏenā”) sow flax and make to the fibrous stem, and in order to gain the fibers nets…” (BT Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 84b). “Raḇ saw a man in their entirety. {5} “Rav Yehuda permitted to that was (“šāḏeh”) sowing flax on (the holiday of) pull up (“lᵊmeˁāqer”) flax… during the interme- Pūrīm…” (BT Mᵊgīllā 5b).{2} DJBA 1111.13. diate days of the Festival of Unleaved Bread.”158 (BT Mōˁeḏ Qātān12b). “One who purchases a Workplaces crop of flax from a fellow man … if the flax is still rooted in the ground, and he (“tālāš”) pulled- Bei Kitānā (Ar). An area (where an unspecified ac- up any amount, this is considered a purchase (of tivity is performed) of flax. “A bill of divorce 154. After Deuteronomy 21:4, JPS translation: “…and the elders of that town shall bring the calf down to an everflowing wadi (creek), which is not tilled or sown. There, in the wadi, they shall break the calf’s neck.” 155. It may me assumed that the intention is to rippling, before the flax straw is to be retted in the adjacent everflowing wadi (creek). A parallel reading, Midrash Tanaim to Devarim 21:4, mentions also “laying out wool fleece and flax fibers to dry”. Perhaps, ac- cording to that version, the flax was also scutched and hackled on site, after be retted in the wadi (creek). And perhaps all three of these combing processes were performed there. 156. See also: Mīšrā infra workplaces. 157. Apparently: ἀντλεῖν (antlein): http://www.n-k.org.il/?CategoryID=321&ArticleID=251 Or perhaps: Archimedes’ screw. https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archimedes%27_screw 158. In the Land of Israel, flax ripens during March-April, and may coincide with this festival (whose date is based on the lunar calen- dar). Not all labors are permitted during the intermediate days, but if the flax is not pulled on time, it will continue to develop thi- cker and less valuable fibers, which incurs a monetary loss for the farmer. 159. Peshitta (Syriac targum to the Pentateuch) translates plied linen (Exodus 26:1, passim) as “ˁāzīlā” (passive determined partici- ple, serving as an adjective). ASR 1090. The nomen agentis derived from this root is “ˀāzālwāyā” – a spinner (m.s.). DJBA 102. 160. Dampened – with her saliva, as historically used for wet-spinning flax. See also Lieberman 1967, 262-263, Ketuboṯ Ch. 5 - “One shall not compel his wife to spin flax”. 161. After Ruth 1:4 “They married Moabite women, one named Orpah…” 162. After II Samuel 21:16 “…and Ishbi-benob tried to kill David.” 136   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) was found in “an area of flax” in Pumbedita…” Tools and implements (BT Gīṭīn 27a, BT Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 18b). DJBA 199, 208 #1, 6. ˁōr (HB). A hide (leather) apron. See: Kāttān infra, → Dūḵtā heḵā dᵊtarū kītānā (Ar). A place where and various uses for an apron in flax manufacture. flax is steeped. (See: try√ supra, Mīšrā infra). “… some say that it was an area (“heḵā dᵊtarū kītānā”) Koš ha-ˀArbelī (Hb). A spindle167 that was proba- in which flax is retted, and convoys (passersby) bly used in the town Arbel168 for spinning rela- are not present… (Ibid.). ⁅12a⁆ tively coarse flax. The whorl of this spindle is → Dūḵtā dᵊmᵊzabnei kītānā (Ar). A place where flax more firmly attached to the shaft than a regular is sold.“…some say that it was an area in which flax spindle. “Koš ha-ˀArbelī – its parts are con- (“dᵊmᵊzabnei kītānā”) flax is sold…and convoys sidered fastened together for applications of sus- (passersby) are present…” (Ibid.). ⟨9⟩, ⟨15⟩, ⟨20⟩, ceptibility to halakhic impurity, and the sprin- ⟨23⟩, and/or ⟨27⟩. kling of the ‘water of lustration’169…” (Tosefta Pārā 12:16){21} Ḥanwāṯā (Ar f. pl.). Stores, workshops, or guild offices. 163 “At the (“ḥanwāṯā”) workshops of Koš šel pīštān (Hb). A spindle used especially for (“kītānāˀy”) flaxmen there was a meeting …” (JT spinning regular flax (in contrast to one desig- Peˀā 16a, Leiden codex). DJPA 208, 460. DJBA nated to use for rope or for coarse flax). The 473, 967 #2.164 whorl is relatively loosely attached; therefore each part should be sprayed separately. Neverthe- Mīšrā (Hb). A rettery165 - place of steeping (ret- less, if it happened that one part has been sprayed ting) flax. “One may draw out his flax from the (while the implement is assembled), the entire (“mīšrā”) rettery (during the intermediate days spindle has still been purified. (Tosefta Pārā su- of the Festival of Unleavened Bread) in order to pra, Mishna Pārā 12:8 and Maimonides commen- prevent it from being damaged …”.166 (Mishna tary ad. loc.){21} Mō’ˁeḏ Qāṭān 2:3). ⁅12a⁆ 163. See: I Chronicles 4:21”families of flax/linen-workers” – guild, factory or workshop. After Demsky 1966, 213-214. See also: The- odosian Code 10-20-6 “… guild of imperial weavers, either a linen weaver or a linen worker …” Ibid.10-20-8 “Scythopolitan (Hebrew: Beth Shean) linen workers” – are probably a guild. Safrai 1994, 225: “… the store or shop is synonymous with the wor- kshop.” Kasher 1979, 311-313 and 1985, 352-353 describes Jewish textile guilds in the Land of Israel. Retzleff & Mjely 2004, 40 report that a section of the 3rd century AD odeum of Gerasa Trans-Jordan (50 km east from Beth Shean) was designated by in- scription: “The place of the linen-workers”. This was most likely the section in which guild members were seated. 164. From available literary context, it is impossible to determine exactly which activities of the chaîne opératoire usually took place there. 165. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/rettery. Georgacas 1959, 257: λιναρίτηϛ “water in which flax is retted”. 166. Safrai & Lin 1988, 129-162, 171, 178-180. Ancient facilities which have been tentatively identified as a rettery have been disco- vered in Kibbutz Geva. 167. Koš literally means shaft, spindle or stick. In this context it probably indicates the entire spindle, including whorl, stick and pos- sibly hook. 168. Leibner 2009, 257-258. Cf. Bereshiṯ Rabba 19:1 “Garments (or textile products) of linen made in Arbel – what is their worth? What is their price?”. This is in contrast to the linen products produced in Beth Shean (Scythopolis) – the center of production of fine linen in the Land of Israel, which are “very fine and therefore ignite (or become soiled by ashes) easily”. These products are alluded to in Bereshit Rabba 32:3, Codex Vatican 30. See: √ktš and √nkš. Diokletian consistently ranks Scythopolis-produced li- nen garments as the highest quality and consequently most expensive. XXVI 13-63, 78-134. XXVII 8-22, 16-30. Lauffer 1971, 168-177. In accordance, “Expositio totius mundi et gentium” (c. 459 AD) ranks Scythopolis as the source of finest quality linen clothes. Stern 1974-1984, 497. Possible reasons for the production of inferior linen products in Arbel have been presented in Ben- Yehuda N. 2011. “The Mysterious Flax Industry of Arbel” (unpublished, in Hebrew). 169. HB Numbers 19:3 “A man who is clean shall gather up the ashes of the cow and deposit them outside the camp in a clean place, to be kept for water of lustration for the Israelite community. It is for cleansing.” 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   137 Māˁārōḵā (Hb ~ Ar). A pestle, or rolling pin used for Qōp̱nā (Ar < κόπανος Gr).177 A mallet178 used for crushing seed pods or braking flax straw.170 “That braking flax straw or crushing seed pods. This con- flaxman … when using a (“māˁārōḵā”) pestle (on text does not infer the use of Qōfnā for beetling, the Sabbath), is liable for the labor of grinding…” although a similar implement may be used for that (JT Šabbaṯ 10a). DJPA 323.⁅10a⁆ {16} See: ktš√↑. purpose. “That flaxman who uses a (“qōfnā”) mal- let on the Sabbath is liable for the labor of thresh- Māḵbeš (Hb). A clothing press.171 (See kbš√supra) ing” (JT Šābbāṯ 10a). DJPA 483 (hapax). ⁅10a⁆ ⟨28⟩ ⟨15⟩ ⟨25a⟩ See: dwš√, dqq√ ↑. Māsreq šel pīštān (Hb). A comb, hackle or ripple for flax (in contrast to that used for wool).172 “A Materials and products (“māsreq šel pīštān”) comb for flax, if some of its teeth have been broken off, and two remain it is Raw materials still susceptible to halakhic impurity…” (Mishna Kelīm 13:8). ⁅10b⁆ {18} Pīštān (Hb) ± Kītān ~ Kītānā (Ar). Flax, linen (Li- num usitatissimum). Passim. DJBA 579. DJPA Mei Mīšrā (Hb). The water (or: “liquor”) of the ret- 257. ting process. See: šry√ ↑. “One whom is reciting (“Qᵊrīˀaṯ Šᵊmāˁ”)173…shall not do so while he is Qānābūs (Hb) ± Qīnbā (Ar). Hemp (Cannabis sa- immersed in foul-smelling water or (“mei mīšrā”) tiva). “…also the (“pīštān”) flax-linen and the retting liquor,174 unless he dilutes them.” (Mishna (“qānābūs”) hemp, when they are blended to- Bᵊrāḵōṯ 3:5) ⁅12a⁆ gether179…” (Mishna Nᵊg̱āˁīm 11:2, Kīlˀāyīm in- fra). DJBA 1014. Nāwlā ≈ Nāḇāl dᵊkītān 174b (Ar). Loom. “One must not place a loom which being used for wool near Ṣemer (Hb) ± ˁāmār ~ ˁāmrā (Ar). Sheep’s wool a (“nāḇāl dᵊḵītān”) loom which is being used for (Ovis aries). “There is no prohibition of mixed flax,175 because of the dangling yarns (that may be- species (in garment context) other than (“ṣemer”) come attached to one another)”. (JT Kīlˀā’īm 32a) (sheep’s) wool and (“pīštīm”) flax-linen…” {24} DJPA 344. DJBA 735 #1. (Mishna Kīlˀāyīm 9:1, Nᵊg̱āˁīm supra) DJBA 870. DJPA 411. Qāsīyā.176 Leather glove(s), worn by a flax worker. See: ˁōsei pištān infra. Ṣemer Gefen (Hb) ± ˁāmār Gūfnā (Ar). Cotton 170. In Mishna Kelim 15:2 this refers to a baker’s rolling pin. 171. See: Sperber 2014 and Granger-Taylor 1987 for description of this implement and its use. Additional research is required to exa- mine its specific usage for wool and linen garments. 172. See Wild 1968 for a discussion of the roman flax-hackle. Barber 1991, 14 illustrates a possible ancient flax hackle. 173. This prayer-like recitation consists of passages from the HB, and therefore is considered holy and must be performed in a clean environment. 174. Kozłowski 1992, 252-253. The odor is a result of toxic and acidic gases which are released during water retting. 174b. The w/ḇ labial consonant alternation is a familiar phenomenon in Mishnaic Hebrew due to their similar or identical pronuncia- tion (Steve Kaufman, personal correspondence). Sharvit 2016, 288-291 175. We do not currently have information regarding the exact construction of these looms themselves, and if it varies from a “wool loom” to a “flax loom”. 176. Etymology unknown. 177. See Georgacas 1959, 257: λιναροκόπανοϛ – “wooden beater of flax. 178. Vogelsang-Eastwood 1992, 12 presents illustrations of possible flax mallets. 179. The literary context (and current textile science) indicate that these two fibers are similar in appearance and feel, and therefore compatible to be blended together. 138   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) (Gossypium arboretum). 180 “This proselyte is Qīrṣīn (Hb pl.). “Divisions” – piles ready for division similar to (“ˁamrā gūfnā”) ‘grape wool’ (cotton), into shares.186 “One who leases (as tenant) a flax whether you want to put it with (“ˁāmrā”) wool – field from another, is required to tend to it through that is permitted, or with (“kītānā“) flax – that is to the phase of preparing piles of (pulled) flax.” also permitted…” (JT Qīdūšīn 64c). DJBA 870. (Tosefta Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 9:19) Jastrow 1903, 1425. DJPA 411. DJPA 507 2#. ⟨7⟩ – ⟨15⟩ Materials and products (intermediate and final)181 Māṣeḇeṯ šel pīštān (Hb). ’Chapels’ of flax. “These materials are flammable … chapels of flax …” Hōṣen > Hōṣᵊnīm > Hōṣānei (construct state) ≈ (Mᵊḵīltˀā DᵊRābī Šīmˁōn Bār Yōḥāy 22:5). Krauss Hōšen182 (Hb/Ar). Stalks of flax, flax straw. 1945, 61. Literally: ‘column’ or ‘pillar’.⟨7⟩ – ⟨15⟩ “Two (“hōṣānei”) stalks of flax left in the field ----- shall not be retrieved;183 three or more may be re- trieved…” (Mishna Pe’ˀa 6:5). “If one roofed his Kītānā dᵊˁāvīḏ bīzrei (Ar). Flax straw that has seed festival booth with (“hōṣānei”) flax straw, it is fit bolls attached – prior to rippling and retting. “A for use. However, if that was done with (“ˁānīṣei”) live fowl that fell on flax straw that has seed bolls scutched flax fibers, it is unfit.”184 (Tosefta Sūkkā attached, there is concern that it has been inter- 1:5). {4} – ⟨15⟩. DJBA 374. nally injured because of the protrusions, and is ----- subsequently unfit for use as (edible) poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). DJBA 195. {5} – ⁅10b⁆ Kītānāˀ dᵊˁāvīd b’ṭūnei (Ar). A load of flax straw. “A ----- live fowl that fell on a load of flax – there is con- cern that it has been internally injured, and is sub- (Kītānā) dᵊḏāyīq wᵊlā nᵊp̱īṣ (Ar). Flax which has sequently unfit for use as (edible) poultry.” (BT been braked but not scutched. “A live fowl that Ḥūlīn 51b). DJBA 508.⟨7⟩ – ⟨15⟩ fell on flax straw that has been braked but not yet scutched, there is concern that it has been inter- ˀĪsorītā > ˀĪsoryātā (Ar). Bundle(s) of flax sheaves nally injured, and is subsequently unfit for use as or cane. “A live fowl that fell on bundles of flax (edible) poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). {16} See: dqq√ sheaves – there is concern that it has been internally npṣ√. injured, and is subsequently unfit for use as (edi- ble) poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). DJBA 121.⟨7⟩ – ⟨15⟩ (Kītānā) dᵊḏāyīq wᵊnᵊp̱īṣ (Ar) Flax which has been both braked and scutched. “A live fowl that fell on Kep̱ a > Kep̱ ’eh (pl. construct state) dᵊkītānā (Ar). flax straw that has been both braked and scutched, Sheaves of flax. “A man whose son stole sheaves there is no concern that it has been internally in- of flax,185 he (the father) vowed that his pos- jured, and is subsequently fit187 for use as (edi- sessions would be forbidden to that son.” (BT ble) poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). {16} – ⁅17b⁆ See: Nᵊḏārīm 48b). DJBA 578. ⟨7⟩ – ⟨15⟩ dqq√ npṣ√. ----- 180. Talmudic terminology related to various silks and other minor fibers is not within the scope of the current paper. 181. Arranged according to chaîne opératoire. 182. Possibly ➷. 183. Based upon HB Deuteronomy 24:19 “When you reap the harvest in your field and overlook a sheaf in the field, do not turn back to get it; it shall go to the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow…” Flax is considered a food crop in this context, as the (ground) seeds are edible and edible oil can be extracted from them. 184. The regulation is that roofing for the festival booth, must be of non-edible vegetable matter, in its natural state. Flax straw is con- sidered natural, whereas flax fiber is considered a manufactured product, and therefore unsuitable. 185. Rashi ad. loc. offers an additional interpretation: “The son worked with sheaves of flax and therefore neglected his study of Tora.” 186. Safrai 1994, 194. See also: Lieberman 1967, 290 ad loc for a different, albeit unlikely, interpretation. 187. The fowl must be ritually slaughtered before consumption. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   139 Nᵊˁoreṯ188 (Hb) ± Srāqtˀā (Ar). Flax tow. “How did abandoned (“ˀānīṣei pīštān”) flax fibers – they be- they ignite the beacons? They brought long poles long to him…” (Mishna Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 2:1).⁅17b⁆ of cedar-wood, reeds, pine-wood (“oilwood”) and {18} See: Sereq infra. (“nᵊˁoreṯ šel pīštān”) flax tow, which they wrapped ----- with twine …” (Mishna Rōš Hā-Šānā 2:3). “A fast is effective for dissipating a (bad) dream, just as Sereq190 (Hb). Flax sliver. “One who is suspected fire rapidly burns (“nᵊˁoreṯ”) tow.” (BT Šābbāṯ that he violates the laws of the Sabbatical Year 11a). DJBA 833 (- corrected according to ASL – it is forbidden to purchase from him flax even 1051) (“sereq”) sliver, but spun or woven material is → Gāsā (Hb). Coarse (scutched) tow (probably with permitted.” (Mishna Bᵊḵōrōṯ 4:8). {18} See: ˀānīṣ shives). “It is permissible to cover up food (to supra. keep it warm on the Sabbath) with (“dāqā”) fine tow. Rabbi Yehuda prohibits (“dāqā”) fine tow Sereṭ (Hb). Band or ribbon. “It is prohibited to tie to- and permits (“gāsā”) coarse tow.” (Mishna Šābbāṯ gether a (“sereṭ”) ribbon of wool and a (“sereṭ”) 4:1).⁅17b⁆ ribbon of flax to use as a belt, even if there is a → Dāqā (Hb). Fine (hackled) tow (probably without leather strap between them.” (Mishna Kīlˀāyīm shives). See previous entry. {18} 9:9). {18} {24}191 {29?} → Dāqtā (Ar). Fine (scutched) tow (probably with ----- shives). “A live fowl that fell on (“dāqtā”) fine tow, there is concern that it has been internally in- ˀūn > ˀūnīn (Hb). {22} A hank (or: ‘skein’) of spun jured, and is subsequently unfit for use as (edible) linen.192 “…and the (“ˀūnīn”) after they have been poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). DJBA 349. ⁅17b⁆ bleached…will be susceptible to the impurity of → Dāqdāqtā (Ar). Very fine (hackled) tow (with- an eruptive affection”.193(Mishna Nᵊgaˁim 11:8 out shives). “A live fowl that fell on (“dāqdāqtā”) and Maimonides commentary ad loc.) “[Uten- very fine tow, there is no concern that it has been sils which are permitted to be loaned out during internally injured, and is subsequently fit for use the Sabbatical Year, notwithstanding their con- as (edible) poultry.” (BT Ḥūlīn 51b). DJBA 348. ventional use for currently forbidden agricultural {18}189 products, because it is possible that they will be ----- employed for a permitted use, for example]… an oven to conceal therein ˀūnīn of pīštān…” (JT ˀānīṣ > ˀānīṣīn > ˀānīṣei (construct state) ≈ ˁānīṣ, Šᵊḇīˁīṯ 36a). {21} ˀānūṣ (Hb). Scutched or hackled flax fibers. “One ----- who has vowed not to don linen is permitted to cover himself with (“ˀānīṣei pīštān”) flax fib- Ḥūṭ Pīštān (Hb) > Ḥūṭei ± Ḥūṭˀa DᵊKītānā (Ar) ers.” (Mishna Nᵊdārīm 7:3). “One who has found ± ˁAzil (Ar). Linen yarn or string.194 “One who 188. Liddell & Scott 1996, 1658: στυππειον – tow, oakum. Appropriate Greek suffixes form nomina agentis: tow-dealer, tow-maker, and tow-worker. These specific occupational names do not exist in Hebrew. Cleland, Davies & Llewellyn-Jones 2008, 113 pro- vide differentiation between fine linen fabrics “amorginon” (made from long fibers – “line”), and coarse ones “stuppinon” (made with short fibers – “tow”). Three grades of tow are mentioned (from fine to coarse) by Diokletian XXVI, 1-3, Lauffer 1971,169. 189. The last three descriptions of different grades of fine tow may overlap. 190. JT Māˁserōṯ 52g quotes this Mishna, but reads: “pīštān sārūq” (hackled flax). “ˀānīṣ” and “sereq” could be of overlapping mea- ning. In any case, sereq is a mass noun, in contrast to ˀānīṣ, which is a count noun. 191. Perhaps this is a narrow fabric, woven with a belt loom or tablets. The parallel Tosefta (5:22), in place of sereṭ (‘band’ or ‘rib- bon’), reads “sereq” (flax sliver). Cf. supra. Perhaps sliver was used as part of a belt (?). 192. Feliks 1970, 356. Cf. √hbl supra. 193. After HB Leviticus 13:47 “When an eruptive affection occurs in a cloth of wool or linen fabric…” 194. Nine grades of linen yarn are mentioned (from fine to coarse) by Diokletian XXVI 4-12, Lauffer 1971, 169. 140   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) found a (“ḥūṭˀa dᵊkītānā”) linen yarn in his woolen Rabbinic literature (Sifra 5:13, 15) for the purpose cloak and pulled it out. He wasn’t sure if it had of halakhic discussion. The Aramaic phrases are been entirely pulled out or not…” (BT Nīdā 61b). from the targums of the respective Biblical verses. “One who makes a tunic entirely of camel hair or {21/24} rabbit hair, and wove one strand of woolen yarn on one side and one strand of (“ḥūṭ pīštān”) linen ˁereḇ LāPīštīm/BāPīštīm (Hb) ± ˁīrbaˁ LᵊḴītānāˁ/ yarn on the other side – the garment is forbidden.” BᵊḴītānāˁ (Ar). Flax yarn intended for use as (Tosefta Kīlˀāyīm 5:12). “A woman shall not go weft.197 See previous entry, for parallel phrases out195 on the Sabbath with (“ḥūṭei ṣemer”) wool and sources. {21/24} yarns or (“ḥūṭei pīštān”) flax yarns or laces in her hair. (Mishna Šābbāṯ 6:1). DJPA 401. DJBA 436. Pᵊqaˁaṯ (Hb). Skein, of one of the above two types of {21} yarn. (Mishna Nᵊg̱āˀīm 11:8) {21/24} Ṭᵊwy (Hb - RH196). Spun material (thread, yarn, etc.). ˀārīg̱ (Hb). Woven material. ”…but it is permitted to “One who is suspected of violating the laws of the purchase from him (“ˀārīg̱”) woven material (of Sabbatical Year, it is forbidden to purchase from linen).” (Mishnah Bᵊḵōrōṯ 4:8) {24} him flax, even it is hackled. But it is permitted to ----- purchase (“ṭᵊwy”) spun or (“ˀārīg̱”) woven mate- rial.” (Mishna Bᵊḵōrōṯ 4:8) {21} Nāšbā > Nīšbei (Ar) ± Rešeṯ (Hr). Net.198 “Rabbi Ḥīyyā planted flax and (from it) made (“nīšbei”) Māmzōr (Hb). Plied linen yarn. Cf. √mzr↑. “One nets199 to trap gazelles…” (BT Kᵊṯūbōṯ 103b) who makes (or plies) (“māmzōr”) plied yarn (or DJBA 778.{30} cord) on the Sabbath is liable for the labor of spin- ning.” (JT Šābbāṯ 10g). {21} Ḥeḇel > Ḥāḇālīm/n (Hb, Ar) ± ˀāšlā ≈ Ḥāšlā (Ar) ± ----- ˀaṭūnei (Ar) ± Mīṯnˀa (Ar). Rope or cord. “There are three materials from which (“ḥāḇālīm”) ropes Šᵊṯīy LāPīštīm/BāPīštīm (Hb) ± Šīṯyā LᵊḴītānāˁ/ are made… from flax for measuring (or survey- BᵊḴītānāˁ (Ar). Flax yarn intended for use as ing).” (BT ˁerūḇīn 58a). “Ropes (“ḥāḇālīm”) of warp. The Hebrew phrases are Biblical quota- flax are forbidden to use as the roofing for the tions (Leviticus 13:48-58), which are quoted in festival booth.” (JT Sūkkā 52b). “Rabbi Ḥīyyā 195. The reason for this prohibition is that the woman might take the yarns out of her hair and carry them in her hands in the public do- main, which is forbidden on the Sabbath. 196. BH = Māṭweh (Exodus 35:25). This is a Biblical hapax legomenon. 197. The difference between warp and weft yarns is not mentioned in these sources. There are a number of possibilities: 1) The yarns may be of different twist directions (’S’ or ’Z’) to enhance interlock, or of different counts (thicknesses). Cf. BT ˁaḇōḏā zārā 17b. 2) The warp yarn may be of a tighter twist than the weft. 3) The warp yarn may be sized (treated with starch or the likes) or boi- led to make it more durable. Cf. Rashi to BT Mᵊˁīlā s.v.‘mai lᵊˀāḥīzā’- “…he smoothes (or: ‘polishes’) the yarn for weaving with bran or anything else…” 4) Different qualities of fibers may be used, e.g. (stronger) long fiber flax for the warp and short fiber for the weft. (After John Peter Wild, personal correspondence.) 198. Pliny Book 19, chapter 2:“From the same province of Spain Zoëla flax has recently been imported into Italy, a flax especially use- ful for hunting-nets; Zoelà is a city of Gallaecia near the Atlantic coast. The flax of Comae in Campania also has a reputation of its own for nets for fishing and fowling, and it is also used as a material for making hunting-nets.” Xenophon, On Hunting, Chap- ter 2, Section 7: “The net-keeper should be a man with a keen interest in the business, one who speaks Greek, about twenty ye- ars old, agile and strong, and resolute, that, being well qualified to overcome his tasks, he may take pleasure in the business. The purse-nets should be made of fine Phasian (Colchian) or Carthaginian flax, and the road-nets and hayes (meaning unclear – NBY) of the same material.” Ibid., Chapter 10, Section 2: “The nets must be made of the same flax as those used for hares, of forty-five threads woven in three strands, each strand containing fifteen threads.” 199. Cf. JT Mᵊgīllā 74d that he made ropes for this purpose. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   141 bought flax seeds, planted them, harvested them, and quickly worn-out linen garments, or very and made (“ḥāḇālīn”) ropes200 …” JT Mᵊgīllā fine flax yarn. “One who inherited a large sum or 74d). “…A diver descended, and tied (“ˀaṭūnei”) money and wants to waste it should wear linen ropes of flax to a reef, and to the ship.” (BT Rosh garments, specifically ‘kītānā rōmītā’.” (BT Bāḇā HaShana 23b). “…One who tied a (“mīṯnˀa”) cord Mᵊṣīˁā 29b). “One shall not compel his wife to of wet flax to his loins …” (BT Baḇa Mᵊṣīˁa 113b). (wet-) spin flax yarn (through her mouth), because DJPA 185. DJBA 173, 427, 721.⟨28⟩ it causes halitosis and scars the lips.203 Specifically, ‘kītānā rōmˀā’ā’.” (BT Kᵊṯūbōṯ 61b). {29} Mᵊšīḥā (Hb/Ar). Cord or twine, often used for survey- ing.201 Māšōḥā – surveyor.202 √mšḥ – to measure Kītūnā, Kītānīṯā, Kītōnīṯā (Ar). A tunic or gar- or survey. “The surveyors (māšōḥōṯ) do not meas- ment, presumably made of linen. “Rav Ḥīsdā ure exhaustively…” (Mishnah ˁerūḇīn 4:11). DJPA says: ‘A rabbinic disciple who wants to purchase a 333-334, DJBA 712.⟨28⟩ (“kītōnīṯā”) linen tunic, should purchase it in ‘Na- ----- har Abba’ (toponym). He should launder it every thirty days, and then it will last twelve months. I Dardas > Dardasin (Ar). Stockings or foot coverings guarantee that!’” (BT Šābbāṯ 140b). DJBA 579. made of linen or wool. “’Dardasin’ of wool on one {29} foot and ‘dardasin’ of linen on the other foot…” (JT Kīlˀayīm 32d). DJPA 154, 155. {29} Sāḏīn > Sᵊḏīnīm (Hb) ≈ Sᵊḏīnā > Sᵊḏīnāyā (Ar). One of various simple (flat) textile products, e.g. bed Kᵊlei Pīštān ± Bīg̱dei Pīštān (Hb) ≈ Mānei DᵊKītānā sheet, curtain, veil or awning; possibly made of (Ar). Flaxen or linen garments or other textile linen. Also, a specifically linen wrapped-garment. product. “One may purchase, from a (married) This is a rare HB term, appearing three times:204 woman, woolen items in Yehuda, and (“kᵊlei “I shall give you thirty “sᵊḏīnīm” and thirty sets pīštān”) flaxen items in the Galilee.” (Mishna of clothing.”(Judges 14:12-13). “And the lace Bāḇā Qāmā 10:9). “One must delight his wife dur- gowns, and the “sᵊḏīnīm”, and the kerchiefs and ing the festival, with a gift that is appropriate for the capes.” (Isaiah 3:23). In these two appear- her. In Babylonia – dyed (woolen) garments, in ances, the context is garments. The following of- the Land of Israel – pressed (“bīg̱dei pīštān”) linen fers no direct inference as to the identity of the garments.” (BT Pᵊsaḥīm 109a). DJBA 579. {29} item: “She makes a sāḏīn and sells it…” (Prov- erbs 31:24)205. None of the HB texts indicate what →Kītānā Rōmītā ≈ Rōmˀā’ā (Ar). Very expensive material the sāḏīn is made of.206 200. Cf. BT Kᵊṯūbōṯ 103b reading, in which he made nets. See “Nāšbā”. 201. Not mentioned as being of flax, but flax rope is recommended for surveying (BT ˁerūḇīn 58a), therefore extrapolation here is probable. 202. An additional nominal form (Ar) of this root – mīšḥāˁ – translates: ‘measurement’, ‘dimension’, or ‘size’. DJPA 333, DJBA 712. Worthy of mention is the homonymic root, meaning ‘oil’ (n. Ar) and ‘to anoint’ (v. Hb). 203. See also Lieberman 1967, 262-263, Ketubot Ch. 5 - “One shall not compel his wife to spin flax”. 204. Etymology: Akkadian sadinnu – item of clothing (HALOT, 743-744). Perhaps a foreign word. (Gesenius 1987, 1381). 205. Nevertheless, this is obviously a textile product, as are additional products, materials and implements mentioned in this chapter: vs. 13: wool and flax, vs. 19: spinning implements, vs. 21: crimson dyed garments, vs. 22: “mārḇādīm” (coverings), Egyptian li- nen and Tyrian-purple dyed garments. 206. Lacking any modifier which could identify the material being used, and/or the specific use of this object, the term sāḏīn is open to polysemy. Testimony to this can be found in the respective Aramaic Targums of (the identical term) in each of these three ver- ses, in each instance using a different (and often obscure) term. Judges 14:12: TY: pldys (of uncertain origin), PS: ˀpqrsˀ (from Greek ἐπικάρσιον –“striped garment”). Isaiah 3:23: TY: qrṭys (a type of head covering??), PS: tklytˀ (hyacinth blue). Proverbs 31:24: TP: pṯgˀ (unknown), PS: ktnˀ (linen). 142   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) Talmudic sources may or may not indicate that Lewis and Short… Susan Treggiari sug- this product is made of linen:207 gests that linteariae were basically linen- sellers who may, however, have woven the “She spread a (“sāḏīn”) bed sheet linen they sold… I (Curchin) would alter of (“pīštān”) linen on his bed…” (BT the emphasis… and see the lintearius as Bᵊrāḵōṯ 10b). “(“Sāḏīn”) with at- primarily a linen-weaver who could (and tached (“ṣīṣīṯ”) fringes 208 (or: ‘tas- frequently would) sell his own products in sels’)209 – what is the law?” (Mishna his shop 214 … This does not explain the ˁedūyōṯ 4:10)210 “A (“sāḏīn”) curtain difference between lintearius and linarius (or: ‘screen’) of “būṣ” was placed (or: or the need for two types of tradesman215 ‘drawn’) between the High Priest and in the same product in the same town…. the people…” (Mishna Yōmā 3:4). “(A) Linarius may be a dealer in linum – flax, sᵊḏīnā of “kītānā” (linen) and its tat- and lintearius a dealer in linteum – linen ters.” (BT Šᵊḇūˁōṯ 6b). DJBA 788. DJPA cloth… In the East we find… flax could be 368. purchased raw in bundles… or to barter the spun skeins… Merchants of linen yarn Occupational names (Nomina agentis) – linemporoi – are attested selling to pro- fessional weavers, and the guilds of such The challenges involved in accurately defining these merchants are attested … occupational names emanate from both the ambiguity of context in ancient text and the uncertain organiza- In synopsis, linen-merchants themselves may be tion of the historical labor force. Curchin211 encoun- linen-weavers, or perhaps linen-workers at other pre- ters these very difficulties regarding the definition of vious steps of production. The distinction between two Greek occupational names in this industry. His merchants and workers is therefore blurred. We shall discussion is quite relevant, if not parallel, to our own find similar ambiguities/complexities in Talmudic ter- deliberations in this paper. Here we will quote se- minology, as follows.216 lected portions: Following are the five major nomina agentis for this field in rabbinic literature:217 Lintearius212is presumably a producer. 1) ˁōsei (construct state) Pištan (Hb pl.) One can therefore readily understand the 2) Būṣˀai > Būṣˀa’ei (Ar) translation “linen-weaver”,213 adopted by 3) Kāttān (Hb) 207. Cf. also: būṣ supra and footnote on the curtains (or: ‘screens’) used in the Jerusalem Temple. 208. Numbers Ch. 15:37-38 “The Lord said to Moses as follows: Speak to the Israelite people and instruct them to make for themsel- ves fringes on the corners of their garments throughout the ages; let them attach a cord of blue to the fringe at each corner.” (JPS) 209. NIV 210. The legal discussion here deals with affixing woolen fringes on this linen garment, which may violate the HB prohibition of mi- xed species. (Maimonides commentary ad loc. Leviticus 19:19 “…a garment from a mixture of two kinds of material shall not come upon you.” Deuteronomy 22:11 “You shall not wear a garment combining wool and linen.”) 211. Vol. 10, no, 1. 34-35. 212. The Theodosian Code mentions the public tax on “Scythopolitan linen workers” (10.20.8). “Linteones and linyfi are apparently syno- nymous there as elsewhere.” Wild 1967, 656 Identifies these workers as linen-weavers, and the state levy as publico canoni obnoxii. 213. Cf. Georgacas 1959, 254: λινλόκοϛ “linen-weaver”. 214. Jerrard 2000 (no pagination) presents evidence for the connection between retailing and manufacture in the Roman textile indu- stry in collegia (craft union) inscriptions. Both retailers and manufacturers were members of the same collegium. 215. Cf. Georgacas 1959, 254: λινοπώληϛ “linen merchant”. 216. Shatzmiller 1994, 121 presents a similar situation of ambiguity in Medieval Arabic flax-related nomina agentis: Kattān = wea- ver of flax, linen flax manufacturer, seller, flax spinner, or flax comber. Ḳaṭṭān = cotton spinner and/or seller, cotton manufactu- rer and/or seller, carder. Kattānī = flax spinner. 217. A second group of temporary and auxiliary flax-linen nomina agentis will follow. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   143 4) Kītānˀāi, Kītānyāˀ (definite) > Kītānˀā’ei identify the purpose of this leather glove. Perhaps (Ar) it is worn while pulling flax in the field, both to 5) Pīštānī (Hb) enable a good grip on the plants and to prevent The common denominator of this group of occu- wounding the hands – thus they are “flax pull- pational names in various forms is the often lack of ers”.221 Or it is worn during the subsequent brak- mention of any specific activity, whether it is com- ing, scutching and hackling processes – again en- merce or some stage of production. The only fact abling a good grip on the stalks and fibers while mentioned is that the occupation deals with flax- working – they are “flax brakers”, “flax scutchers” linen, which is indeed ambiguous. English does not or “flax hacklers”. have a conventional word for accurate translation of Notice should be taken of the two groups of these terms without applying circumlocution. The occupational names in this subchapter, arranged Spanish “linero” is an excellent candidate. Innova- by rhyme and prosody: 1) zorᵊˁei gᵊranoṯ, holᵊḵei tive terms, either “flaxman”218 or “flaxist”,219 would dᵊraḵim, ˁōsei pištān – all plural participles. 2) serve this purpose well. We will attempt to extrapo- ṣabbaˁim, nappaḥim – both in the qaṭṭāl pattern, late each name’s more definite application from its in plural form. We will mention this phenomenon contexts, but that does not eliminate the possibility in the kattān entry. that the same occupational name included additional An additional direction of inference to differen- applications. tiate between the two occupational names – kāttān ----- (infra) and the current ˁōsei pištān is by compar- ison with a similar pair of occupational names – 1) ˁōsei pištān (Hb pl.). Flax makers or producers.220 zāggāg̱ and ˁōsei zᵊḵūḵīṯ. Both occupations are glass workers, and appear jointly in the same sub- Qasiya (leather gloves) of zorᵊˁei gᵊranoṯ chapter of Mishna (Kelim 8:9) and Tosefta (Kelim (winnowers of granaries), of holᵊḵei Baḇa Mᵊṣīˁa 3:10) or separately (zāggāg̱– Mishna dᵊraḵim (wayfarers), of ˁōsei pištān (flax Kelim 24:8, ˁōsei zᵊḵūḵīṯ - Tosefta Kelim Bava makers or producers) – are susceptible to Mᵊṣīˁa 3:11). The joint appearances indicate that (halakhic) impurity. But those of ṣabbaˁim they are two different occupations, not synonyms. (dyers) and of nappaḥim (blacksmiths) are Here, as in our own context, zāggāg̱ is in qāṭṭāl insusceptible…” (Mishna Kelim 16:6) form, based on the material being worked with This occupational name embodies both the ma- – glass. A literal translation would be “glazier” terial used and the procedure performed, at least notwithstanding the current dictionary definition in general. Therefore we have translated “flax – “one who fits glass into windows”, or a syn- producers” – in accordance with the participle’s thetic “glassman” or “glassist”. And just as “√ktn”, meaning. In order to determine in what specific ac- “√zgg” is an Aramaic nominal root, imported into tivity these “flax producers” are engaged, we must the Mishna. These have become Hebrew words. 218. All of the current nomina agentis appear in masculine gender in rabbinical literature, which is the default option. Other, predomi- nately or exclusively women’s occupations, may appear in feminine gender, cf. mōzᵊrōṯ (spinners or plyers) mzr√ supra, ˁōᵊrgōṯ (weavers), ṭōwōṯ (spinners). Sārōqōṯ (infra) is the exclusive non-gendered plural form of the qāṭōl nomina agentis. According to Tosefta Qidushin 5:14, they are men. 219. English language occupational names, often based upon the material or object involved, may appear with suffixes “-ist” and “-man”. Due to the intended vagueness of our proposals, it is equally possible that he is a flax craftsman, tradesman, or transporter. Cf. cowman, horseman, iceman, laundryman, milkman, woolman, etc. And florist, colorist, machinist, etc. 220. Cf. Isaiah 19:9 “Flax workers (“ˁōḇdei pīštīm”) too shall be dismayed, both hacklers and weavers of white (or: ‘nets’) chagrined.” 221. Moore 1922, 86: “These experts are ever ready to explain the knack which ensures no blistering of hands and no creaking of stoo- ped backs...” Ibid. 87-88: “Pulling flax calls for skill... A schoolmaster, who presumes himself to be adept, is eager to demonstrate to others the right finesse of the pulling art. Just a few minutes later he has retired... to have oiled silk affixed to his lacerated fin- ger.” DeWilde 1999, 53-54: “Another frequent inconvenience, especially with the young pullers, was the blisters that formed on the hands… Pricks from thistles and other weeds sometimes caused chaps or other wounds…” 144   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) In contrast, ˁōsei zᵊḵūḵīṯ, are literally “glass pro- national mood.224 These historical work songs are ducers“. Grossmark222 identifies “ˁōsei zᵊḵūḵīṯ” as not currently identifiable. the producers of slabs or chucks of glass – the raw Šᵊ’eltōṯ of Aḥai Gaon225 (a post-Talmudic work) material, and “zāggāg̱” as the artisan who manu- adds (or: ‘reads’): “…but that of weavers and factures (and often sells them himself) glass uten- būṣˀa’ei is forbidden.”226 sils – the end product. Perhaps the redactors of the Būṣˀa’ei are “flaxists”, as no specific activ- Mishnah were consistent in this formula, and we ity is inferred, only the material dealt with.226b may deduce that “ˁōsei pištan” is one who works From this source, we cannot correctly extrapolate in early stages of production (e.g. pulling – with which activity in the production process is per- gloves), and “kāttān” in later stages of production formed by them. We have chosen “flaxist” (cf. (e.g. hackling – with an apron). supra), an occupational name consisting of the material used with an added noun suffix, as an at- 2) Būṣˀai > Būṣˀa’ei (Ar). A flaxman or flaxist. tempt to accurately and elegantly reflect the orig- inal terminology. “When the Sanhedrin ceased to exist, song This agent noun is a hapax legomenon in Tal- ceased from the places of feasting; as it mudic and post-Talmudic literature. It is parallel is said, they shall not drink wine with a in form to the Hebrew pištani/pištanim and Ara- song…” (Mishna Soṭa, 9:11) maic kitanˀai/kitanˀa’ei. The authority of the Sanhedrin (‘Synedrion’ – the supreme court of Israel) was terminated by Ro- 3) Kāttān (Hb). A flaxman or flaxist. man General Gabinius in the middle of the first “These hides are susceptible to “mīdrās” century BCE.223 That was considered a national (a specific class of halakhic impurity)… disaster, and as a result appropriately solemn be- the hide of the ḥāmmār (donkey driver), havior was enacted. Among the restrictions, cer- the hide of the kāttān (flaxman), the hide tain types of song were prohibited. This concept is of the kāttāp̱ (porter 227)…” (Mishna Kelīm based upon the HB verse: “They drink their wine 26:5) without song...” (Isaiah 24:9). The Talmud discusses the above Mishnaic law. This occupational name requires some linguis- “Rav Huna said: The singing of boat-draggers and tic explanation. Despite the Mishnah being a pri- herdsmen is permitted, but that of weavers is pro- marily Hebrew language work, an imported Ara- hibited.” (BT Soṭa 48a) maic nominal root √ktn is employed here,228 in the Here, the Talmud discerns between different Hebrew qāṭṭāl pattern of nomina agentis, thus re- types of song, for the purpose of defining their sulting in a Mishnaic hapax legemenon. Perhaps respective legal standing in this context. Appar- this relatively uncommon stylistic choice was ently, singing only assists the boat-draggers and deemed necessary by the editors of the Mishna herdsmen in their work and is considered solemn, (and Tosefta - infra) which was intended primar- and therefore permissible. In contrast, the singing ily for oral rote learning - in order to avoid the of weavers it is joyful and therefore forbidden, aural ambiguity of the possible Hebrew “pāššāṯ” because it contradicts the appropriately solemn (flaxman, extracted from “pešeṯ”) and “pāššāṭ” 222. Grossmark 2008, 47. 223. Cf. Josephus, Ant. XIV, v. 4. 224. Mirsky 1977, 50. 225. Rav Aḥai Gaon, Babylonia 680 - LOI 752 AD. 226. Cf. Mirsky 1977, 50. Epstein 1987, 438. 226b. Cf. Būṣ supra. 227. Literally, a “shoulderer”. 228. Gluska 1987, V-VI. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   145 (animal skinner) - both of which could well use while “gaiting” or “stooking” for drying– a “flax an apron while working. During the Mishnaic pe- stooker”. In that case, the leather apron protects riod, the differentiation in pronunciation between the worker’s clothes (at least partially) from be- emphatic consonants and their respective contrast- coming wet and malodorous. We also find that ing non-emphatic (”ṭ” ➷ “t”) had been weakened, in modern Flanders, a leather apron was worn and as a result these became homophones (albeit by “flax pullers”, to protect their garments from not homograms). The use of the Aramaic root in dew.231 In modern industrial wet-spinning, water- qāṭṭāl form here, and not the more expected He- proof bibs and aprons were donned by workers.232 brew “ˁōsei pištān” - flax producers (Mishna Ke- The parallel Tosefta (Kelim Bāḇā Bāṯrā 4:8) re- lim 16:6), is also necessitated by the poetic char- peats this term. In one variant (Zukermandel edi- acter of Mishnah, which incorporates rhyming and tion) “pāttān” replaces kāttān. Perhaps this is prosodic passages. This particular subchapter lists a visual-mistake (graphic) scribal error, or “per- leather products related to various uses and occu- mutation”, for these two Hebrew letters “k” (‫)כ‬ pations, which are in turn grouped for rhyme and and “p” (‫ )פ‬are similarly shaped.233 In addition, prosody: 1) “hide of sᵊcortīaˀ (table-cover), 2) hide kāttān is a hapax and unfamiliar to the scribe. of qatabolīaˀ (bed-cover) – both Greek loanwords; Another possibility may be suggested, that this 3) hide of the ḥāmmār (donkey-driver), 4) hide of variant represents an attempt (or a textual tradi- the kāttān (flaxman), 5) hide of the kāttāp̱ (porter) tion) in which this qāṭṭāl patterned nomen agen- – all qāṭṭāl pattern agent nouns. A pertinent paral- tis is based on the Mishnaic Hebrew pštn (delet- lel to this prosodic phenomenon may be offered ing the “š” from the quadruple form234), instead from the same tractate (16:6) in context with “ˁōsei of the Aramaic “kītān”. pištan”, and has been discussed supra. The specific activity of the kattān is unclear; 4) Kītānˀāi, Kītānyāˀ (definite) > Kītānˀā’ei (Ar). A as a result we prefer to translate “flaxman”, as the flaxman or flaxist – flax worker, flax merchant.235 most faithful representation of the original term See supra: Ḥanwāṯā, Hōṣen (JT Pe’ˀa 16a), which does not allude to any specific activity, only Qōfnā (JT Šābbāṯ 10a), dwš√, npṣ√. DJPA 257. to the material being dealt with. Maimonides, in his commentary to the Mishnah 5) Pīštānī (Hb). A flaxman or flaxist. There are three ad loc. identifies these particular hides as aprons. examples: “Once a young girl entered to obtain He explains that the worker is engaged in scutch- flax from the (“pīštānī”) flaxman, and he said to ing or hackling and that the leather apron protects her: ‘this is for your engagement236 to me’”. (JT his garments from tow, shives and dust – a “flax Yᵊḇāmōṯ 13g). It is difficult to identify the specific scutcher”.229 Other possibilities are that the apron procedure performed by this pištani, other than is worn while pulling the flax straw from the ret- being a merchant of flax or linen. ting water hence a “flax retter”230 and subsequently “This (“pīštānī”) flaxman, at the time he knows 229. “Breaking Flax”, c.1850-1851, painting by Jean-Francois Millet (Normandy – Paris). http://www.jeanmillet.org/Breaking-Flax,- c.1850-51.html DeWilde 1999, 82. 230. DeWilde 1999,128. This was originally a leather apron. 231. DeWilde 1999, 50. 232. Carter 1920, 81. 233. See however: Lieberman 1939, Part 3, 83 who rejects this reading. 234. The middle consonant of this qāṭṭāl pattern is not actually doubled in Hebrew, it is emphasized by a dot in its center (in this case: ‘‫)‘תּ‬, called ‘dageš characteristicum’. Nevertheless, scientific transliteration requires doubling the English consonant. Also worthy of mention, the parallel Phoenician root is √ptt. Nevertheless, this is certainly unknown to the Mishna. 235. An unpublished 5th century AD plaster inscription from the Rᵊḥōḇ synagogue in the Beth Shean Valley mentions “ktnh” (Nomina agentis). Dr. Hagai Misgav, personal correspondence. 236. The attempt to engage her was later deemed invalid. 146   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) that his flax is strong, the more he beats it – the the appearance241 of the flax (which may be decep- finer and shinier it gets, and when he knows that tive to a prospective consumer, and gain a higher it is weak he doesn’t even beat it more than once price)? Rabbi Aḇhū answered: ‘You may do as you and it breaks up…” (BR 32:3 Vatican codex see fit!’” (JT Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 9d). Apparently, Rabbi 30). See: ktš√. This pīštānī is a flax beater (or: Zerāˀ is a merchant of flax fibers. “(Rabbi) Šīmˁōn “beetler”). Ben Šeṭāḥ was engaged with that flax. His pupils “This (“pīštānī”) flaxman, his camels entered told him: ‘Rabbi! Release yourself from that, and loaded with flax. The collier wondered: ‘How we will buy you a donkey so that you will not have where can all that flax fit in?’ There was an ingen- to exert yourself.’” (JT Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 8g). Perhaps ious person on hand who remarked: ‘One spark Šīmˁōn Ben Šeṭāḥ was a flax merchant and he him- from your bellows and the flax will burn up!’” self had delivered the merchandise while function- (Rashi to Genesis 37:1237). In this case, the pīštānī ing as a porter.242 is probably either a merchant or transporter of flax straw.238 7) Hāwā lei kītān (Ar). “(He) had flax”. This in- dicates a short term affiliation with this occupa- Temporary and auxiliary professions tion. “Rav (PN) had flax and it was damaged243. He asked Rabbi Ḥīyyā Rūbā244 (the elder): ‘Am Commerce I permitted to slaughter a fowl and mix its blood into the flax seed?’”.245 (JT Maˁaser Šenī 56d, BT 6) Hāwā ˁāseq (ˁāsīq)239 ≈ ˁāsāq bāhādā kītānāˀ240 Ḥūlīn 85b246). Presumably, Rav had cultivated flax. (Ar). “(He) was engaged in, or was dealing with flax”. This indicates a long term affiliation with the 8) Broker “Rav Kahana made a down payment247 occupation. Further details are gleaned from con- on flax,248 later on it became more expensive.249 text. “Rabbi Zerāˀ was engaged in flax. He went The owners (or: ‘customers’) of the flax bought to ask Rabbi Aḇhū: ‘Am I permitted to improve 237. Probably quoted from a rabbinical midrash aggada, which is not currently known. 238. Note terminological differentiation between occupations. “Collier” is a charcoal producer, while “coalman” is one who delivers coal to houses. http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=collier&allowed_in_frame=0 http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/coalman 239. The two different possible vocalizations represent either the active or passive forms of the participle. The original text is not vocalized. 240. Perhaps: “Was once dealing with flax.” 241. It is unclear to me exactly how that would be done (NBY). 242. Mishna Bāḇā Qāmā 3:5 describes various encounters between two porters in which an accident and subsequent damage occurs. One encounter involves a collision between a porter of flax (straw) and one carrying a (burning) lamp. Small quantities of flax could be delivered by porter instead of by beast of burden. 243. It is unclear exactly what happened. Perhaps the seed had gone bad (become moldy?) and he knew that it would not properly ger- minate, or he had made a test plot, or there was still enough time to re-sow his field after germination failure, so he sought a way to cure the malady with fowl blood. 244. Rabbi Ḥīyyā himself had raised flax, at least once. Cf. supra √gdl, Nāšbā. 245. According to Biblical law, (most of) the blood of a slaughtered fowl must be covered with soil, and not otherwise used. After HB Leviticus 17:13 “And if any Israelite or any stranger who resides among them hunts down an animal or a bird that may be eaten, he shall pour out its blood and cover it with earth.” 246. In the BT version, Rabbi Ḥīyyā is he who had the flax and asked Rabi (PN) the question. 247. It is not clear if he did this just once, or was accustomed to doing so. Also unclear if this was for his own purchase, or that he was acting as an intermediary for clients. 248. Perhaps a flax crop growing in the field, or possibly other intermediate stages of production. 249. The reason is not indicated, probably price fluctuations in the marketplace. 6. Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature   147 it themselves and reimbursed Rav Kahana.” (BT addition to flax and linen, wools and silks have a sig- Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā 49a, Bāḇā Qāmā 103a, JT Bāḇā Mᵊṣīˁā nificant place in this literature, and their respective 10g). “Ībo (PN) deposited flax at the estate of Bar terminologies should be treated in a similar fashion. Ronia (PN). The flax was stolen…” (BT Bāḇā The etymologies of the terms may be further pur- Mᵊṣīˁā 93b).250 sued. Illustrations of the materials mentioned (e.g. textiles and implements) from contemporaneous ar- Comber chaeological finds in the appropriate regions may be furnished and their relation to the texts analyzed.257 9) Sōreq ± Sārōq > Sārōqōṯ (Hb). Flax ‘hack- Parallel and geographically adjacent contemporane- ler’ or wool ‘comber’.251 See: srq√, Māsreq, ous literary sources, such as Latin, Greek,258 Syriac, and Sereq supra. “…the hide of the (‘sōreq’) Mandaic and Middle Persian (Pahlavi) can be exam- comber…” (Mishna Kelīm 26:5). Major commen- ined and their terminology’s relation to the Talmudic tators252 of the Mishna have interpreted this as ei- terminology analyzed. And, as mentioned in the in- ther a flax hackler or wool comber.253 “The rod troduction to this paper, semantic nuances within of the (‘sārōqōṯ’) combers’ scale…” (Mishna Ke- Talmudic literature itself, emanating from various lim 12:2). Maimonides in his commentary to the tradents, dialects, time periods and locales can be Mishna explains that a scale of this type is used addressed. both by wool combers and flax hacklers. {18} Conclusions and Future Research Bibliography In this paper we have compiled and analyzed the tex- Primary Jewish sources tile terminology of flax and linen in Talmudic (rab- binical) literature. We have found that there is quite HB translations an extensive vocabulary for this field. That may well Aramaic: indicate certain ethnographic characteristics, such as Targum Onqelos (to the Pentateuch): Miqraot Gedolot Ha- the centrality of flax-linen production and use in the Keter. 2012. Ramat Gan. Talmudic era Jewish society of the Land of Israel and Targum Neophiti (to the Pentateuch): Macho A.D. (ed.), Babylonia.254 In addition, virtually all of these terms Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas. 1968- are linguistically Semitic, i.e. Hebrew or Aramaic.255 1979. Madrid. This contrasts to Talmudic nautical terminology, Targum Yonatan (to the Prophets): Miqraot Gedolot Ha- which consists almost entirely of Greek loanwords.256 Keter. 2012. Ramat Gan. The primarily Semitic vocabulary aspect may indicate Targum Proverbs: http://cal1.cn.huc.edu/showtargum. an indigenous and perhaps ancient industry. php Research is never complete. Future expansion Peshitta (Syriac Targum to the HB): The Old Testament in of this topic may proceed in various directions. In Syriac According to the Peshitta Version. 1979. Leiden. 250. Insight into this issue is from Beer 1974, 189-191 - although I have altered it somewhat. 251. Wool “carding”, as opposed to “combing”, did not exist until the Middle Ages. (John Peter Wild, personal correspondence.) 252. Ovadiah ben Abraham of Bartenura (c. 1445, Bertinoro, Italy - c. 1515, Jerusalem), and Shᵊlomo bar Yᵊhoshua Adeni (1567-1625, Ṣanˁa and Aden in southern Arabia). 253. See also: Ayali 1984, 49-50. 254. The well-known legend maintains that there are innumerous terms for camels in Arabic, as a result of the camel’s centrality in Arab society. 255. Qānābūs, Qōp̱nā, and Qāsīyā are foreign loan-words. 256. After Sperber 1986, with my own deductive conclusion (NBY). 257. Discrepancy between historical literary, iconographic and archaeological sources is a well-known and challenging phenomenon. 258. See: Georgacas 1959. 148   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) Other Languages: Codex Vatican 30: http://maagarim.hebrew-academy.org. il/Pages/PMain.aspx JPS: Jewish Publication Society http://taggedtanakh.org/ Midrash Tanḥuma. 1874. Warsaw. (This is the default translation used in the paper, unless Midrash Tehilim. Buber edition. 1890. Vilna. otherwise indicated.) KJV: King James Version https://www.biblegateway.com/ Post-Talmudic works: versions/King-James-Version-KJV-Bible/ LUT: Luther https://www.die-bibel.de/online-bibeln/ Shᵊ’eltot de Rab Ahai Gaon. Mirsky S. (ed.) 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(1924) Cultural Life in Israel – During Symbols the Mishnaic and Talmudic Periods. Warzsawa. (in Singular form > plural form Hebrew). Krauss, S. (1945) Qadmoniot HaTalmud (Talmudic Antiq- Derived from < uities). Vol. 2, Part 2. Tel Aviv. (in Hebrew) Indefinite noun ~ definite noun Kasher, A. (1985) The Jews in Hellenistic and Roman X ►Y ►Z – Stages of linguistic evolution Egypt. Tubingen. → Sub-distinctions, provided within the text Kasher, A. (1979) The Jews of Hellenist and Roman Egypt ↑ See above entry X and their struggle for Rights. Tel Aviv. (in Hebrew) ↓ See below entry X Macquet, C. (1990) Les lissoirs de verre, approche tech- ➘ Weakening of gutturals: ˁ [Ayin] ➘ ˀ [Alep̱ ], ˀ [Alep̱ ] ➘ nique et bibliographique, Archéologie médiévale, 20, [no consonant], “ḥ” ➘ “h” 319-334. ➷ Weakening of emphatic consonants: “q” ➷ “k”, “ṣ” ➷ Noss, A. (1976) Før strykejernet: slikjejake og mangle- “s”, “ṭ” ➷ “t”, tre. Oslo. = Parallel Hebrew/Aramaic terms Retzleff, A. & A. M. Mjely (2004) Seat Inscriptions in the ≈ Alternate wordings/spellings (in printed editions and/or Odeum at Gerasa (Jerash), Bulletin of the American codices) Schools of Oriental Research 336, 37-41. Rosenfeld, B. Z. & J. Menirav (1999) The Ancient Syna- ± Synonyms (in parallel texts) gogue as an Economic Center, Journal of Near Eastern {} Required production stages Studies, Vol. 58 no. 4, 259-276. ⟨⟩ Optional production stages Safrai, Z. (1995) The Jewish community in the Land of Is- ⁅ ⁆ Alternate production stages rael during the Mishnaic and Talmudic Periods. Jeru- salem. (in Hebrew) Diacritics Safrai, Z. (1994) The Economy of Roman Palestine. London. (Scientific transliteration will be employed in quotations Safrai, Z. & M. Lin (1988) The Economic Structure of Geva. In B. Mazar (ed.). Geva. Tel Aviv. (in Hebrew) from Hebrew and Aramaic texts, albeit not necessarily in Scott, J. G. (1953-55) A Glass Linen Smoother of Viking the names of the texts themselves or their authors.) Type from Kirkcudbright. In Proceedings of the Society ˀ –Alep̱ (‫ – )א‬glottal stop. of Antiquaries of Scotland. Vol. 88, 226-227. ˁ –Ayin (‫ – )ע‬voiced pharyngeal approximant. Sperber, D. (1976) Objects of Trade Between Palestine and ā – As in father, bother (Long and short vowels will not be Egypt in Roman Times, Journal of the Economic and differentiated in this paper.) Social History of the Orient, Vol. XIX, 113-147. ᵊ – “Mobile shwa”, ultra-short vowel Steppuhn, P. (1998) Die Glasfunde von Haithabu. Berichte ḥ – Voiceless pharyngeal fricative. Pronunciation is simi- über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu. Neumünster. lar to the “j” of Juan in Spanish. Talmon, S. (1968) The Gezer Calendar: The Cycle of Sea- ī – As in beat, nosebleed sons in Ancient Canaan, Bet Miqra 12, 1. (in Hebrew) ō – As in bone, know q – Emphatic “k” – “qop̱ ” ṣ – Emphatic “s” – “ṣadi” ś – Hebrew “sin”, also used in Ancient Egyptian š – Pronounced as “sh” – “šīn” ṭ – Emphatic “t” – “ṭeṯ” ū – As in rule, youth 152   Nahum Ben-Yehuda in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fricative (soft) consonants DJPA = Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic (2002) Hb = Hebrew ḇ – (bh, v) HB = Hebrew Bible g̱ – (‫‏‬/ɣ/gh, voiced velar fricative. Arabic ‫)غ‬. JPS = Jewish Publication Society translation of HB ḏ – (/ð/ dh, voiced th, as in “those”, “feather”) JT = Jerusalem Talmud (aka: Talmud of the Land of Is- ḵ – (kh, as in J. S. Bach) rael, Palestinian Talmud) p̱ – (ph, f) JNES = Journal of Near Eastern Studies ṯ– (/θ/voiceless th, as in “thin”, “tooth”) KJV = King James Version LBH = Late Biblical Hebrew LUT = Luther Bible Abbreviations LXX = Septuagint M = Mishna Ar = Aramaic (The various Aramaic dialects, e.g. Jewish NIV = New International Version Babylonian, Jewish Palestinian, Jewish Literary, NT = New Testament Targumic, Late Jewish Literary, etc. will not be in- PS = Targum Peshitta to the HB (in Syriac) dicated in the present paper.) RH = Rabbinic Hebrew ASL = A Syriac Lexicon RVR = Reina-Valera Bible BASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental SBH = Standard Biblical Hebrew Research T = Tosefta BR = Bereshīt Raba TO = Targum Onkelos (to the Pentateuch) BT = Babylonian Talmud TP = Targum Proverbs CAD = Chicago Assyrian Dictionary TY = Targum Yonatan (to the Prophets) DJBA = Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic VUL = Vulgate DJPA3 = Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic (2017) 7 Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity: A Linguistic Survey Based on the Mishnah and the Talmuds 1 Christina Katsikadeli T he main texts of the Rabbinic literature, the Brief introduction to the major texts of the Mishnah and the Talmuds encompass a wide Rabbinic literature and their language range of textile and clothing terms embed- ded in everyday situations as well as in ritual con- The Mishnah represents the earliest Rabbinic text, the texts. A great deal of intertextuality shared both by Oral Tora, as opposed to the Written Tora, the He- the Mishnah and the Talmuds as well as by other ex- brew Bible, compiled in the early 3rd century (a gen- egetic works like the Tosefta and the early Midrash erally accepted date is 200 AD). It consists of 63 trac- – not to mention the Bible – makes these texts a val- tates on a variety of topics grouped together into six uable source for the investigation of cultural history divisions. Each division, a seder, discusses a differ- and language change and contact, even in micro-con- ent topic, and deals with oral laws, everyday life and texts, in adherence to the traditions and heuristics of traditional wisdom. The language of the Mishnah is historical comparative linguistics, concerning etymol- a form of Post-Biblical Hebrew (PBH), also called ogy, language change and contact linguistics. The first Mishnaic Hebrew, and it is also the language of re- attempt for a systematic presentation of the termi- lated writings such as the Tosefta.3 It was the language nology according to the semantic fields of clothing, used at Qumran and also during the Bar Kokhba re- textile production and other relevant topics pertain- volt (132-136 AD). In the current state of research, we ing to fashion goes back to Rosenzweig’s study from have considerably more knowledge about the vocab- the year 1905. The progress in history, archaeology, ulary of the Mishnah than about any other Rabbinic comparative philology, linguistics and lexicography Hebrew composition. The Mishnah contains many el- provides us with a comprehensive overview of the ements from the Bible – mainly in quotes or pseudo- material.2 quotes from the Bible, while Biblical phrases occur 1. I would like to express my warmest thanks to Susanne Plietzsch, Orit Shamir, Nahum ben Jehuda and Ioannis Fykias for their friendly advice, for sharing their expertise with me and providing me with important material. 2. Onomasiology or “the study of designations” is a branch of semantics. The goal in onomasiology is to identify the linguistic forms, or the words, that can stand for a given concept/idea/object. The establishment of semantic fields contributes to the systematization of the designations and to a clearer understanding of gradual meaning changes. 3. ‘supplement, addition’ (of the Mishnah). 153 154   Christina Katsikadeli in Textile Terminologies (2017) in the Mishnah more frequently than Biblical simpli- Continuity and innovation cia.4 As expected, beside words that are common to both Biblical and Rabbinic Hebrew we also find novel Continuity of older (mainly Biblical) terminology vocabulary. The Palestinian Talmud, also known as the Jeru- The importance and high esteem of clothing and tex- salem Talmud or the Yerushalmi, is usually dated be- tile production is evident in Jewish culture and reli- tween the late 4th century and the first half of the gion through time, as exemplified by the well-known 5th century. The Yerushalmi is organized in accord- shaʿaṭnez “the prohibition of wearing wool and linen ance to the tractates of the Mishnah. After citing each fabrics in one garmentʼ,6 tallit ‘prayer shawlʼ, tzitzit Mishnah tractate a series of interpretations, called the ‘tassels of the prayer shawlʼ, but also proverbs in- gemara, follows. The language of the Aramaic ge- volving clothing as a central concept throughout the mara of the Palestinian Talmud is Palestinian Ara- Rabbinic tradition are frequently attested. Of course, maic (JPA), which is also used in the Palestinian Tar- within the Jewish tradition, we have to deal with fine gumim (‘translations’ in Aramaic). The central corpus grained semantics of most important lexemes in the in Rabbinic Judaism is the Babylonian Talmud, com- field, pertaining to textiles, like byssos, sakkos or sa- pleted at the beginning of the 7th century. It is also din.7 Other words, although rarely attested, still live known as the Bavli. It is based on similar Palestinian on in the Jewish tradition, e.g. karpas, a Biblical ha- traditions like those of the Yerushalmi,5 but it intro- pax legomenon, which is attested in the Book of Es- duces much of its own exegesis. The Bavli is also or- ther, meaning ‘cotton (or wool)’ ḥūr karpå̄s u- təḵēlεṯ8 ganised according to the Mishnah, consecutively al- ‘white, wool (or cotton), and blue’ (Est. 1:6). The ternating between the Mishnah and the interpretation Septuagint (LXX) translates with καρπάσινος, “made of the gemara. Like the Jerusalem Talmud, the Baby- of κάρπασος, exact fibre type of which is uncertain, lonian Talmud deals only with some of the Mishnah’s probably a kind of fine flax, cotton”,9 Lat. carbasi- divisions. It is composed in Hebrew in the first place, nus.10 The Greek and Latin connections of the word but contains a significant number of passages in Ara- have led to an interpretation as a Mediterranean term, maic—more than the Yerushalmi. The Aramaic used while other scholars see a connection with Sanskrit is an eastern dialect known as Jewish Babylonian Ar- karpāsa- ‘cotton shrub, cottonʼ.11 Within the Jewish amaic (JBA). It is a commonplace that the Babylonian tradition the same term is mentioned again in the Me- Talmud reflects Jewish life in Babylonia, rather than dieval Passover Haggada, in connection with the ben- in Palestine. The last of these major texts, the Baby- ediction over vegetables.12 lonian Talmud, in turn became the most influential re- ligious text for Medieval Judaism. 4. Bar-Asher 2009, 302-305. 5. The redaction and connection between the two Talmudim has been a central issue of the study of the Rabbinic literature, where schol- ars have been unable to reach a consensus. For further discussion, see the summaries in Stemberger 2011, 221. 6. See also Shamir´s paper in the present volume. 7. The lexical (and not always semantic!) correspondences for byssus in Hebrew is būṣ ‘fine white valuable web’; Akkadian saddinu ‘tunic (of linen)’ ~ Hebrew sādīn ‘undercloth, wrapper’ (~ Gr. sindṓn ‘very fine cloth/fabric’); Akkadian saqqu ‘sack (cloth)’, ‘cloth of goat-hair, sack’, Hebrew saq ‘sack (cloth)’, Aramaic š-q. (~ Gr. sákkos ‘cloth of goat-hair, sack’). See also F. Maeder´s paper in the present volume. 8. The transcription follows the common scholarly transcription rules for Biblical Hebrew, PBH and Aramaic. In several cases, where the reading is dubious the lexemes remain unvocalised, in order to avoid biased interpretations. For the same reason, transliterations by other authors are cited as such (in general). 9. Cf. Beekes 2009 s.v. 10. Also, occurs as carbasus lina, as a mixture of linen and cotton, Pliny, NH 19.6.23. 11. Cf. EWAia s.v. 12. Cf. Eisenberg 2004, 278 and Krupp 2006, 14-15. 7. Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity   155 Innovations in Terminology although it is a commonplace that Krauss’ studies suf- fer from methodological deficits, which are, however, Innovations involving language change from due to the stage of research at his time: the historical- Biblical to Post Biblical Hebrew or from critical paradigm of investigating Rabbinic sources Hebrew to Aramaic had not yet been established, and archaeology in Is- All languages are dynamic systems that are con- rael has since then made immense contributions to stantly in the process of changing. Thus, it is not a the growth of our knowledge. Krauss does mention rare phenomenon that the redactors of the Mishnah many types of clothing, referred to in both Palestin- changed a Biblical lexeme into a PBH or Aramaic ian and Babylonian, early and late Rabbinic sources, corresponding term, and in that way they managed but he does not provide a comprehensive analysis to actualise the content and “update” it, where neces- and discussion of the material.15 Several studies since sary, e.g. Aramaic gunḵa in the Targ. 2 Kings 8:15 is Krauss’ time have focused on the Jewish clothing and replacing the expression of the Hebrew text: maḵbēr/ textile production traditions, but the study of possi- maḵbå̄r ‘something woven, cover or matʼ.13 Τhe Ar- ble differences due to regional factors has been played amaic word gunḵa ‘thick clothʼ, of Iranian origin, is down by generalizing conclusions, stating that Jew- well attested as a loanword in many languages and di- ish people would more or less share the same ‘basicsʼ alects of the Mediterranean.14 Its Hebrew correspond- with other inhabitants of the Roman Empire, based on ence must have been somewhat opaque already dur- the fact that many Graeco-Roman garment names oc- ing the period of the translation of the Septuagint (ca. cur in the texts.16 250 BC-100 AD), since in the Greek text it is ren- Let us have a closer look at a representative exam- dered as μαχμα, which is actually a transliteration of ple from the Rabbinic narrative about clothing vo- the Hebrew word, lacking further attestations in the cabulary, namely the passage concerning the 18 gar- history of Greek. The term might have been famil- ments, which may be carried out of a burning house iar among the Greek speaking Jews of that time, but on the Shabbat.17 Here, we have a special situation, it seems that it became marginal in the subsequent where the Mishnah just mentions 18 garments with- centuries. out explicitly referring to the items involved: (1) mShab16:4 Innovations and differences concerning dialectal or “Thither a man may take out all his utensils, and geographic distribution he may put on him all the clothes that he can put The monumental multi-volume work by Samuel on and wrap himself with whatsoever he can wrap Krauss, Talmudische Archäologie 1910-12, can still himself. R. Jose says: [He may put on only] eigh- serve as the basis for the investigation of this subject, teen things, but he may return and put on others 13. Koehler & Baumgartner 2001 s.v.; maḵbå̄r is attested in Ex. 27,4 with the meaning ‘grid’, the LXX translates with εσχαρα ‘grating’. 14. According to Schmitt 1971, 102-105, *gaunaka- ‘hairy; colouredʼ is derived from Iran. *gauna-, ‘hair, colourʼ - following patterns common to Iranian -, and is deeply rooted in the whole Iranian area: Avest. gaona- ‘hairʼ; Middle Persian gônak, Armenian (loan- word from Parthian) goyn, Soghd. ywn-, Modern Persian gûn, all denoting ‘colourʼ; the Greek form γαυνάκης, καυνάκης, attested since Aristophanes, Wasps, 11, 37; 49, as καυνάκη explicitly refers to ‘a woollen Persian mantleʼ, and is also found in the Egyptian Papyri (in derivations and compounds); Lat. gaunaca since Varro; Babylonian and Aramaic (also Syriac gaunîçâ) have also moved eastwards to (Middle Indoiranian) Pâli and to Chinese: Pâli gonaka ‘woollen blanketʼ; Chinese hu-na (?). 15. Shlezinger-Katsman 2010, 362-365 summarizes the state of the art since Krauss’ works: despite the important works that have been published since then, almost every author mentions -like Krauss- many of the terms used for clothes in Rabbinic writings, but the lacking distinction between Jews who lived in Babylonia and those in the Roman Empire is evident. At this point, we should take into consideration that very remarkable lexicographical work has been accomplished by Sokoloff (1992, 2002) in the Dictionaries on the Palestinian and Babylonian Aramaic respectively, enabling us to differentiate between the two Talmudic traditions. 16. Cf. a.o. Roussin 1994, reaches the following conclusion pertaining to “… the basic items of clothing worn by Jews: they did not differ significantly from those worn by other inhabitants of the Graeco-Roman world. Indeed, almost all of the Hebrew words for the clothing mentioned here are transliterations of Greek and Latin words” (Roussin 1994, 183). 17. Also discussed by Roussin 1994. 156   Christina Katsikadeli in Textile Terminologies (2017) and take them out, and he may return and put on and money belt, and felt cap, and a kafia, and a others and take them out, and he may say to oth- linen tunic, and a woollen shirt, and two felt stock- ers, ‘Come and help me to save them’.” (transla- ings, two garters, and two breeches, two shoes, tion: Danby 1933) and the hat on his head, and the belt on his hips, and shawls on his arms.” (translation: Guggenhe- (2a) bTShab 120a imer 2012) R. Jose said: [Only] eighteen garments. And these are the eighteen garments: a cloak, undertunic, hol- Both Talmuds, in (2a) and (2b), offer a list of the low belt, linen [sleeveless] tunic, shirt, felt cap, garments, but as a matter of fact they employ only apron, a pair of trousers, a pair of shoes, a pair of 14 terms; the number of 18 pieces can be reached by socks, a pair of breeches, the girdle round his loins, counting pairs as two single items each. Let us com- the hat on his head and the scarf round his neck. pare the same passage as an interlinear version of the (translation: Epstein 1952) Bavli followed by the Yerushalmi in the second line.18 (2b) jT Shabbat 16:5, 15d(22), “Rebbi Yose says, 18 The order varies between the two Talmudim; here, the garments. And these are: The burnus, arm cover, primary numeration follows the listing of Bavli: (3) bT19 <mqtorn> <wnqli> <qlbum> shel pishtan 1. a cloak 2. an undertunic 3. (and) a money belt 4. linen tunic (colobium) (~amictorium), (anákōlos??) (funda), jT20 <mqtorn> <niqli>(angálē?) 1. burnus 2. armcover 3. money belt 6. felt cap (4) bT 5. (and a) shirt (haluq) 6. a felt cap (pílion) 7. maʼaforet <sprqin> (and) an apron/ 8. a pair [lit. two] of cloak (~ pallium), trousers (braccae?) jT 7. maʼaforet 4. kolbin shel-pishtan 5. haluk shel-zemer 10. two felt stockings kafia linen tunic woollen shirt (empília) (5) bT 9. (and) a pair of 10. (and) a pair of felt 11. <prgd> (and) a 12. (and) the girdle (gur) shoes slippers (impilia) pair of breeches round his loins, jT 8. two garters 11. two breeches 9. two shoes 13. the hat (kovʻa) on his <sbriqin> <abriqin> (minʽalin) head (~Gr. sybrikion?) (6) bT 13. (and) the hat on 14. and the scarf his head, (sudarium) around his neck jT 12. the belt on his hips 14. and shawl on his arms   18. The phonology of loanwords in Mishnaic Hebrew is very problematic: Unlike the Biblical transmission, Rabbinic literature never obtained a canonical form, and each manuscript reveals different versions. Neither the spelling of the loanwords, nor their vocali- sation (where occurring), are consistent, so that many equivalents are possible. 19. The translation of the terms additionally follows –apart from Epstein– the translation by Goldschmidt (according to the Venice edi- tion from 1520-23): „Die achtzehn Stücke sind die folgenden: Obermantel [1], Hemd [2], Hohlgürtel [3], Wams aus Leinen [4], Kamisol aus Wolle [5], Filz [6], Kopfhülle [7], zwei Handschuhe [8], zwei Schuhe [9], zwei Strümpfe [10], zwei Hosen [11], ein Gürtel [12], eine Mütze [13] und ein Halssudarium [14]“ (translation: Goldtschmidt 2002) 20. jT (ms Leiden), translated by Guggenheimer 2012; cf. also the German translation by Hüttenmeister in Hengel et al. 2004: „Rabbi Yose sagt: Achtzehn Kleidungsstücke. Und das sind folgende: Mantel [1], Unterhemd [2], Geldgürtel [3], Mütze [4], Umhang [5], Leinentunica [6], Wollhemd [7], ein Paar Hausschuhe [8], ein Paar Savriqin [9], ein Paar Kniehosen [10, <abriqin>], ein Paar Schuhe [11], ein Hut auf dem Kopf [12], ein Gürtel um die Hüften [13] und ein Tuch an den Armen [14]“. 7. Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity   157 While some terms such as the 3. punda, 4. colo- less popular garment names than the sudarium and bium, 5. haluk, 6. pilion, 10. e/impilia ‘stockingsʼ the pilion. or ‘slippersʼ, 14. sudarium, have a widely accepted The terms unkli/nikli, which follow the amicto- interpretation, others are translated differently. The rium, are also problematic: Krauss interprets as Gr. pair of spriqin under 8. has been interpreted as a anákōlos ‘undertunicʼ,23 other scholars as Gr. angálē term which corresponds to a lexeme sybrikion (lat. (?) As in the case of the amictorium, Gr. ἀνάκωλος, subricula) ‘outer veil, cloakʼ, but since it occurs as -ον, is attested in an adjectival usage meaning ‘short, a pair, an interpretation as ‘trousersʼ or ‘gartersʼ curtailedʼ (Diod. 2, 55) and as an attributive adjec- seems more plausible. Of special interest are the tive to a garment in Plutarch 2, 261 F, describing a χι- following expressions: the Babylonian Talmud fea- τωνίσκος (of young women), a term which refers to a tures <prgd> pargod,21 occurring as a pair, a word short tunic.24 Gr. angálē ‘bent arm, arm pitʼ is also a of Iranian origin, where the Jerusalem Talmud at- possible phonological interpretation, which has been tests abriqin, most probably the braccae (cf. nr. 11 followed by other scholars, and would lead to a mean- under (5) in the table above). In this case, the Tal- ing ‘arm coverʼ (cf. the translation in Guggenheimer muds seem to employ rather regional terms to des- under (2b). While the etymology and the semantics ignate ‘trousersʼ, an Oriental garment, not popular of this word are sufficiently motivated, it is notewor- among Greeks and Romans. The shift of the etymol- thy, that a metonymic use of Gr. angálē as a garment ogy to a Greek or Latin counterpart does not make in the Greek literature – from the Classical up to the things easier. Some of these words are difficult to in- Byzantine period – has not been ensured by now, a terpret in the other languages as well. In both cases fact that allows us to assume that in this case we do we find <mqtorn> /miqtoren/ at the top of our list, not deal with a garment name that had been popular the interpretation of which as amictorium seems to throughout the Roman Empire. If the suggested inter- be a plausible phonetic/phonological solution. The pretations are correct, then we should keep in mind word formation and the semantics of a Lat. word that they belong to the earliest attestations of these amictorium are considered transparent: as a deriva- terms or they indicate dialectal usage. tion from amictus ‘thrown (upon)ʼ, it can plausibly be interpreted as ‘mantleʼ or ‘veilʼ. The interesting Examples of semantic change and cognitive univer- fact in this case is that amictorium is rarely attested sals connected with textiles: the colour terms in the late antiquity, actually only as ‘a loose outer The number of Hebrew colour words has increased garmentʼ (worn by women) (Code of Theodosius with the passage of time, following the order of in- 8.5.48.).22 The amictorium replaces amictus in Me- creasing number of colour terms as arranged by the dieval times. So in this case, the Talmudim preserve non random sequence proposed by Berlin and Kay 21. Cf. Schmitt 1971, 107-110: Against older proposals, which explained the word as a loanword from the Targumic Aramaic without consideration of the chronological details, Schmitt convincingly argues for an Old Persian *pari-gauda-, a compound with the pre- fix pariy- ‘aroundʼ + Old Persian root gaud- = avest. gaoz- (= Old Indian guh-) ‘to hide, coverʼ, Parthian <brywd> = /barayôd/ ‘cur- tain, veilʼ borrowed into Greek in the regular, expected form παραγαύδης, Ioan. Laurentius Lydus (6th c. AD); also attested as παρα- γαῦδιν, ‘a garment with purple borderʼ, Edict Diocl. (19,29), on an inscription from Dura-Europos and in the Byzantine Chronicon Paschale; παραγαύδιον (POxy., 1026,12, 5th c. AD; Ioan. Malalas, 6th c. AD und Konst. Porphyr., 10. c. AD); probably in Hesy- chius: παραγώδας (Codex: -γώγας): χιτών παρά Πάρθοις; Gr. παραγαύδης ~ Lat. paragauda. Syr. pargaudīn, Armenian paregawt ‘χιτώνʼ (in Bible translations), Coptic paraka[u]dion. We have to keep in mind that the core meaning of the Iranian word ‘wrapped around, coveringʼ had been subjected to various semantic narrowings and specialised usages in different languages. We find par- god as a rendering for the paroket ‘(sacred) screen, veilʼ in the Jewish Aramaic tradition (Targ. Yer. to Ex. 26:31, 33, 35) as well. 22. Cod. Theod. 48.5.48. IDEM AAA. CYNEGIO P(RAEFECTO) P(RAETORI)O. Lineae vel amictoria, quibus hactenus onerari rae- dae solebant, nec ulterius raedis, sed angariis vel navibus dirigantur et si alicubi repertae fuerint huiusmodi species, thensauris eius urbis, in qua deprehensae fuerint, deputentur, per angarias, ubi facultas fuerit, destinandae; reliquae vero delicatae vestes, sed et linteamen amictorum nostrorum usibus necessarium raedis sub mille librarum ponderatione mittantur. 23. Krauss 1899, 23, 363; Krauss 1911, 165. 24. It is noteworthy that ancient lexicographers use this term to explain the <zeirai>, <zirai> ‘tunics worn by the Thracians”, cf. Pho- tius, Z 52.1-3, Hesychius Z. 162.1. 158   Christina Katsikadeli in Textile Terminologies (2017) (1969) for the languages of the world.25 The col- are more than the increased value he gives our terms for red show the widest differentiation him the increased value” in BH, with ʾå̄ḏōm ‘red, blood coloured, reddish(- (7) Gemara: brown)’ being the archilexeme in this group.26 The “What means ‘if the increased value is red-coloured fabrics are denoted by the words šå̄nī more than the expenses, he gives him his ‘crimson’, ‘crimson threadʼ (Gen. 38:28,30), tōlå̄ʿ expenses’? A person gave to another five ‘crimson; Kermes wormʼ (Isa.1:18), and ʾargå̄må̄n lots of wool, five portions of dye, and ten ‘purpleʼ (Song 7:6; Ex. 25:4; 26:1),27 karmīl ‘crimsonʼ minas for his wages. He told him, if you (2 Chron. 2:7,14; 3:14), LXX: κόκκινος ‘scarlet, had dyed it red (sumaq), but the other had crimsonʼ; ḥămūṣ ‘crimson dyedʼ (Isa. 63.1), which dyed it black (ukam). He told him, if you very likely originate from metonymical uses of the had dyed it red, it would have been worth dyed fabric or the organic elements involved in their 25 minas, now that you dyed it black it is dyeing procedure, būṣ wə-ʾargå̄må̄n “fine linen and worth only 20 …” (Guggenheimer 2008) purple” (Est. 1.6); təḵēlεṯ wə-argå̄må̄n “blue and pur- ple” (Ez. 27:7; LXX: υακινθον και πορφυρα),28 and The Mishnah in (6) employs the Hebrew words might also represent various hues or different grades ʾå̄ḏōm ‘redʼ and šå̄ḥōr ‘blackʼ. The Jerusalem Tal- of brightness. mud in the gemara of this Mishnah introduces the A number of new colour words appear in the Rab- Palestinian Aramaic words ukam ‘blackʼ and sumaq binic period, as for instance kaḥol/koḥal ‘blueʼ con- for ‘redʼ. So we learn from the text that these two Ar- nected with ‘stibium, powder used for painting the amaic colour names correspond to the “archaic” BH eyelidsʼ, bTShab 8:3 (78b) and a novel term milan terms in the context of dyeing. ‘blackʼ (cf. Gr. mélas, melanós) that denotes the While the two terms from the Mishnah BQ must ‘black pigmentʼ, the ‘inkʼ. The Biblical word šå̄ḥōr have been semantically transparent for the Rabbis, ‘blackʼ occurs in PBH in connection with tar, olives, there are other cases, where the gemara tries to dis- grapes and pots, while in other cases it has been re- ambiguate older, rarely attested colour terms, which placed by novel Aramaic terms, e.g. the Mishnah in had become obsolete, like in the case of the Biblical Bava Qamma 9:6, where the restitution in case of taḥaš in Exodus 25:4-5. Before we come to the Rab- wrong dyeing of the wool is discussed: binic exegesis of the term, let us have a closer look at (6) jT BQ 9:6: the passage from the book of Exodus, as it appears in [If someone told the dyer] the LXX, together with the corresponding BH words “to dye it red (ʾå̄ḏōm) and he dyed it in brackets: black (šå̄ḥōr), black and he dyed it red, (9) LXX Rebbi Meir says, he gives him the value of Ex 25:4-5 και υακινθον (‘blueʼ, ~ təḵēlεṯ) his wool”. Rebbi Jehudah says, if the in- και πορφυραν (‘purpleʼ ~ ’argå̄må̄n) και creased value is more than the expenses, κοκκινον διπλουν (‘double crimson or he gives him his expenses; if the expenses 25. Hartley 2011, offers an up-to-date investigation on the Biblical colour lexemes. Biggam 2012, 124 employs a detailed meta-lan- guage for explaining the historical colour designations in the languages of the world: “hue (red, yellow, green, brown etc.); sat- uration (vivid, mid, dull); tone (achromatic): white black, pale grey, mid grey, dark grey, tone (chromatic) pale medium, dark; brightness light emission; brightness reflectivity; brightness surface illumination (well-lit, purely lit; brightness space illumination (brilliant, dim, unlit); transparency (transparent, translucent)”. BH šå̄ḥōr ‘blackʼ, and lå̄ḇå̄n ‘whiteʼ are two possible candidates, which in many cases denote achromatic tone or a type of brightness rather than hue. 26. ʾå̄ḏōm ‘redʼ refers to animals, cf. the “red heifer” (Num. 19.2) and the “red horses” (Zech. 1:8; 6.2),ʾăḏamdå̄m “dark red or red- dish” (Lev. 13:19, 14:37); ʾaḏmōnī “ruddy” (Gen. 25:25). 27. Also as ʾargå̄wå̄n “purple” (2 Chron. 2.6). 28. In the book of Ezekiel, we find several examples of colour terms in the context of fabrics and gemstones, see Ezek. 27:24: “… in gorgeous fabrics (bə-maḵlūlīm bi-g̅lōmē), in wrappings of blue and richly woven work (təḵēlεṯ wə-riqmå̄), and in chests of rich ap- parel, bound with cords (ḥăḇūšīm) and cedar-lined”; also Ezek. 27:7 šēš-bə-riqmå̄ “linen with embroidery”. 7. Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity   159 scarletʼ ~ šå̄nī) και βυσσον κεκλωσμε- parallels between the alternation of the dyeing tech- νην (‘spun byssosʼ ~ šēš) και τριχας αι- niques and the corresponding linguistic change.30 γειας (goats hair) και δερματα κριων (rams’ skins) ηρυθροδανωμενα (dyed red The loanwords: ~ ‘ʾå̄ḏōmʼ) και δερματα υακινθινα (‘blueʼ Approximately two thousand Greek and Latin loan- ~ təḥāš) και ξυλα ασηπτα (incorruptible words in Hebrew and Jewish Aramaic can be attrib- wood) uted to language contact. In many cases, the Latin items must have entered Hebrew via Greek, since The colours listed in (9) constitute strong evidence Greek served as a lingua franca in both the Roman for the occurrence of the ‘redsʼ, ‘bluesʼ and ‘violetsʼ and Byzantine periods31. The borrowing process is not in BH (and Koine Greek), implying an affinity, or restricted to single nouns, but also encompasses adjec- even a “lexical solidarity” between the terms for the tives and verbs i.e. word classes that are usually less dyes and the skins. The problematic expression taḥaš easily borrowed: an example is the Hebrew denomina- refers to skins and has been translated in Greek with tive verb sap̄ ag ‘absorb’ (cf. u-ḇilḇad šello yispog “as υακινθινα. In the same context, the Jerusalem Talmud long as it does not absorb”, Mishnah Shabbat 22:1), in Shabbat 2:4d uses the term ianthinon ‘violet-blueʼ nistappag ‘to be dried’ (wa-ʿala we-nistappag “(and for taḥaš, as opposed to glaukinon ‘bluish-grayʼ: he) ascended and dried himself”, Mishnah Yoma 3,4) is of Greek origin, from the Gr. noun σπόγγος, in (8) jTShab 2:4 the form sep̄ og ’spongeʼ, cf. Mishnah Kelim 9,4 “a “Rebbi Eleazar asked, may one make the sponge that absorbed liquids” and from which the ver- Tent of leather from an impure animal? bal forms were then derived.32 The vast majority of But is it not written, and taḥaš skins. Rebbi them pertain to material rather than spiritual culture.33 Jehudah, Rebbi Nehemiah and the Rabbis. Words from all stages of Persian and other Iranian lan- Rebbi Jehudah says, violet[-blue] (ian- guages have been borrowed into all layers of Hebrew thinon); it was called thus because of its pertaining to clothing, textiles, and jewellery, testify- color. Rebbi Nehemiah said, blue [bluish- ing to the luxurious Oriental lifestyle (cf. below and grey] (glaukinon).” (translation: Guggen- notes 14, 21). heimer 2012) Novel terminology due to new onomasiological The violet-blue colours are designated in PBH needs: new materials, techniques, and trading not only by ianthinon (Gk. íon ‘violetʼ) but also by routes the term iakinthinon (Gr. hyacinthos, the same as in LXX, Ex. 25:4-5 above), and later also by <altinon>, The weaverʼs shuttle34 in the Midrash Kohelet Rabba 1:9,29 which corre- In Biblical Hebrew, there are attested terms for sponds to Gr. ἀληθινόν ‘true (purple)ʼ, cf. also Edict. weaver’s equipment, as for instance ʼereg ‘weaver’s Diocl. 2.4.6. So we are in a position to trace potential 29. 6th or 7th c. AD?, cf. Stemberger 2011, 352. 30. Cf. Sukenik et al. 2013, about the prestigious textiles from the Roman period dyed with murex shellfish, which were found in the Judaean Desert and the different dyeing techniques according to ancient literary sources, esp. p. 50-51). 31. The phonology of the loanwords often indicate the donor language and, in some cases, the dating of the borrowing, e.g. PBH <vilon> ‘curtainʼ (from Gr. βῆλον <Lat. velum ‘sail; sheet, clothʼ (Naev.+) show postclassical pronunciation, where /eː/ <η> was raised to /iː/ in Koine Gr; also Middle Greek as ‘curtainʼ (Pseudo-Sphr. 33018) or a ‘piece of clothʼ, (Ierakos. 3502), cf. Kriaras 2001 s.v. βήλον; Modern Gr. βέλο, το [vélo] < Ital. velo < Lat. velum). 32. Bar-Asher 2014. 33. The number of Greek loanwords increases dramatically in the Rabbinic literature of the Roman and Byzantine periods. The stand- ard Dictionary of Greek loanwords in Rabbinic Hebrew is still the one by Krauss from the year 1899, despite its many shortcom- ings. The phonology and morphology of Greek loanwords were dealt by Krauss in the first volume of his Lehnwörter (1898); it should be pointed out, however, that the phonological part contains many unacceptable identifications, and should be used with ut- most care. More recent studies include Sperber (1984; 2012) and Heijmans (2013). 34. See discussion of this term in Flemestad et al. in the present volume. 160   Christina Katsikadeli in Textile Terminologies (2017) bobbinʼ, cf. Job 7,6: “My days are swifter than a While the Yerushalmi seems to connect kalakh weaver’s bobbin,35 and are spent without hope” and with ‘imperial purpleʼ40 and informs us about ‘pure dallâh (Is. 38,12) a ‘warpʼ, properly something dan- silk tissuesʼ, the <oloserika> jTShab10:8b, which cor- gling, that is, a “loose thread or hair; figuratively in- respond to Gr. τό ὁλοσηρικόν (Edict. Diocl. 22:14), digent: hair, pining sickness, poor (-est sort)”.36 In the Babylonian Aramaic gemara, although it attests the Rabbinic literature we find more frequent attes- the word metaksa, for example in the tractates Ke- tations of the weaver’s shuttle than in the Bible, and tubboth and Shabath,41 it actually uses another term even loanwords are employed, e.g. krkd (mShab 8:6; to explain the metaksa-silk in the gemara of Shab bTShab. 8b; jT Shab. 10b) ~ Gr. κερκίς, -ίδος ‘weav- 20b(31) and differentiates it from the sirah (or shi- er’s shuttle; peg; pin; measuring rodʼ (Hom.+). rah) silk, namely by the term pranda-silk (also in Shab 20b(33) Soṭ 48b(44), which leads us to the Middle Per- The silk production sian parand, also known from the Pahlavi Šāyast-nē- As expected, one of the most obvious innovations šāyast (4:1). In Targ. 2 Esth. 5:1; 6:10 we find another and differentiations in terminology concerns the silk of Iranian provenience, the p’rangan (pranigan) emerging silk production in the late antiquity. The silk, probably connected with a geographical term.42 Mishnah Kilaim 9:2 adds silk to the older rule of the distinction between wool and linen of the Deuteron- Terminological innovations due to religious and so- omy 22:11 (also in Lev 13:19; and Ex 39:27-29) us- cial factors ing the terms shirii and kalakh for two different kinds The Bavli addresses the issue of how and when of silk: clothes can reveal the origin and social status of the person who wears them, and indicates that Jews who (10a) mKil 9:2 traveled from Palestine to Babylonia were recognised “Silk (shirii) and kalakh-silk do not come as foreigners by their clothes: under the law of Diverse Kinds, but they are forbidden for appearance sake”37 (11) bTShab145b “Why are the scholars of Babylonia distin- The term kalakh has been associated with the Gr. guished [in dress]? Because they are not word κάλχη38 denoting ‘murex; purple flower, Chry- in their [original] homes, as People say, santhemum coronariumʼ (Alcm., Nic., Str.).39 In my own town my name [is sufficient]; The Palestinian Aramaic gemara of the tractate away from home, my dress.” (translation: Kilaim introduces metakhsa as an explanation for Epstein 1952) shiriin and at the same time it gives us information High quality and luxury items, like puzmaq PBH about the usage of the term kalakh, as kalka: ‘gaiter, fine shoeʼ and trousers as an Oriental garment, (10b) “Raw silk (shiriin) and silk noil (kalakh). like sarbal ‘cloak, trousersʼ are mainly Persian/Ira- Raw silk is metakhsa. Kalakh-silk is im- nian lexemes in PBH, mostly via Aramaic media- perial ‘gbyn. Rabban Simeon ben Gamliel tion.43 Like the majority of loans, they belong to a said, I went around among all sea-faring very high literary register of language. On the con- men and they told me that it was called trary, there is no evidence for a distinctive slave at- kalka.” (translation: Guggenheimer 2001) tire: “ordinary slaves seem to have been wearing the 35. Koehler & Baumgartner 2001 s.v. 36. Koehler & Baumgartner 2001 s.v. 37. Since raw silk looks like flax and kalakh-silk like wool, cf. Guggenheimer 2001, 290, n. 29 on the passage. Danby 1933 translates kalakh with ‘bast-silkʼ, Krupp 2002 translates in German: „Feine (shiriim) und grobe Seide (kalakh)“. 38. Guggenheimer 2001, 290, n. 33 on the passage. 39. Beekes 2009 s.v. 40. Guggenheimer 2012, 291. “The Bavli agrees that it is some silk worn by exalted personalities”, cf. ib. 89. 41. The Bavli does not include a gemara for the Mishnah tractate Kilaim. 42. Sokoloff 1992 s.v. 43. MP šalwār ‘trousersʼ reached PBH through Aramaic also as šarvul ‘leather sleeveʼ, Gindin 2013, cf. also Schmeja 1978. 7. Jewish Terminologies for Fabrics and Garments in Late Antiquity   161 simple and ragged clothes characteristic of members (13) “There are three kinds of hairnet (svacha): of the lower strata of society. Others who had higher that of a girl, which is susceptible to un- positions within the servile hierarchy will have re- cleanness; that of the old woman, which is sembled wealthier free persons in their outward ap- susceptible to corpse uncleanness; and that pearance”.44 An example for upcoming distinctions of a harlot, which is not susceptible to any in late antiquity pertains to the differences between uncleanness” the monks and the Rabbis45. Furthermore, a case of As in the case of the Arabian fashion, we bene- ideological differentiation in attire can be traced in fit from other passages about garments not tradition- the clothing of the inhabitants of Qumran, who must ally worn by Jewish people. A more ‘exoticʼ term have deliberately abstained from the use of wool as a can be found in the Babylonian Talmud, in the Be- raw material and the ‘luxuryʼ dyed garments (Shamir rachot (20a): karbalta means a type of a hat, of a & Sukenik 2011). Head covering also offers a repre- certain woman who was wearing a head covering in sentative example for regional customs in combina- the street;49 tion with religious and social ‘dictatesʼ. Although the strict rule of head cover for women in Biblical and (14) “There was the case of R. Adda b. Ahaba post Biblical times has been a matter of discussion, who saw a heathen woman wearing a red the kind of veil or head cover could vary and be re- head-dress (karbalta) in the street, and placed according to different periods and geographi- thinking that she was an Israelite woman, cal regions, e.g. there is evidence for local differenti- he rose and tore it from her. It turned out ations, cf. mShab 6:6: that she was a heathen woman, and they fined him four hundred zuz” (translation: (12) “One goes out with a tetradrachma on a ar- Epstein 1952) thritic foot. Girls go out with threads and even chips in their ears. Arab women go The word is also attested as ‘cock’s crestʼ, prob- out veiled and Median women pinned,46 ably continuing an Akkadian form karballatu ‘for a and also everybody, but the Sages spoke piece of linen headgear for soldiersʼ.50 In addition about what is.”47 to the head dress and the trousers, which were un- popular or even unacceptable garment pieces for the The term employed here is a participle passive in Graeco-Roman style,51 another feature of Oriental the fem. pl.: raʽulot ‘veiledʼ, a verbal root derived fashion gradually enters the Rabbinic lexicon, namely from a noun ra‘alah, also Arabic ra‘ul ‘veilʼ, which the ‘long-sleeved tunic/coat, tunica manicataʼ, as the can be interpreted as ‘veiled (in Arabian fashion)’. term <krdot> (Targ. 1 Sam 2:28) ~ Gr. χειριδωτός, Apart from ‘veilsʼ, also hairnets are mentioned in suggests.52 the Mishnah, cf. Kelim 24:16:48 44. Cf. Hezser 2005, 88. 45. Monks, who were strict, took only one tunic (chiton). In the Judaean Desert, monks received “a cloak (pallium, himation), a cowl (koukoulion, cuculla), sandals and a sleeveless (or very short-sleeved) tunic (kolobion, colobium) and often a number of regular tu- nics (chiton). A belt (cingulo, zone) also seemed to be common”, Schwartz 2004, 124. 46. “To make sure that the veil stays in place they tie weights, such as pebbles or walnuts, into both ends of the veil and wear them on their backs”, Guggenheimer 2012. 47. “The rules are generally valid but are formulated for Arab and Persian women who by local custom are completely covered up.”, Guggenheimer 2012. 48. Parts of braided hairnets were found in the Judaean Desert and at Masada, and perhaps in Wadi Murabba’at, Shlezinger-Katsman 2010, 373-374. 49. „Wie zum Beispiel R. Ada b. Ahaba: er sah einst eine Nichtjüdin auf der Strasse einen Turban tragen, da er glaubte sie sei eine Ji- sraëlitin. So machte er sich auf und riss ihn ihr ab.“ (translation: Goldschmidt 1871-1950) 50. Cf. Sokoloff 2002 s.v. and CAD K 215. 51. Emperor Honorius imposed in 397 AD severe penalties for those who wore braccae in Rome. 52. Cf. Herodotus 7,61; Strabo 4,4,3; Aullus Gellius 6,12,2. 162   Christina Katsikadeli in Textile Terminologies (2017) Conclusion and prospects EWAia = Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen Gr. = Greek On the one hand, the study of language change can jT = Jerusalem Talmud be very useful – as supporting evidence to the archae- Lat. = Latin ological findings – for the purpose of reconstructing LXX = Septuagint cultural and technical innovations concerning cloth- PBH = Post Biblical Hebrew ing and textile production. Next to their religious im- portance, the Rabbinic texts are an invaluable source for the investigation of linguistic and cultural transi- Bibliography tions throughout many centuries, pertaining not only to Judaism and Palestine, but to the greater area of the Bar-Asher, M. (2009) Studies in Mishnaic Hebrew. Vol. I: Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, the writ- Introduction and linguistic investigations. Jerusalem. ing system, the transmission of the texts and the vari- Bar-Asher, M. (2014) Lexicon: Rabbinic Hebrew. Ency- ous manuscript editions pose numerous problems for clopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics. Edited the identification and interpretation of specialised vo- by Geoffrey Khan. Brill Online. cabulary in the Rabbinic literature, especially of loan- Beekes, R. (2009) Etymological dictionary of Greek. Vol. words. Scholars working on Greek loanwords in the 1-2. Leiden. Rabbinic literature suggested principles and criteria Berlin, B. & P. Kay (1969) Basic color terms: Their uni- which can be useful for revising out-of-date etymolo- versality and evolution. Berkeley, California. gies and offering new etymological solutions.53 Biggam, C.P. (2012) The semantics of colour. A historical Linguistic analyses on the level of the clothing approach. 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English literature: Prolegomena to a new dictionary of classical translation by M.E.J. Richardson. Leiden-Boston-Köln. words in rabbinic literature. Annual of Bar-Ilan Univer- Krauss, S. (1898-1899) Griechische und lateinische Lehn- sity Studies in Judaica and the Humanities14–15:9–60; wörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum, 2vols. Berlin. 16–17:9–30. Krauss, S. (1910, 1911, 1912) Talmudische Archäologie. Sperber, D. (1982) Essays on Greek and Latin in the Drei Bände. Leipzig. Mishna, Talmud and Midrashic literature. Jerusalem. Kriaras, E. (2001) Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Stemberger, G. (2011) Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch. Greek Literature (1100-1669), from A - παραθήκη. 9. Auflage. München. Thessaloniki. Sukenik, N., D. Iluz, O. Shamir, A. Varvak & Z. Amar Krivoruchko, J. (2012) Greek loanwords in rabbinic liter- (2013) Purple-Dyed Textiles From Wadi Murabba’at. ature. Reflections on current research methodology. In Historical, Archaeological and Chemical Aspects, ATR Greek Scripture and the Rabbis, ed. by T. M. Law and 55, 46-54. A. Salvesen, 193-216. Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA. Trapp, Er. et al. (2001) Lexikon zur Byzantinischen Gräzität Krupp M. (ed.) (2002–) Die Mischna. Textkritische Aus- besonders des 9.-12. Jahrhunderts. 1.Band A-K. Wien. gabe mit deutscher Übersetzung und Kommentar. Jerusalem. 8 Sha’atnez – The Biblical Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen Together and the Observance and Enforcement of the Command in the Orthodox Jewish Communities Today Orit Shamir J ewish law forbids Sha’atnez – wearing mixed in additional contexts such as interbreeding different wool and linen together was forbidden for the species of animals together, working different spe- Jewish population. The article will first explain cies of animals under the same yoke, and planting the meaning and acronym of sha’atnez, and then re- different species of seeds together in a single field. view the sha’atnez textiles which were found in the Sha’atnez garments are mentioned but the specific Land of Israel. The possible reasons for the prohibi- materials are not listed. In Deuteronomy 22:11, how- tion of sha’atnez will be presented and remarks on ever, it is added that “You shall not wear cloth com- observance and enforcement of the law in Orthodox bining wool and linen”. Jewish communities today will be made according to Sha’atnez applies only to sheep’s wool and linen. ethnographic investigation.2 Any other combination of plant and animal fi- bres does not create sha’atnez, such as the combi- The concept of sha’atnez nations of cotton, silk, camel hair, mohair, hemp or nettle. The wool and linen may not be spun, woven, Jewish law forbids sha’atnez – wearing garments of sewn, tied, knotted, or knitted together for garment mixed wool and linen. This is mentioned twice in the use. Even one linen thread found in a large garment Hebrew Bible: It is written in Leviticus 19:19, where of wool renders the entire garment sha’atnez.3 Men it is stated that “you shall not put on cloth from a mix- and women are equally obligated in all the prohibi- ture of two kinds of material”. The prohibition of “the tions of sha’atnez and it is also forbidden to clothe a mixture of diverse kinds” of material is mentioned child in sha’atnez garments.4 1. I would like to thank Rabbi Nahum Ben-Yehuda for his comments. 2. The Ancient Textiles Study Collection in Israel includes a wealth of textiles, basketry, cordage wood and leather artifacts, fruits and seeds – dating from 8000 BCE until 1800 CE. They can be seen on the on-line web site project of “Selected Artefacts from the Col- lections of the National Treasures”. In 2017 the collection will move to the National Campus for the Archaeology of Israel instead of the storeroom that is used today and will be called “The Nash Family Center for Ancient Textiles and Organic Materials”. Some of the textiles presented in this paper are stored in this collection. http://www.antiquities.org.il/t/default_en.aspx 3. Brauner 2006, 1; Mishnah tractate Kil’ayim 9:9; Sifrah Qedoshim 2:4; Sifrah Qedoshim 2:4; Sifrah Devarim 235. 4. Brauner 2006, 2. 164 8. Sha’atnez – The Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen   165 Site No. of textiles No. of Sha’atnez textiles Wadi ed-Dâliyeh (Fig. 2) 58 3 Masada, sewing threads 7 Thousands, only 122 were published Masada, textiles (Fig. 3) 2 Cave of Letters sewing threads 346 1 ‘En Tamar (Fig. 4) c. 200 c. 4 Kuntillat ‘Ajrud (Fig. 5) 120 3 Table 1. Sites that yielded Sha’atnez textiles This law is strictly observed by the Jewish Ortho- of the wool and linen fibers. dox community today and many people bring cloth- The Modern Hebrew word sha’atnez means mix- ing to special experts who are employed to detect ture, and this may be a semantic change as a result of the presence of sha’atnez by microscopes5 and other the word’s use in Biblical law.9 We use this word very means. often, for example, “the food in Israel is sha’atnez of cultures”. Etymology of the word sha’atnez The word is not of Hebrew origin, and its etymology Sha’atnez textiles preserved in the archaeological is obscure. Some like Albright6 quoted also by Lamb- record din and Milgrom7 suggest that it is of Egyptian origin: Although thousands of textiles in Israel have been s’d ‘to cut’ and ng ‘thread’ or sht examined by the author,10 not one piece of sha’atnez means weave and n’dz means false; the has been recovered from any Roman period Jewish compound sha’at-nez therefore signifies site. This stands in contrast to Roman sites in neigh- a ‘false weave’ or false textile.8  boring areas, as for example in Syria at sites such as The Mishnah, Judaism’s first major canonical doc- Dura Europos and Palmyra,11 and in Coptic Egypt, ument following the Bible, explains the word which have yielded great quantities of textiles made sha’atnez as an acronym of three words in Hebrew: of mixed linen and wool.12 shua = ‘combed’, refers to the combing of the raw Yet a few pre-Roman and Roman sites have fiber; tavey = ‘spun’, the process of spinning fibers yielded Sha’atnez textiles (Table 1, fig. 1) and they into a thread; nuz = ‘twisted together into threads’. are discussed in my previous article about this topic.13 They represent three different stages in the processing 5. http://shatnez.n3.net/ 6. Albright 1943, 32, note 27. 7. Lambdin 1953, 155; Milgrom 2000, 1659. 8. Brown, Driver & Briggs 2012, no. 3610. 9. Liebenberg 2014 10. Shamir 2007. 11. Pfister & Bellinger 1945, 25, No. 256; Pfister 1934, 13; 1937, Pls. 2:C, 4:F 12. Baginski & Tidhar 1980. 13. Shamir 2014. 166   Orit Shamir in Textile Terminologies (2017) book Antiquities of the Jews that wearing sha’atnez was prohibited and reserved for the priests of Is- rael.14 I will here discuss only one aspect of the priests’ clothes and this is the sha’atnez. Although the garments of the High Priest were different from the garments of the ordinary priests, most schol- ars agree that all of them wore sha’atnez. Ordinary priests wore sha’atnez only in their girdle15 and the High Priest in additional garments. The Bible describes the priests’ girdle in the following way: “And the sash of fine twisted linen, and blue and purple and scarlet material, the work of the weaver, just as the Lord had commanded Moses.”16 Rab- binic Judaism maintains that sha’atnez was permit- ted in the case of the priest’s girdle, in which linen was woven with purple, blue, and scarlet yarn. Ac- Figure 1. Judea Desert map (Credit: Shamir S.). cording to the Rabbis (Judaic studies teacher, reli- gious authority in Judaism), the purple, blue, and Explanations for the Biblical prohibition scarlet was made from wool. As Boertien states, the use of special fabrics The Hebrew Bible does not explain why it is forbid- or liturgical garments was, and still is, a common den to mix the two fibers – wool and linen –other than phenomenon worldwide. In Egypt a special kind being God’s command, but ancient (like the sages( of Egyptian linen, the ‘royal linen’, was intended and modern interpreters have suggested different ex- for priestly vestments.17 In Mesopotamia, where planations in order to make the rule of sha’atnez un- the dominant fiber was wool, the priests were also derstandable. I will present a few reasons that could dressed in linen.18 explain sha’atnez. The eight garments worn by the High Priest are as follows: The breastplate, ephod, robe, tu- a.) One explanation is connected with the priests’ nic, turban, belt, crown and pants.19 Three of garments: only priests were allowed to wear these garments were sha’atnez woven with plied sha’atnez. Why was it necessary that the High linen threads and blue, scarlet and purple wool Priest dressed in clothes made of​​ mixed wool and threads,20 considered the most expensive dyes and linen while serving in the temple? produced from Hexaplex trunculus (tekhelet), Mu- Perhaps this was to distinguish between the wor- rex Brandaris or Thais Haemastoma—(argaman) ship carried out by the priests and that carried out shellfish—and the kermes (tola’at shani) insect. by the Jewish commoners. Therefore, sha’atnez The Bible instructs that the High Priest’s vest- was forbidden for the commoners. This explana- ment should be decorated and colored, for honor tion is also corroborated by Josephus Flavius (Jo- and for beauty: “Make sacral vestments for your seph ben Matityahu, 37-100 CE), who wrote in his 14. Josephus III, 7, 1. 15. https://www.templeinstitute.org/priestly_garments.htm (accessed 01/02/2016). 16. Exodus 28:6. 17. Boertien 2014, 152; Hall 1986, 18. 18. Quillien 2014; Sheffer & Tidhar 2012, 310. 19. Exodus 28:4. 20. Exodus 28:6, 15. 8. Sha’atnez – The Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen   167 Figure 2. Wadi ed-Dâliyeh sha’atnez (Crowfoot 1974, Pl. 83b). Figure 3. Masada sha’atnez (Israel Antiquities Authority No. 1995-9026. Courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. Photo by Clara Amit). brother Aaron, for dignity and adornment.”21 In- his greatness (as recorded in the scroll of Esther, deed, the Talmud22 informs us that when the Per- which tells the story of Purim), he put off his own sian king Ahasuerus made a feast for his advi- royal vestments and donned the uniform of the sors and officers and sought to impress them with High Priest, which was more precious than his 21. Exodus 28:2. 22. Babylon Talmud Megillah 10, 2. 168   Orit Shamir in Textile Terminologies (2017) Figure 4. ‘En Tamar. Linen textile decorated with wool bands (Israel Antiquities Authority No. 2003-9038. Courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. Photo by Clara Amit). 8. Sha’atnez – The Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen   169 Figure 5. Kuntillat ‘Ajrud. Linen textile decorated with wool bands. Sheffer & Tidhar 2012, 301. own. These priestly garments were in his posses- offerings to God: “Now it came to pass at the end sion since the First Temple had been destroyed of days, that Cain brought of the fruit of the soil, by the Babylonians. Another aspect of “honor and interpreted as flax, an offering to the Lord. And beauty” means that the uniform must fit each per- Abel he too brought of the first born of his flocks fectly. Thus, it was forbidden for the pants, for ex- and of their fattest, and the Lord turned to Abel ample, to be too long or too short. The garments and to his offering.”26 This mixture ended up be- were made on order for each priest, tailored to fit ing lethal and Abel lost his life. his measurements exactly.23 c.) Another reason is that linen is a product of a river- One of the interpreters is R. Shimshon Refael ine agricultural economy, such as that of the Nile Hirsch. In his work on the philosophy of Jewish Valley, while wool is a product of a desert, pas- Laws and Observances he states: “Only the priest toral economy, such as that of the Hebrew tribes. had wool and flax mixed in his clothing, for he Maimonides, a medieval Jewish philosopher,27 ar- represents the community as a unity, and in his gued that the prohibition was a case of the gen- personality bridges all dissimilarities.” Rather eral law against imitating Canaanite customs28 than thinking of sha’atnez as something negative, – “And you shall not walk in the manner of the in fact it represents a higher level of existence to nations…”.29 The rules about forbidden mixtures which only certain individuals involved in certain serve to remind the Israelites how their past expe- activities can aspire!24 riences with Canaanites and Egyptians threatened b.) Another explanation is given by the Tal- their national identity. mud:25 here, it is suggested that the prohibi- tion of sha’atnez is related to Cain and Abel, the first naturally born human beings. They brought 23. Leviticus 6:3; https://www.templeinstitute.org/priestly_garments.htm 24. Hirsch 1981. 25. Midrash-Genesis Rabbah 5. 26. Genesis 4:1-17. 27. Medieval Jewish philosopher. 28. Liebenberg 2014, 7. 29. Leviticus 20:23, 18:3. 170   Orit Shamir in Textile Terminologies (2017) Observance and Enforcement of the Command Newly purchased garments are checked to ensure in the Orthodox Jewish Communities Today that there are no forbidden mixtures. The sample tak- ers are trained to take appropriate samples from a gar- Observant Jews in current times also follow the laws ment without damaging it. of sha’atnez. With the widespread use of synthetic Even suits that are 100% synthetic may con- fabrics, the issue of sha’atnez is more complicated tain sha’atnez. American law allows some leeway in and especially since many garments are manufactured labeling. A label that states that a garment is 100% in various parts of the world by non Jews. In some wool may contain as much as 2% of other materials. cases, parts of a garment are being manufactured in In addition, the label refers only to the fabric, not to one country and other parts in another. The result is additional sewing threads or material in the padding that it is difficult for consumers to know the type of and ornamentation. fibers that is in that garment. It is permitted to try on a garment in a clothing Considering these developments, the sha’atnez test- store without knowing whether it has sha’atnez or ers of North America and their contacts in other coun- not. If the label clearly states that the garment in- tries have an informal network by which alert notices cludes both wool and linen, then it is prohibited. are sent out as new developments are discovered. This However, there are different opinions about this case. is all part of a support system that has been developed Sometimes labels can be misleading, especially in around this ancient and mysterious prohibition.30 For foreign languages, for example: “Laine” in French is example, I found in one of the websites dealing with wool, while “lin” in French means linen.32 sha’atnez this message: “We are therefore alerting the public that some jackets of the following brands Removing the Sha’atnez were found to contain sha’atnez this past winter: Aus- tin Reed, Brooks Brothers, J. Crew and Zara Man.”31 Once the sha’atnez in the garment has been lo- Most sha’atnez that is found today is located in the cated, either the wool or the linen must be removed collar stiffeners of men’s suits especially in the more completely. If the tailor or the store has already re- expensive suits. Most suits today are made of wool or moved it, it still must be submitted to verification in wool blends. To retain the shape of the collar area, a a sha’atnez laboratory. canvas stiffener is generally sewn into the collar and Sometimes the sections containing linen are re- linen is the fabric considered by the clothing industry moved from wool clothing or wool from linen cloth- as being the best material for this purpose. ing. If linen is found in a collar canvas, it is removed Since clothing labels cannot be relied upon, there and replaced by a non-linen textile. must be another way in which to determine whether or not an article of clothing contains sha’atnez. Training to become a sha’atnez checker (fig. 6) Sha’atnez laboratories had been established with the approval of prominent Rabbinic Authorities – in Is- “If you are looking for a job, there is a great need, rael, the U.S., England and elsewhere. The laborato- particularly in smaller Jewish communities, to re- ries are staffed by specially trained experts who know cruit qualified sha’atnez checkers. For those com- where wool and linen may have been used in clothing munities or individuals serious about undergoing a and other articles, e.g., a suit may contain sha’atnez training programme, we recommend that you contact in any over sixty places. They also know how to iden- Rabbi Joel Shochett, head of The National Committee tify wool and linen scientifically by means of micro- of sha’atnez Testers and Researchers, New Jersey.”33 scopic analysis and chemical testing. 30. http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/381831/jewish/The-Mysteries-of-Shaatnez.htm 31. http://www.jerusalemkoshernews.com/2011/01/shatnez-alert-%E2%80%93-men%E2%80%99s-suits/ (accessed on 30/01/2016) 32. http://shatnez.n3.net (accessed on 15/12/2015). 33. http://www.star-k.org/articles/articles/1227/the-mitzvah-of-shatnes/ (accessed on 30/01/2016). 8. Sha’atnez – The Prohibition Against Wearing Mixed Wool and Linen   171 Bibliography Albright, W. F. (1943) An Archaic Hebrew Proverb in an Amarna Letter from Central Palestine. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 89, 29-32. Baginski, A. & Tidhar, A. (1980) Textiles from Egypt 4th- 13th Centuries CE. Jerusalem. Boertien, J. H. (2014) Public or Domestic? Temple, Text and Textile Production at Khirbet al-Mudayna in Moab. Exploring the Narrative. Jerusalem and Jordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages. In J. Van der Steen, J. Boertien & N. Mulder-Hymans (eds.), The Library of Hebrew Bible, 133-158. Old Testament Studies 583. London. Brauner, R. (2006) A Simple Guideline to Sha’atnez. Figure 6. Brussels School Learns sha’atnez. http://www. Brown F., Driver S. R. and Briggs C.A. (2012) The Brown- collive.com/show_news.rtx?id=10219 (accessed Driver-Briggs-Gesenius Hebrew and English Lexicon 31/01/16). (BDB). Massachusetts. Crowfoot E. (1974) Textiles. In P.W Lapp, and N.L. Lapp. Discoveries in the Wâdi ed-Dâliyeh (Annual of the Conclusions American Schools of Oriental Research. 41), 60-77. Hall, R. (1986) Egyptian Textiles. London. The concern to avoid sha’atnez during the Roman Hirsch, S. R. (1981) Horeb: A Philosophy of Jewish Laws period, despite the hardship of war against the Ro- and Observances. London. (Eng. trans., Dayan Dr. I. man army and the certain temptation to buy these tex- Grunfeld) tiles from non-Jews at the markets, is impressive and Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, ed. H. St.J. Thackeray. Lon- caused technical weaving problems. don 1956-1957. Stitching wool textiles with linen threads or vice Lambdin T.O. (1953) Egyptian Loan Words in the Old versa is also forbidden in sha’atnez. The presence of Testament. Journal of the American Oriental Society linen in the sewing threads of the Cave of the Letters 73, 145-155. and Masada can be explained by the harsh siege con- Liebenberg, W. A. (2014) Why does God forbid using Wool ditions of the Roman army. and Linen together? https://ancienttruthshidden.files. Another important fact is the almost complete ab- wordpress.com/2014/02/wool-and-linen.pdf (accessed sence of mixed wool and linen (sha’atnez) textiles at 31/01/2016). non-Jewish sites, except in a few cases in the Roman Pfister, R. & Bellinger, L. (1945) Excavations at Dura Eu- period in a Nabatean burial at ‘En Tamar.34 It is strik- ropos IV, 2. The Textiles. New Haven. ing that most of the textiles in Israel during the Ro- Milgrom, J. (2000) Leviticus 17-22, The Anchor Bible, Doubleday NY. man period were produced by Jews and purchased by the non-Jewish population. There is a great resem- Quillien, L. (2014) Flax and Linen in the First Millennium Babylonia BCE: Origins, Craft Industry and Uses of a blance between the Nabatean and Jewish textiles (1st- Remarkable Textile. In M. Harlow, C. Michel & M.-L. 2th centuries CE), including weaving techniques, col- Nosch (eds.), Prehistoric, Ancient Near East and Ae- ors, decorations such as shaded bands and the number gean Textiles and Dress. An Interdisciplinary Anthology, of threads per cm. 277-302. Ancient Textiles Series 18. Oxford. This long tradition of keeping the rules of Shamir, O. (2007) Textiles in the Land of Israel from the sha’atnez exists at least since 3000 years and contin- Roman Period till the Early Islamic Period in the Light ues till today. of the Archaeological Finds. Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University. PhD dissertation. 34. Shamir 2016. 172   Orit Shamir in Textile Terminologies (2017) Shamir, O. (2014) Two Special Traditions in Jewish Gar- Shamir O. (2016) Mixed Wool and Linen Textiles ments and the Rarity of Mixed Wool and Linen Threads (Sha‘atnez in Hebrew) from a Nabatean Burial Cave at at the Same Textile in the Land of Israel. In M. Harlow, ‘En Tamar. In J. Patrich, O. Peleg-Barkat and E. Ben- C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Prehistoric, Ancient Yosef (eds.) Arise, Walk through the Land. Studies in the Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Inter- Archaeology and History of the Land of Israel in Mem- disciplinary Anthology, 298-308. Ancient Textiles Series ory of Yizhar Hirschfeld on the Tenth Anniversary of his 18. Oxford. Demise. Jerusalem, 53-60. Sheffer, A. & Tidhar, A. (2012) Textiles and Basketry at Kuntillat `Ajrud. In Z. Meshel (ed.), Kuntillet ‘Ajrud. An Iron Age II Religious Site on the Judeah-Sinai Border, 289-312. (after 1991`Atiqot 20;1-26 with comment by the editor). 9 Armenian karmir, Sogdian karm r ‘red’, Hebrew karm l and the Armenian Scale Insect Dye in Antiquity Agnes Korn & Georg Warning For our friend Uwe Bläsing T his paper looks at three terms denoting the “En français, il y a très peu de choses colour ‘red’, viz. Armenian karmir, the obvi- dont on ne puisse pas dire ‘c’est rouge’ ously corresponding Sogdian word karmīr, and ou ‘c’est noir’ – mais en hébreu ancien karmīl ‘scarlet’ found in the Hebrew Bible. It will first il y a très peu de choses dont on puisse briefly discuss the etymology of these words (summa- le dire. En hébreu biblique (...), chaque rising an argument made elsewhere) and argue that couleur a un domaine d’application the words in question represent a technical term for ­restreint, à certains types d’objets. (...) Il a red dye from Armenia produced by scale insects. semble qu’elles [= les couleurs] soient We will then attempt to show that historical data and souvent comme des textures, des sortes chemical analysis of extant historical textiles confirm de matière – et l’importance des teintures the Armenian red as the relevant dye.1 confirme cette impression.”2 Essentially, then, ancient colours are not abstract Etymologies features, but bound to the objects of which they are a quality, rendering colour terms almost material Hebrew karmīl features. This applies to the shades of an animal’s coat, As a starting point, it is worthwhile to consider the which still nowadays are described much like a qual- status of colour terms in Hebrew (and other premod- ity of the animal (as in English dun, German Falbe ern cultures) in general. Jacquesson notes: 1. Sincere thanks are due to the persons and institutions specified below for their permission to publish their photos. We are also very grateful to Johnny Cheung (Paris) and Erika Korn (Konstanz) for providing copies and references of works not readily available to us, and to Sidsel Frisch (Copenhagen) and Emmanuel Giraudet (Paris) for help with the images. Transcriptions of the Hebrew pas- sages were kindly provided by Annelies Kuyt (Frankfurt a.M.); translations are from The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments, Authorized King James Version (...). Nashville: Broadman & Holman 1979. The underlinings in the passages quoted be- low are our additions. New Persian is transcribed in the classical pronunciation insofar as literary quotes (and poets’ names) are con- cerned, but in contemporary Farsi pronunciation where the reference is to modern works (including titles of books and articles.) For more details on etymological and philological matters, see Korn 2016. 2. Jacquesson 2012, 68f. 173 174   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2: Porphyrophora hamelii (original length max. 1 cm). Photo: Paul Starosta Fig. 1: Dyeing with indigo, workshop of Dr Ismail Khatri (Gujarat, India). Photo: Heike Boudalfa ‘(horse of) pale colour’ or brown bear as name of a repeatedly, but instead of karmīl there is the expres- species) as well as to colours of textiles, which may sion tōlaʿat šānī , containing the words literally refer to the substances with which they are tōleʿa / tōlaʿ ‘worm, maggot’ and šānī dyed. Thus, Sanskrit nīla-vant- (RV+) is actually not ‘crimson, scarlet’. This expression is reminiscent of 3 ‘dark, blue’, but ‘rich in indigo, i.e. dyed with large French vermeil ‘scarlet’, which is derived from ver quantities of indigo’. In looking for an etymology for ‘worm’. Hebrew karmīl is thus likely a priori to be the terms under discussion, the question thus is about not a colour, but a technical term for a dye, made the dyeing substance it refers to. from certain scale insects or cochineals such as the Late Biblical Hebrew karmīl occurs only three one in Fig. 2. times. All three attestations are found in the book 2 In fact, this has been suggested since long ago; Chronicles, and refer to the construction of the tem- and it has also generally been assumed that He- ple, as in the passage 2 Chron. 3.14: brew karmīl is a loanword from an Indo-European language and ultimately derives from Proto-Indo- ⁂ European *k u̯ ṛ́mi- ‘worm, maggot’ (the protoform of, for instance, Lithuanian kirmìs, Sanskrit kṛ́mi-, etc.).4 ‣ wayyaʿaś ʾet-happāroket tǝkēlet Slavic words for ‘red’ such as Old Church Slavonic wǝʾargāmān wǝkarmīl ūbūṣ wayyaʿal črŭmĭnĭ show the same line of derivation. ʿālāyw kǝrūbīm More precisely, as established already by Delitzsch,5 the source of karmīl must be an Iranian word related “And he [= Solomon] made the veil to Persian kirm ‘worm’ and its derivative qirmiz [of the temple] of blue, and purple and ‘red’. karmīl would then be a member of the group crimson, and fine linen, and wrought of Iranian words that entered Hebrew via Aramaic, cherubims thereon.” and which are comparatively frequent in the book 2 In the remaining parts of the Old Testament, the se- Chronicles.6 ries of blue, purple and crimson or scarlet reoccurs The Iranian source form, specified as unattested 3. The series of these three colours always refers to textiles of liturgical importance, used in the temple and for priest’s garments (see Brenner 1982, 143-146; Hartley 2010, 185-210; and Clines s.v. for the attestations). 4. Cf. e.g. Mayrhofer 1956, 261. 5. Delitzsch 1898, 757f. 6. We are indebted to Holger Gzella for this information. Cf. Sáenz-Badillos 1993, 115-120; Wagner 1967, 67. 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   175 Fig. 3: Cashmere fragment. Red dye: Porphyrophora. Photo: © Mission archéologique franco-chinoise au Xinjiang by Delitzsch, might be taken to be present in a word Sogdiana into Palestine to feature in the Old Testa- found in the meantime in Sogdian, an Eastern Iranian ment. The assumption of Sogdian loanwords in Arme- language from the Middle Iranian period, as Meillet nian has also been weakened on linguistic grounds by (1912, 247) announced: “Le mot [arménien] karmir recent research, which has shown that a Western Ira- « rouge », dont le caractère iranien est encore mis nian language is more likely to be the source.10 en doute par Hübschmann [1897], Arm. Gramm., p. Obviously, Armenian karmir needs to come from 167, se retrouve maintenant en sogdien sous la forme an Iranian dialect that shows the required output of krmʾyr”.7 That this Sogdian word, probably to be read PIE *k u̯ ṛ́mi-, particularly ar as product of PIE *ṛ. /karmīr/8 should be the source of Armenian karmir Such a dialect needs to be assumed anyway to ac- has then also be advocated by Olsen9 and others. count for Iranian loanwords in Armenian such as However, there is a considerable geographical marg ‘bird’ (cf. Sanskrit mṛga-).11 Parthian and Per- distance between Armenian and Sogdian, and also a sian, the chief sources of Iranian loanwords in Ar- chronological problem, since the word would need menian, are excluded because their result of *ṛ is ir to have migrated early enough from Central Asian in this context (cf. New Persian kirm ‘worm’). An 7. Meillet 1912, 247. 8. Gauthiot 1914, 143 etc. 9. Olsen 2005, 478. 10. Cf. Korn 2013. Note that the absence from Western Iranian was the only reason to assume an origin from an Eastern Iranian lan- guage for that specific group of loanwords in Armenian (the words in question do not have any specifically Eastern Iranian features). 176   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) Iranian language that shows the required output of *ṛ The other poet, Niżāmī, was from Ganja, a town in (/kard/ ‘did’, /barz/ ‘high’, /varg/ ‘wolf’), and indeed the Republic of Azerbaijan, some 70 km from the /karm/ for ‘worm’, is Zazaki, a contemporary Western Armenian border of today. It is known as an old Iranian language spoken in Eastern Anatolia, overlap- centre of carpet production in wool and silk, illus- ping with regions where Armenian was also spoken. trated here by the Ganja carpet in Fig. 4 (admittedly not ancient, but in the style termed “Old Ganja”). Persian qirmiz Indeed, one of Niżāmī’s verses containing qirmiz, describing a banquet prepared for Alexander by the Persian qirmiz, nowadays the usual word for Chinese emperor, appears to use qirmiz in material- ‘red’, is surprisingly absent from earlier New Persian like sense:14 (where ‘red’ is surx). There is no attestation of qirmiz ⁂ (nor *kirmiz) in the Shāhnāme, and none, for instance, in Omar Khayyām’s Rubāʿiyāt (where the red wine is ‣ našāṭ-i mai qirmizī sāxtand / described as lāl or arġawān), nor in the classical Per- bisāṭ-ē ham az qirmiz andāxtand sian texts contained in the TITUS database.12 Also, the Persian encyclopaedic dictionary by Dehxodā, who “They made the wine’s joy red (qirmizī) regularly quotes passages from classical poetry for / [and] also spread out a carpet from red each entry, has no literary example for qirmiz. (qirmiz) [material].” Ḥasanī 2010, studying the Persian word surx ‘red’, (Niżāmī Ganǰawī, Šarafnāma, episode finds the oldest attestations of qirmiz to be verses by Mihmānī-kardan-e xāqān-i Čīn Niżāmī (12th century) and by Nāṣir Khusrau (11th Iskandar-rā)15 century):13 Ancient and also later Arabic dictionaries define ⁂ qirmiz as referring to the Armenian scale insect dye. One of these, the Aqrab al-mawārid (ca. 1900), is also ‣ hamčinīn dānam naxwāhad mānd bar the reference given by Dehxodā:16 gašt-i zamān / ⁂ mū-yi ǰaʿd-at ʿanbarī va rū-yi xūb-at qirmizī. “And I also know that over the course of time your curled hair will not remain ṣabġun armaniyun aḥmaru yuqālu amber-scenting nor your good face red annahu min ʿaṣārati dūdin yakūnu fī (qirmizī).” āǰāmihim wa yuqālu annahu tuṣbaġu bihi aṯ-ṯiyyābu fa-lā yakādu yunḍalu lawnuhu (Nāṣir Xusrau, Dīvān, Qaṣīda 223, line 7) 11. A third Western Iranian language in addition to Parthian and Persian as source for Iranian items in Armenian needs to be assumed also for other reasons (cf. Korn & Olsen 2012). 12. These are: Vīs u Rāmīn (Gurgānī); Sindbad-Nāme (Ẓahīrī Samarqandī); Ġazals (Qabūlī). 13. Nāṣir Xusrau (1995, 562); it is Qaṣīda no. 253 in other editions. Nāṣir Xusrau was born in Qabodiyon (Khorasan, today Tajikistan). 14. Niżāmī 1956, 410 l. 4. This verse is also the attestation of qirmizī quoted in the Tajiki dictionary by Šukurov et al. 1969/II, 691: Нашоти маи қирмизӣ сохтанд / Бисоте ҳам аз қирмиз андохтанд. 15. Wilberforce Clarke translates (Niżāmī 1881, 651): “Exhibited the joyousness of the crimson wine; / Cast also a carpet of crimson silk.” while Bürgel’s German prose translation has “The red wine, which was drunk on red carpets, raised the spirits” (Niżāmī 1991, 296). The Persian text edition comments “They spread out a red (qirmizī) carpet and tablecloth in the gathering place and, as they served red wine on the red carpet, they started to celebrate the red wine (all with surx)” (Niżāmī 1956, 410). 16. Dehxodā (XXXVIII, 230 s.v. ). Cf. also the quotes in Lane (VII, 2519), and note that the dictionary of classical Persian by ­Steingass (1891, 966) qualifies qirmiz as coming from Arabic. 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   177 Fig. 4: Carpet style Kedim Ganja (‘Ancient Ganja’) from Ganja (Azerbaijan) dated 1895, with dedication in Armenian. Photo: Marco Frangi.17 17. For further details see Azadi et al. 2001, 410. 178   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) “A red Armenian dye of which it is said սիզաբերեալ յարմատոյ, առ ՛ի զարդ that it is from the juice of a worm living կարմրութե՟ գունոյ. in their swamps, and of which it is said ‣ Ew owni Ararat lerins, ew dašts, that clothes are dyed with it, and its dye ew zamenayn parartowtʿiwn (...). Ew is hardly surpassed.”18 ordn sizabereal yarmatoy, aṙ ‘i zard karmrowtʿean gownoy. Thus, the word must have been borrowed from Persian into Arabic, perhaps already with the mean- “La province d’Ararad a des montagnes, ing of the Armenian red; in Arabic, the initial k- was des plaines avec toute sorte de changed into qāf to yield qirmiz; later on it was bor- productions (...) : on y trouve aussi un rowed back into Persian.19 This also implies that Per- ver qui naît de la racine d’une plante et sian cannot be the source of Hebrew karmīl (in spite qui fournit la couleur rouge”.24 of opinions to the contrary voiced by some authors), Even earlier is the pharmaceutical work Materia and the ultimate source of the word must rather be an medica by Dioskurides (1st century AD), who says Iranian language such as Zazaki. about the scale insect dye (IV: 48): Also, historical sources report that scarlet dye needed to be imported into Iran,20 and it is known that ⁂ ἀρίστη δέ ἐστιν ἡ Γαλατικὴ καὶ textile workshops found it difficult to afford the high Ἀρμενιακή, ἔπειτα ἡ Ἀσιανὴ καὶ prices for the Armenien red dye.21 It is also known Κιλίκιος, ἐσχάτη δὲ πασῶν ἡ Σπάνη. that the Sasanian kings were wearing red coats, and “The best is from Galatia and Armenia, that king Hormisd I sent such a red coat to the Roman then that from Asia and that from Cilicia, emperor Aurelian (270-275),22 maybe of similar style and last of all that from Spain.”25 as the Sasanian caftan in Fig. 5. Textiles and cochineals Textual evidence Scale insects used for dyeing26 Indeed, classical sources and Armenian historical texts (as well as testimonies from later times)23 com- The next step for the present argument is to demon- bine to show that the red dye produced in Armenia strate that the evidence of etymological reasoning and was famous for its quality already in antiquity. The of textual resources has a counterpart in reality, i.e. clearest description is in the Geography (short ver- that an Armenian dye was used widely enough to ren- sion, chapter V, xv) attributed to Anania Širakacʿi der the assumption plausible that it is referred to by (610-685): Hebrew karmīl: the Armenian scale insect is by far ⁂ Եւ ունի Արարատ լերինս, և դաշտս՝ not the only species from which cochineal dyes have և զամ՟ պարարտռւթի՟ (...) Եւ որդն been produced. The best known type is the Mexican 18. The print edition has tuṣyaġu ‘made’ (one additional dot) for the semantically more fitting tuṣbaġu ‘dyed’ that figures in the online version (http://www.loghatnaameh.org/dehkhodaworddetail-b3e3d7b1273048f0ae52be830cd0ae1b-fa.html). 19. In Turkic, the words for ‘red’ mirror the influence of Persian: qırmızı is ‘red’ in those Turkic languages closer to Persian influence (Turkish, Azeri) while others (Kazakh, Kirgiz, Tatar, Uzbek) use the inherited word qızıl. 20. Born 1936, 223, referring to Pfister. 21. Cf. Kurdian 1941, 106. 22. Born 1936, 223; Pfister 1935, 35. 23. For which see Kurdian 1941; Donkin 1977, 849-853; and Cardon 2014, 627f. 24. My transcription; edition and translation Saint-Martin 1819, 367, who notes p. 390: “Il s’agit ici d’une sorte de cochenille.” 25. Edition Wellmann (II, 205); translation Osbaldeston & Wood 2000, 588f. 26. For details, see Cardon 2014, 585-642; 2007, 607-666 and Łagowska & Golan 2011. 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   179 Fig. 5: Cashmere caftan (6th/7th c.) found in Antinoë (Egypt). Red dye: Porphyrophora hamelii. Photo: © Lyon, MTMAD – Pierre Verrier 180   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 7: Kerria lacca crust on twig. Photo: Barbara Bigler Fig. 8: Kermes vermilio on Mediterranean oak. Photo: Dominique Cardon Fig. 6: Dactylopius coccus on cactus. Photo: Ana Roquero Persian qirmiz, might be of Indian origin, are thus rather unlikely.27 scale insect, Dactylopius coccus (Fig. 6), which was Then there is the Mediterranean scale insect Kermes widely used before synthetic colours were invented, vermilio (Fig. 8), which predominantly lives on Medi- but it cannot play a role here because it came from terranean oak trees. In the passage quoted above, Di- Latin America too late to be of relevance. oskurides refers to this species, obviously assuming The Indian scale insect, Kerria lacca (Fig. 7), that the regions he mentions all use the same cochi- forms encrustations on branches; one breaks the twigs neal. However, kermes was not seen as an insect in an- with the encrustation into pieces (and puts them into tiquity, but rather perceived as a kind of fruit or berry water to use the dye). This substance is called lākṣā‑ of the tree (indeed the females are immobile). in the Sanskrit literature and described much like a The European scale insects, Porphyrophora, com- mineral, probably because the crusts are not seen prise several species. The ones potentially relevant as being composed of individual insects. The word here are the Armenian one, Porphyrophora hamelii kṛ́mi- ‘worm’, on the other hand, is not used for the (Fig. 2), and the European one, Porphyrophora po- scale insect. Assumptions that Armenian karmir, or lonica (Fig. 9). 27. For more discussion of the Indic scale insect, see Korn 2016, 5f. 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   181 Fig. 9: Porphyrophora polonica on grass root. Photo: Dominique Cardon Chemical analysis In a series of articles and books from the 1930s, Ro- dolphe Pfister published and examined a number of textile specimens from regions in contact with the Ira- nian cultural sphere, which in a number of instances show Iranian motifs or Iranian style. The red colorants of these pieces include, besides madder (Rubia tinc- torum), a scale insect dye other than Kermes.28 One such piece is the tapestry fragment (Fig. 10), about which Pfister says: “Quant au style, nous trouvons de nombreux souvenirs sassanides”, and applies this also to details of the weaving technique.29 The textiles Pfister analysed were found in Egypt (dating from the 3rd-7th centuries AD) and in Dura-Europos (Fig. 13) and Palmyra in Syria (2nd-3rd centuries AD) on the border between the Roman and the Iranian empires.30 Fig. 10: Tapestry fragment found in Egypt (Antinoë). Red Pfister identified the red of this tapestry as well dye: Porphyrophora. Photo: Pfister 1936, 80ª. as a number of other textiles31 as being dyed with 28. This particularly applies to textiles from Antinoë (Egypt), about which Pfister 1935, 46 says that they “correspondaient toujours à une origine persane” (similarly 1934a, 83 n. 21). Pfister 1928, 242 also notes that cochineal dyes start to appear in Egypt as part of the Iranian influence. 29. Pfister 1936, 82. See also Pfister 1932b, 134-139 for some Oriental stylistic features of this group of textiles. 30. Pfister 1935, 36f.; Pfister 1934a, 85: “Palmyre étant alors le principal intermédiaire pour le commerce partho-romain et plus géné- ralement pour les échanges d’Orient à Occident, Doura a profité de cette situation en devenant ville caravanière.” 31. These are the following items: Pfister 1932a (textiles from Antinoë in the Louvre): Pl. 13 bottom left, Pl. 14 bottom left, Pl. 14 top (= Pfister 1932b, Pl. XLI), all described as having their red by indigo over madder (Rubia tinctorum), but recognised as Porphyrophora in 1936, 9 n. 1; Pfister 1934a (no photos): woollen trousers (apparently several pieces, details not given) “dyed with a cochineal colorant that is si- milar, but not identical to Kermes”, thus from a hitherto unknown cochineal reacting similar to the Mexican scale insect (p. 83); 182   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) a Porphyrophora scale insect. He suggests that it is insect could be involved here, Pfister preliminarily Porphyrophora polonica, and proceeds to develop an called it “Persian cochineal”,35 until he got hold of the argument how this species might have ended up in Polish scale insect and announced that the reactions Iranian lands, and in fact in Syria and Egypt. This obtained are like those of the Mexican scale insect: logic sounds somewhat far-fetched, and suggests a “Nous avons finalement trouvé le closer look at the method32 by which Pfister arrives colorant du Vieux-Monde qui donne des at his conclusion. réactions identiques avec celles de la To determine the dyestuffs used, Pfister produced cochenille [mexicaine], c’est Margarodes test samples of white wool dyed with various sub- polonicus [= Porphyrpophora polonica], stances; his scale insect dyes were “Lac dye” (Kerria coccidé vivant à la naissance des racines lacca), “Kermes” (Kermes vermilio) and “Cochineal” de certaines plantes des steppes”.36 (Dactylopius coccus). He then compared the chemical reactions of these against each other, and to threads Indeed, Pfister’s observation is right insofar as the taken from historical textiles. His method was to ex- similarity of the Mexican and the Porphorophora reds tract the colorants with various acids etc. and then to is concerned, but we argue that his method of merely treat the solutions with further substances. At each looking at colours obtained in his experiments (rather stage, he looked at the colour obtained.33 Pfister found than carrying out a chromatography) is insufficient to that the three scale insect dyes react differently in his determine which Porphorophora species is present in experiments (particularly when the extraction is done the textiles in question: by chlorhydric acid),34 and there was evidence for all of them in one or the other historical textile sample. “des travaux plus récents sur le rouge Now, the question was which dye was present in the d’insectes (...) ont montré que la samples where Pfister obtained reactions similar to similitude de composition et la variabilité that of the Mexican scale insect (rather than to the des proportions des composants, tant other scale insect dyes or to madder or other red dyes majoritaires que mineurs, sont telles chez derived from plants). Not knowing at first which scale les Dactylopius et Porphyrophora spp., Pfister 1935 (no photos): two monochrome items from Antinoë (Musée Guimet, p. 39), one monochrome item from Dura-Euro- pos (Louvre, p. 43); several pieces from Palmyra of which the weft is dyed with scale insect (p. 44, in some cases combined with purple); Pfister 1936: E1 Pl. XXXI (= Fig. 10), E2 Pl. XXXII (Musée de Cluny), description of both p. 81f. (apparently found in Egypt, as Pfister p. 83 writes that their details suggest “non-Egyptian origin”); p. 9 n. 1 mentions the items from the Louvre published in 1932a and one additional item (unpublished?); Pfister 1934b / 1937 / 1940 (textiles from Palmyra): 1934b: T1, T18, T19, S15 (doubtful), L1, L7, L21; 1937: L 60, L 61 (with black-and-white photo), L31, L52, L53, L62; another part of L62 is 1940, 26 recognised as cochineal with lac-dye, which is also the red dye of four items in 1940 (L 121 with black-and-white photo; L 124 with colour photo; L 123); 1937, 12 also men- tions a woolen medallion in a Gothenburg museum and 1940, 69 three items dyed with “Polish cochineal” from Xinjiang (cf. n. 42) in the Victoria and Albert Museum London (Ch. 00230, Stein 1921/II, 982 with photos in vol. IV; Ch 0028, Ch 00248); Pfister / Bellinger 1945 (textiles from Dura-Europos): nos. 7, 33-2 (no photos), 132 (black and white photo), 133 (Fig. 13). It is not quite clear whether any of the pieces published in Pfister 1928 (textiles from Antinoë, with black-and-white photos) con- tain the scale insect dye in question (and if any are identical to some he republished later). Pfister 1934a, 83, adds that those texti- les from Egypt that show the Porphyrophora dye all seem of Persian origin. 32. Description see Pfister 1935, 25-31, 33-35, 46f. 33. For details, cf. Pfister 1935, 24f, who writes that some tricky cases were checked with black light (a certain type of UV light, wave length 375 nm) which produces fluorescence in some substances, but does not specify which ones. 34. Pfister 1935, 33f. Previously Pfister 1928, 229, had thought (following other authors) that the Mediterranean insect would react si- milarly to the Mexican scale insect and thus assumed that Kermes is present in the specimens that he then found to contain two dif- ferent cochineal dyes (cf. Pfister 1935, 46). 35. Thus in Pfister 1934b. 36. Pfister 1935, 35. 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   183 que la distinction entre espèces et leur identification dans un textile ancien sont particulièrement complexes et qu’elles nécessitent le recours à de nouvelles méthodes d’extraction et d’analyses.”37 Also, Pfister obviously did not think of the Arme- nian scale insect, nor did he have some at hand to compare his results to. Modern methods qualified as necessary by Cardon to determine the exact scale insect species include chromatography by HPLC (high performance [for- merly: high pressure] liquid chromatography). The liquid to be analysed is pressed through a tube (with a solvent such as acetonitrile or a mixture of metha- nol/water) that contains an adsorbent material (such as synthetic resin or calcium carbonate), with which the components of the solution will interact in differ- ent ways, producing differing speeds for the compo- nents on their way through the tube. The components thus pass a certain fixed point of the tube at differ- ent moments, where one sends light of an appropri- ate wave length through the tube (often UV light) to measure the percentage of light that is absorbed by the solution; one can also determine the start, maximum and end of their passage at the fixed point. Solvent, adsorbent material and wave length of light need to be chosen depending on the substances one wishes to analyse. The chromatogram then shows the light ab- sorption rate in relation to the time within which the solution passes the tube (cf. Fig. 11). The character- istic time points of the various components can be identified with the behaviour of the pure substances which one submits to the same analysis. The chro- matogram also allows calculating the quantity of the Fig. 11: Graph by Wouters & Verhecken (1989, 190) show- various components in the solution (by integrating the ing an analysis by chromatography of a combination of area below the curve). scale insect dyes; the acids are measured in relation to car- Studies employing the method just outlined in- minic acid (whose “relative retention time” is set as the ref- clude the one by Wouters & Verhecken 1989. In or- erence point 1.0) der to submit dyed textiles to chromatography, one extracts and dissolves the colorant and separates it their dyeing substances. These turn out to be acids from the mordant, for instance by a liquid containing such as carminic acid, kermesic acid, etc. It emerges an acid, to yield a solution which is then analysed. that the various species of scale insects contain sub- Wouters & Verhecken first produced test samples of stances which are closely related chemically, but in dyed wool with various scale insects to determine very different quantities.38 Wouters & Verhecken then 37. Cardon 2014, 626. 38. As the test samples also showed, these quantities also depend on the mordant employed (as well as on the details of the extraction of the colorant from the insect and the dyeing process). 184   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) proceeded to compare the results to test those of his- that of Porphyrophora polonica (cf. the numbers in torical textiles.39 bold in Fig. 12), this suggests two possibilities: Ei- Fig. 12 presents the concluding table by Wouters & ther Pfister’s method would yield the same results for Verhecken 1989 summarising their analysis (adapted Porphyrophora hamelii and Porphyrophora polon- for the present purposes, and with the results for the ica, which would mean that the method is not fine- Armenian scale insect Porphyrophora hamelii high- grained enough to permit a decision between the two lighted). It shows the relative quantities of selected species, or else Pfister’s observation is mistaken (the dyeing acids in test samples and in historical tex- results are actually not “identical”), and Porphyroph- tiles from various regions and centuries. Clearly the ora hamelii would have behaved even more similarly main difference is that between Dactylopius and Por- to Dactylopius had Pfister had the opportunity to carry phyrophora on the one hand and Kermes and Ker- out experiments with this species. We thus argue that ria lacca on the other. But within the first group, the Pfister’s approach is not sufficient to permit a deci- chemical composition of Dactylopius is by far closer sion in favour of Porphyrophora polonica. It seems at to Porphyrophora hamelii than to Porphyrophora least as likely (and historically much more so) that the polonica. textiles in question are dyed with the Armenian red. As mentioned above, Pfister found the results Historical textiles which were submitted to mod- for his supposed Porphyrophora polonica “identi- ern chemical analysis that has shown their red dye to cal” to those of Dactylopius coccus. Since the com- be the Armenian scale insect Porphyrophora hamelii position of the dyeing substances of Porphyrophora include the Sasanian caftan mentioned above (Fig. hamelii is much closer to Dactylopius coccus than 5). As this caftan was found in Antinoë in Egypt, it dyeing acids → laccaic “dc II”40 carminic laccaic flavokermesic acid B acid acid A acid (+) ↓ scale insects kermesic acid Dactylopius 0 1.4-3.8 94-98 0 0.4-2.2 coccus (Fig. 6) Porphyrophora 0 0.1-1.2 95-99 0 1.0-4.2 hamelii (Fig. 2) Porphyrophora 0 + 62-88 0 12-38 polonica (Fig. 9) Kermes 0 0 0 0 0-25; 75-100 vermilio (Fig. 8) Kerria lacca (Fig. 7) 0-20 0 0 71-96 3.6-9.0 Fig. 12: Composition of dying acids in various scale insects (adapted from Wouters & Verhecken 1989, 198.41 39. The procedure of producing test samples of wool dyed with various substances and comparing their behaviour to threads taken from historical textiles, and to extract the dye by an acid and analyse the solution is not unlike Pfister’s approach, but the methods of analysis are quite different. Analysing solutions obtained from dyed wool (rather than analysing the dyes themselves) intends to produce conditions close to those of the historical textiles. It needs to be kept in mind that the mordants have an important effect on how the dyes will attach to the fibres (thence quite differing colours depending on the mordant employed). 40. “d[actylopius] c[occus] II” is a yellow dyeing substance which is present in several scale insect dyes (Wouters & Verhecken 1989, 191). In the meantime, it has been recognised as a glucoside of flavokermesic acid (Cardon 2014, 696). The chemical structures of flavokermesic and kermesic acid are very similar (cf. Fig. 4 in Cardon 2014, 695). 41. “All figures represent relative abundances, calculated from integration at 275 nm” (Wouters & Verhecken, ibid.). 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   185 seems highly likely that other textiles from the same excavation (such as Fig. 10) contain the same Porphy- rophora species, and a similar logic would extend to Porphyrophora dyes of Iranian style from other parts, such as the pieces from Dura-Europos (among these Fig. 13) and Palmyra. One might then suggest that further historical tex- tiles from the Iranian sphere which have been shown to be dyed with a Porphyrophora species might like- wise contain Porphyrophora hamelii. This applies to the cashmere fragment from Xinjiang (Fig. 3), and at this point we are reminded of the Sogdian word karmīr and of the fact that the Sogdians were traders along the Silk Road, and very much present in what is now Xinjiang,42 and red pieces of cloth are among the commodities mentioned in Sogdian texts. Other historical textiles submitted to HPLC yield- ing Porphyrophora hamelii as red dye include a pair of a bishop’s knitted silk gloves from France (15th/16th centuries) and a hat offered by King Henry VIII to the town of Waterford, Ireland (16th century),43 dem- onstrating how appreciated the Armenian red proved Fig. 13: Wool fabric fragment from Dura Europos. Red throughout centuries and cultural spheres. dye: Porphyrophora. Photo: Pfister 1945: Pl. I. If, then, the Armenian red was so widely spread that it found its way into Iranian textile remains pre- served in Syria and Egypt, it seems quite probable construction of the tabernacle”44 made by Moses in that karmīl in the Ancient Testament, which since the desert (Exodus 25-27). Particularly parallel to the Delitzsch 1898 has been assumed to be of Iranian or- passage quoted in the beginning is Ex. 26:31: igin, refers to exactly this red dye. ⁂ Conclusion ‣ wǝʿāśītā p̄ āroket tǝkēlet wǝʾargāmān As mentioned above, karmīl in 2 Chronicles replaces wǝtōlaʿat šānī wǝšēš mošzār māʿăśēh Hebrew tōlaʿat šānī used in the other books of the ḥošēb yaʿăśeh ʾotāh kǝrubīm Old Testament. The Chronicle books retell events “And thou shalt make a veil of blue, and described in older sources, with characteristic ad- purple, and scarlet, and fine twined linen aptations. 2 Chronicles 2-5, within which the only of cunning work: with cherubims shall it three attestations of karmīl are found, re-describes be made.” the construction of the Temple found in 1 Kings 6-7, but adds a curtain (while no textiles are mentioned One might wonder whether perhaps the motivation in 1 Kings). The term ‘veil’ as well as the actual for- for the substitution of karmīl for tōlaʿat šānī in the mulation clearly is a reference to “the design and quasi-quote in 2 Chronicles lies in a substitution of 42. In fact, Pfister 1934a, 88, 92, mentions textiles found by Sir Aurel Stein in Xinjiang which seem to be of “Syro-Iranian character” and Pfister 1940, 69, describes some of Stein’s pieces from the Thousand Buddha Caves as dyed with “Polish cochineal” (cf. n. 31). 43. Photos in Cardon 2014, 627, 629. 44. Williamson 1982, 209. 186   Agnes Korn & Georg Warning in Textile Terminologies (2017) scale insect dyes in this period. The commonly used Ḥasanī, M. M. (2010) Kankāš-e adabī (Miṣraʿ-e rangīn) 1: tōlaʿat šānī is likely to refer to Kermes, which was in Rang-e sorx dar adab-e fārsī. http://hassani.ir/post/262 use in Antiquity and up into modern times all around = http://hassani.ir/post-262.aspx ≈ http://shsb.blogfa. the Mediterranean.45 In 2 Chronicles, reflecting Ara- com/post/14 (accessed 16 Dec. 2014). Hübschmann, H. (1897) Armenische Grammatik. Leipzig maic influence, and Iranian via Aramaic, it seems pos- (repr. Hildesheim etc. 1992). sible in view of the discussion above that the refer- Jacquesson, F. (2012) Les mots de la couleur en hébreu an- ence of karmīl is to the Armenian dye.46 cien. In P. Dollfus, F. Jacquesson & M. Pastoureau (eds.), If so, this would imply that the term for the col- Histoire et géographie de la couleur. Paris, 67-130. our, or rather for the dye, came with the colorant it Korn, A. (2013) Final troubles: Armenian stem classes referred to, just as so many commodities of trade and the word-end in Late Old Persian. P. Lur’e & S. have brought their names with them. This would Tokhtas’jev (eds.), Commentationes Iranicae, Vladimiro confirm the statement quoted at the beginning that f. Aaron Livschits nonagenario donum natalicium. Hebrew colour terms, and in fact probably any an- Sbornik statej k 90-letiju Vladmira Aronoviča Livšitsa. cient colour terms, are a feature of the object they St Petersburg, 74-91. Korn, A. (2016) Arménien karmir, sogdien krmʾyr et hé- come with, underlining once again the importance of breu karmīl « rouge ». Bulletin of the School of African studying etymology together with the realities that and Oriental Studies 79, 1-22. the speakers employ the words for. Korn, A. & B. Olsen (2012) On Armenian -agin: addi- tional evidence for a third West Middle Iranian dia- lect? Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 66/2, Bibliography 201-220. Kurdian, H. (1941) Kirmiz. Journal of the American Ori- Azadi, S., L. Kerimov & W. Zollinger (2001) Azer­ ental Society 61, 105-107. baidjanisch­-k­ aukasische Teppiche: Samm­lung Ulmke Łagowska, B. & K. Golan (2011) Scale insects /Hemi­ptera, aus der Schweiz. Hamburg. Coccoidea/ as a source of natural dye and other useful Born, W. (1936) Scharlach. Ciba-Rundschau 1/7, 218-240. substances. Aphids and other hemipterous insects 15, Brenner, A. (1982) Colour Terms in the Old Testament. 151-167. Sheffield. Lane, E. (1863-1893) Arabic-English Lexicon. London Cardon, D. (2007) Natural Dyes. Sources, Traditions, Tech- etc., 8 vol. nology and Science. London. Mayrhofer, M. (1956) Kurzgefaßtes etymo­lo­gi­sches Wör- Cardon, D. (2014) Le monde des teintures naturelles. terbuch des Altindischen I. Heidelberg. Paris Meillet, Antoine (1912) Sur les mots iraniens empruntés Clines, D. et al. (1993-2011) The Dictionary of Classical par l’arménien. In Mémoires de la société de linguis- Hebrew. Sheffield, 8 vol. tique de Paris 17, 242-250. Dehxodā, ʿAlī Akbar (1959-1971) Loġat-nāme-ye Nāṣir Xusrau (1995) Dīvān-e ašʿār-e Ḥakīm Nāṣer Xosrou Dehxodā. Tehran, 50 vol.; online version at http://www. Qobādiyānī « Ḥoǰǰat ». Qaṣīdehā, qeṭʿehā-ye parākande loghatnaameh.org. [...] be taṣḥīḥ-e Karāmat Tofangdār. Tehran 1374 h.š. Delitzsch, F. (1898) Farben in der Bibel. In Realency- Niżāmī Ganǰawī (1881) The Sikandar nāma,e barȧ or Book clopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche V. of Alexander the Great (...). Translated for the first time Leipzig, 755-762. out of the Persian (...) by Captain H. Wilberforce Clarke. Donkin, R.A. (1977) The Insect Dyes of Western and West- London. Central Asia. Anthropos 72:5/6, 847-880. Niżāmī Ganǰawī (1956) Šarafnāme. Tehran: Ebn-Sīnā, Gauthiot, R. (1914) Essai de grammaire sogdienne I: Pho- 2nd ed. nétique. Paris. Niżāmī Ganǰawī (1991) Das Alexanderbuch = Iskandar- Hartley, J. E. (2010) The Semantics of Ancient Hebrew name. Übertr. aus dem Pers., Nachw. und Anm. von J. Colour Lexemes. Louvain etc. Christoph Bürgel. Zürich. 45. According to Cardon (2014, 595), the Kermes species referred to by tōlaʿat šānī is Kermes echinatus, which is not identical, but very similar, to Kermes vermilio. 46. Cf. Singer (1954, 246): “The best variety [of cochineal red] is said in the Old Testament to have come from the mountains—that is, the Armenian region.” 9. Armenian karmir, Sogdian karmīr, Hebrew karmīl and the Scale Insect Dye   187 Olsen, B. A. (2005) On Iranian Dialectal Diversity in Ar- Pfister, R. (1940) Textiles de Palmyre, découverts par le menian. In O. Hackstein & G. Meiser (eds.), Sprachkon- Service des Antiquités du Haut-Commissariat de la Ré- takt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der publique Française dans la Nécropole de Palmyre III. Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23. September Paris. 2000, Halle an der Saale. Wiesbaden, 473-481. Pfister, R. & L. Bellinger (1945) The Excavations at Dura- Osbaldeston, T. A. & R.P.A. Wood (2000) De materia med- Europos. Final Report IV. 2: The Textiles. New Haven ica: being an herbal with many other medicinal mate- etc. rials (...). A new indexed version in modern English. Sáenz-Badillos, A. (1993) A History of the Hebrew Lan- Johannesburg. guage. Cambridge etc. Pfister, R. (1928) La décoration des étoffes d’Antinoë. Re- Saint-Martin, J. (1819) Mémoires historiques et géogra- vue des arts asiatiques 5, 215-243. phiques sur l’Arménie II. Paris. Pfister, R. (1932a) Tissus coptes du Musée du Louvre. Paris. Singer, C. J. et al. (1954) A History of Technology I: From Pfister, R. (1932b) Nil, Nilomètres et l’orientalisation du early times to fall of ancient empires. Oxford. paysage hellénistique. Revue des arts asiatiques 7, Stein, A. (1921) Serindia: Detailed report of explorations 121-140. in Central Asia and westernmost China. London & Ox- Pfister, R. (1934a) Études textiles. Revue des arts asia- ford, 5 vols. tiques 8, 77-92. Steingass, F. (1892) A Comprehensive Persian-English Pfister, R. (1934b) Textiles de Palmyre, découverts par Dictionary. London. le Service des Antiquités du Haut-Commissariat de la Šukurov, M.Š. et al. (1969) Slovar’ tadžikskogo jazyka. République Française dans la Nécropole de Palmyre. Farhang-i zabon-i toǰikī. Moscow, 2 vol. Paris. Wagner, M. (1967) Die lexikalischen und grammatikali- Pfister, R. (1935) Teinture et alchimie dans l’orient hel- schen Aramaismen im alttestamentlichen Hebräisch. lénistique. Seminarium Kondakovianum: Recueil Berlin. d’études. Archéologie, histoire de l’art, études byzan- Wellmann, M. (1906-1907) Pedanii Dioskuridis anazarbei tines 7, 1-59. de materia medica libri quinque. Berlin. Pfister, R. (1936) Matériaux pour servir au classement des Williamson, H. (1982) 1 and 2 Chronicles [The New Cen- Textiles Égyptiens postérieurs à la Conquête Arabe. Re- tury Bible Commentary]. London. vue des arts asiatiques 10/1, 1-16, 73-85. Wouters, J. & A. Verhecken (1989) The Coccid Insect Pfister, R. (1937) Nouveaux textiles de Palmyre, décou- Dyes: HPLC and Computerized Diode-Array Analysis verts par le Service des Antiquités du Haut-Commissa- of Dyed Yarns. Studies in Conservation 34/4, 189-200. riat de la République Française dans la Nécropole de Palmyre. Paris. 10 Armenian Textile Terminology Birgit Anette Olsen T he part of the Armenian vocabulary that is in- quite natural that the Iranian superstrate dominates herited from the Indo-European protolanguage the lexicon pertaining to advanced textile production, is notoriously limited, variously estimated to clothing, fashion and ornaments, while on the other include between 450 and 700 stems. Otherwise, the hand the core of inherited terms refers to basic prod- lexicon is dominated by etymologically obscure ele- ucts and techniques such as fleece and wool, spinning ments and an impressive amount of Middle Iranian and weaving. The basis of the present lexical study is loanwords, reflecting the centuries of Iranian politi- the classical language, mainly as attested in the oldest cal dominance. In particular the Parthian loans, intro- text, the Bible translation from around 410.3 duced during the Arsacid dynasty (247 BC-224 AD), have left their mark on the Classical Armenian lan- The terminology of wool guage, attested from the early 5th century, to a simi- lar extent as Old French on English or Low German Any discussion of Indo-European culture in general on Danish, so that linguists until the late 19th century and the dating and geographical position of the Indo- still considered Armenian an aberrant Iranian dialect European homeland in particular must include a re- rather than an independent branch of the Indo-Euro- flection on the word for ‘wool’, since the occurrence pean family. The other main sources of loanwords, of wool sheep and the technology of wool produc- Syriac and Greek, are intimately connected with the tion is a significant cultural feature of all the ancient introduction of Christianity around 300 and hence Indo-European civilizations. There can be no doubt mainly restricted to the specific word fields of reli- that the protolanguage had a feminine noun with the gion and philosophy.1 precise meaning wool in the daughter languages and Obviously, this state of affairs also affects the tex- a protoform *h2ul̥ h1-nah2 which is continued in most tile vocabulary where the impact of Iranian language branches of the family: Vedic ū́rṇā-, Avestan varənā-, and culture can hardly be over­estimated.2 Thus, it is Latin lāna, Welsh gwlan, Gothic wulla, Lithuanian 1. According to Solta (1990, 13), 5572 of the words included in Ačaṙyan’s etymological dictionary (1928-35) are registered as being of unknown origin, 4014 are loanwords, mainly Iranian, and only 713 are considered inherited. 2. Cf. e.g. Hübschmann 1897, 91-259; Bolognesi 1960; Schmitt 1983; Olsen 1999, 857-920. 3. The treatment by Olsen 1999 includes details concerning the inventory and historical analysis of nouns and adjectives. 188 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   189 vìlna, Old Church Slavic vlъna. Other cognates are A scenario of this sort is not very likely, but we the Greek neuter s-stem λῆνος for expected femi- need exact linguistic evidence to definitely refute the nine *lēnḗ where the aberrant gender and inflectional faint possibility. If it can be proved that the meaning type may have been triggered by the two other words of the basic root of the word for ‘wool’, i.e. *h2u̯ elh1-, for ‛wool’, εἶρος and πόκος, and Hittite hulana-, was ‛pluck, tear out’, the semantics of *h2ul̥ h1-nah2> also ‘wool’, whose exact protoform, *h2ulə1-nah2 or Latin lāna etc. ‘what is plucked (off)’ only makes *h2ulh1-n̥ nah2 may be debated. Irrespective of the de- sense in connection with the fleece of wool sheep. In- tails, the very existence of this stem in Hittite at least cidentally this does seem to be the case, as substan- takes us back to the period before Anatolian, as the tiated by Latin vellō ‛to pluck (hairs, feathers etc.)’ first branch, separated from the rest of the Indo-Eu- and vellus ‛fleece’.4 Thus, we can be fairly confident ropean family. However, one thing is the existence of that our Indo-European ancestors, perhaps five or six a common word; another is its precise original mean- thousand years ago, did in fact possess domesticated ing and derivational background. wool sheep, initially plucking rather than shearing As summed up by Anthony (2007, 59): their wool to use it for spinning and weaving. The exact match of lāna etc. happens to be unat- “Sheep with long woolly coats are genetic tested in Armenian. What we do have, however, is a mutants bred for just that trait. If Proto- precious isolated archaism in the form of the primary Indo-European contained words referring men-stem gełmn ‘fleece’ (Olsen 1999, 504; Martiro- unequivocally to woven wool textiles, then syan 2010, 204) from which *h2ul̥ h1-náh2 constitutes those words have to have entered Proto- a secondary derivative: where *h2u̯ elə1-mn̥ > gełmn is Indo-European after the date when wool the fleece, *h2ul̥ h1-mnáh2> *h2ul̥ h1-náh2 (> lāna etc.) sheep were developed. But if we are to use is a substantivized feminine/collective ‘that which the wool vocabulary as a dating tool, we pertains to the fleece’, i.e. ‘wool’. need to know both the exact meaning of In the meaning of ‘wool’ we find another inherited the reconstructed roots and the date when term, asr, cf. e.g. Psalms 147.16: dnē z-jiwn orpēs z- wool sheep first appeared. As the dating of asr “he giveth snow like wool”, or Rev.1.14: ew glux this mutation is perhaps around 4000-3500 nora ew herkc ibrew z-asr spitak ew orpēs z-jiwn “and BC., one would then assume that the sep- his head and hair was white like wool and like snow”. aration of the Indo-European family took Traditionally, asr is considered a contamination be- place as late as the 4th millennium”. tween *pok̂os as in Greek πόκος ‛fleece’, Old Norse This is a fair assumption, but taking on the role fǽr ‛sheep’ on the one hand, and the neuter u-stem of the Devil’s Advocate, one could object that even *pék̂u > Vedic páśu, Avestan pasu, Latin pecū, Gothic if every single Indo-European language had a con- faíhu ‛livestock, cattle’ and Modern English fee on cordant word for ‛wool’, the meaning in the proto­ the other.5 While the meaning ‘fleece’ matches that language need not necessarily be ‛wool’ in our sense. of πόκος (but not that of fǽr!), the u-stem inflection6 Instead, it might e.g. have denoted the rough annual is more in accordance with Vedic páśu etc.7 shedding of early domesticated sheep which could not The root of at least πόκος and its cognates has be spun, but only used for the production of felt. In been identified with that of Greek πέκω ‘(pluck >) that case the semantic development to ‛wool’ would comb, card’,8 Lith. pešù ‘pluck’, so that πόκος, rarely have taken place at a later stage, independently in the also neut. s-stem πέκος with regular e-grade, would separate branches. be ‘plucking’ or ‘that which is plucked’, i.e. ‘sheep’s 4. For further discussion of the linguistic details, in particular the reconstruction of the basic root, cf. Olsen forthcoming. 5. Cf. also the sumerogram udu-uš ‛sheep’ in Hittite, where the phonetic complement indicates a u-stem. 6. Only attested in the later language, but secured by the adjectives asui and asueay ‛woollen’. 7. Cf. Olsen 1999, 202 and Martirosyan 2010, 122-124 with references for a discussion of the phonological details (especially the or- igin of the initial a-). 190   Birgit AnetteAuthor Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) wool, fleece’, and we would have exactly the same se- original meaning would have been something like mantic development as in *h2ul̥ h1-nah2-‘wool’ from ‘wool-web’. *h2u̯ elh1- ‘pluck’. An etymological identity between Another potentially inherited term is the o-stem the roots of πέκω, pešù ‘pluck’ and *pék̂u ‘livestock’, burd ‘wool’ with the denominative verb brdem ‘shear, on the other hand, is not quite certain. While it is cut (wool)’, which does not have a generally accepted traditionally assumed that *pék̂ u would have had a etymology. However, in his monumental, but not so hypothetical basic meaning ‘(wool) sheep’ or ‘small easily accessible dictionary, Ačaṙyan,11 with reference cattle’ with a secondary extension to ‘livestock’ in to Patrubány,12 mentions a possible connection with general, this development cannot be philologically Sanskrit bardhaka- ‘cutting’ and Latin forfex ‘tongs, verified, so that the connection is sometimes ques- pincers; shears, scissors’. Semantically the sugges- tioned, cf. e.g. Mallory & Adams (1997, 23). Still, tion is quite attractive. Like Latin lāna etc. on the one the formal similarity and the apparent mutual seman- hand, Armenian asr and Greek πόκος on the other, tic influence between *pék̂u and (*pek̂e/o- ⇒) *pék̂os/ we must assume that the verbal root *bherdh- ‘gather, pok̂os would seem to suggest an old connection, thus harvest’ → ‘pluck (wool)’ derives from a time when in particular the u-inflection of asr ‘wool’ and the per- wool was plucked rather than shorn, and that the de- fect formal identity between the Greek s-stem πέκος rivatives only later, in the individual branches and ‛fleece’ and Latin pecus, -oris ‛cattle, small cattle’. following the technological development, were lexi- Another derivative of the root *pek̂- possibly sur- calized with the specific meaning of ‘shearing’.13 The vives in the otherwise etymologically unclear ostayn root vocalism of burd which would at first sight ap- (i-st.) ‘web, textile’ with the compound sardiostayn pear to point to a lengthened o-grade *bhōrdho-, is ‘cobweb’ (cf. sard ‘spider’). At least a protoform somewhat surprising; on the other hand, we have *pok̂ -ti-, already posited for Old Swedish fæt, two apparent parallels in durgn ‘potter’s wheel’14 and Old English feht ‘fleece’, Old Frisian fecht ‘wool, burgn ‘tower’.15 The word burd is quite rare in clas- fleece’, would probably yield Armenian ost- by reg- sical literature beside the more usual asr.16 Another ular sound change.9 As for the end segment -ayn, word for ‘fleece (of wool)’ is the Semitic loan gzatc, one may tentatively suggest a compound *pok̂ti-tn̥ ti- Syriac gezzǝθā, which is only attested four times in or the like,10 derived from the root *ten- ‘stretch; the same passage of the Book of Judges, 6.37-40, as spin’, cf. e.g. Vedic tantí- ‘cord, line, string’, tántu- a translation of Greek πόκος. ‘thread, cord, string, line, wire, warp (of a web)’, While Armenian may thus have preserved as tántra- ‘warp’, Persian tan- ‘spin, twist’, so that the many as three inherited words for ‘fleece’ and 8. Also, with secondary semantic transfer, ‛shear’, e.g. Theocr.28.13: πόκοις πέξασθαι ‛have their wool shorn’. 9. Cf. dustr ’daughter’ < *dhugə2tḗr with loss of the laryngeal *ə2, regular palatalization *g > *ĝ after u and voicing assimilation *ĝt > *k̂t >st. The numeral utc ‛eight’ most likely goes back to *optō as a substitution for *ok̂tō after *septm̥ (>ewtcn) ‛seven’ (cf. Martirosyan 2010, 631). 10. Regular loss of *-i- in unaccented syllable, *-n̥ t- > -an- and i-epenthesis *-ani- > -ayn. 11. Ačaṙyan, 1971: 488-489. 12. Patrubány, 1902: 59. 13. Cf. Flemestad & Olsen, this volume, for further details and references. 14. Root *dherĝh- ‘turn’. 15. Root *bherĝh- ‘(be) high’. A lengthened o-grade is rather a morphological monstrosity except in vṛddhi formations, and apart from this peculiarity, the root-final -g- of both burgn and durgn is at variance with the regular development of the palatal *-ĝh- > -j- in the clearly inherited barjr ‘high’ < *bhr̥ ĝhu- and aor. darjay ‘turned’ < *dhr̥ ĝh- from the very same roots. On this background it seems possible, as suggested in Olsen 1999, 951, that we are dealing with loans from another Indo-European language with different sound laws where -ur- might represent either a zero grade *-r̥ - or an o-grade *-or-. Now burd might be added to the evidence, and at least it is noteworthy that from a semantic point of view burgn, durgn and burd are all likely candidates for cultural loans/Wanderwörter. 16. Cf., however, Hebr. 9.19: brdov karmrov, Greek ἐρίου κόκκινου, ‘scarlet wool’ and the adjective brdeay ‘woollen’ (Łazar Pcarpecci, 5th century). Chapter 10. Armenian number Textile and title Terminology     191 ‘wool’, gełmn, asr and perhaps burd, the origin of with the same root from a historical point of view, the the common term for ‘flax, linen’, ktaw (o-st.), is peculiar semantic development may perhaps be seen unknown, and its rare synonym xcuc in Judg.15.14 in connection with weaving on vertical looms where seems to have a Caucasian source.17 The Wander- the warp is held down by the loom-weights, cf. also wort behez/behēz ‛fine linen’,18 as also Greek βύσ- ankuac ‘weaving, texture’ with the literal meaning σος which is transmitted through Semitic, ultimately ‘what has been made fall, go down’.24 A compound goes back to Egyptian,19 but the immediate source with the same stem is found in the designation of the is unknown;20 another pedigree of the same stem is ‘weaver’, ostaynank, lit. ‘who makes the web come vuš ‘fibre of flax’.21 Xorg (o-st.) ‘sackcloth’ is either down’, i.e. ‘web-weaver’, cf. e.g. 1.Chron.11.23: ni- transmitted through Syriac xurgā or borrowed di- zak ibrew z-stori ostaynankacc “a spear like a weav- rectly from Middle Iranian *xwarg-. Finally, stew er’s beam”, whence also the derivative ostaynan- ‘camel’s hair’ is traditionally compared with Vedic kutciwn ‘weaver’s work’. stúkā- ‘knot or tuft of hair or wool’ and stupá- ‘knot, A root from the terminology of spinning is Indo- tuft of hair’ though the exact protoform is open for European *(s)penh1-,25 with or without the “mobile discussion.22 s-” in Gothic spinnan ‘spin’, Lithuanian pinù ‘plait’, Old Church Slavic pьnǫ ‘stretch’ and, with secondary Terminology of spinning and weaving metaphorical meaning, Greek πένομαι and πονέομαι ‛exert oneself, make an effort’. An Armenian continu- Most of the verbs pertaining to basic textile tech- ation of this verb is allegedly found in henum ‛weave, nology of spinning and weaving are more or less di- sew together’ with the variant hanum where the vo- rect continuations of inherited stems though the lex- calism is assumed to be analogically extended from icalized meaning has sometimes undergone changes the original aorist stem.26 However, it is remarkable in the course of time. While the common Indo-Eu- that henum and hanum hardly occur in classical liter- ropean root for ‘weave’, *u̯ ebh-, known from e.g. ature, losing ground to niwtcem in the basic meaning Greek ὑφαίνω and German weben,23 has left no ap- of ‘spinning’ from the earliest records, but still spo- parent traces, the usual Armenian verb is ankanem. radically attested in later sources.27 Synchronically this looks like the active counterpart The commonly used verb for ‘spin’ is the denom- of ankanim, aor. ankaw, ‘fall down, come down, hang inative niwtcem, derived from the generic term niwtc down’ from the root *sengw- as in Gothic sigquan ‛stuff, material’ which is mainly used about textiles, ‘sink, go down’, English sink, and the causative sagq- e.g. Ex.39.27: i niwtcoy behezoy “of linen material”. jan ‘lower, let down’ which would also be the ex- Beside its literal meaning ‘spin’, e.g. Matth.6.28 = pected meaning of ankanem. If we are indeed dealing Luke 12.27: očc ǰanay ew očc niwtcē “they toil not, 17. Ačaṙyan II, 375. 18. O-st.; -h- apparently hiatus breaker. 19. Cf. Spiegelberg 1907, 128-29. 20. Ačaṙyan I, 437-438. 21. Ačaṙyan IV, 348. 22. IEW 1055; Mallory & Adams 1997, 139; J̌ahukyan 1987, 195; Olsen 1999, 425. 23. LIV 658. 24. The imaginary may also work with cobwebs where the spider falls down with the first thread of the web, cf. e.g. Is. 59.5: z-ostayn sardicc ankanen, Greek ἱστὸν ἀράχνης ὑφαίνουσιν, “they weave the spider’s web”. 25. LIV 578-579. 26. Klingenschmitt 1982, 235. 27. In their reverse dictionary of Classical Armenian, covering all of the most important early sources, Jungmann and Weitenberg (1993) do not register a single occurrence of henum or hanum, and just one attestation of the variant hinum from the comparatively late writer Movsēs Xorenacci (9th century). 192   Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) neither do they spin”, the verb niwtcem is frequently technical term used about the smith rather than the used metaphorically in the sense of ‛spinning a yarn, textile worker.33 telling a tall story, scheming’, cf. e.g. Ps.49.19: Be- We now have to consider the meaning of the ran kco yačaxer z-čcarutciwn, ew lezu kco niwtcer root(s) *tek- and/or *tek̂- and its/their potential re- nengutciwn “Thou givest thy mouth to evil, and thy lation to textile terminology, including the extended tongue frameth deceit”, or Prov.3.29: Mi niwtcer or reduplicated forms “*teks-/*tek̂s-” and “*te-tk̂-” > barekami kcum čcaris “Devise not evil against thy “tek̂þ-”. Pokorny34 registers the homonymous roots neighbour”. If the basic root is *sneh1(i̯ )- ‘spin’,28 as *tek- “zeugen, gebären” and *tek- “weben, flechten”, continued in e.g. Latin neō, Greek νῇ ‛spins’, Old while LIV35 reconstructs the former with a root-final Irish níid ‘twists, binds’ and Old High German nāen velar *tek-, the latter with a palatal *tek̂-. Now, if the ‘sow’, the underlying noun may be analysed as ei- Armenian verb tcekcem is excluded for semantic rea- ther a tu-stem *sneh1-tu-29 as opposed to the *-ti- sons, there is no specific reason to reconstruct a velar stem of Greek νῆσις ‛spinning’, Old High German rather than a palatal.36 Thus it is sufficient to posit a nāt ‘seam’ or a “proterodynamic” *-ti-stem *sneh1- single root *tek̂- ‘make, produce’, perhaps continued tōi̯ -, in both cases with u-epenthesis and analogical in its simple form in Greek τέκνον ‛child’ with the re- o-stem inflection. duplicated present τίκτω ‛beget, produce’.37 An ap- Another verb which is usually treated in the same parent s-extension is found in Hittite takkešzi, 3.pl. context is tcekcem, traditionally translated ‘twist’ or takšanzi ‛fit together, unite’,38 Latin texō ‛weave, the like in historical-comparative literature30 and in- plait; join, fix together, build’ and Middle High Ger- terpreted as a primary thematic verb from *tek- ‘twist, man dehsen ‛break flax’, and finally an old redupli- weave’,31 otherwise attested in with an apparent s- cated stem *te-tk̂- > *tek̂þ- is traditionally seen in extension, e.g. Latin texō ‘weave, plait’. However, Vedic tāṣṭi ‛builds, fashions, makes’, Avestan tāšt as registered in the normative dictionaries and af- ‛made’, Old Church Slavic tesati, Lithuanian tašýti firmed by the textual evidence,32 the original mean- ‛hew’. This stem also appears to be the base of the ing of the Armenian verb is not ‘twist’, but rather noun continued in Vedic tákṣan-, Greek τέκτων ‛car- ‘forge’, in particular ‘whet’, metaphorically also ‘ed- penter’ (Mycenaean te-to-ko-n-) and Avestan tašan- ucate’, and even the later meaning ‘incline, tilt, bow, ‘creator’, famously featuring in the poetic language of bend’ is quite general and not specifically used in con- Indo-Iranian and Greek where ‘carpenter of words’ is texts where textiles are involved. This is primarily a used as a kenning for the poet.39 However, the precise 28. LIV 571-572. 29. Klingenschmitt 1982, 180. 30. Solta 1960, 378: “drehen, flechten, erzeugen”; IEW 1068: “drehe, flechte, wickle”, repeated in LIV 619. 31. LIV l.c. 32. E.g. 1.Sam.13.20; Is.44.12. 33. Ačaṙyan II, 178: kṙanelov kokel, šinel, srel “by hammering to smoothe, fashion, whet”; Nor baṙgirkc I, 810: “Χαλκεύω, Fabrico, tundo, cudo. θήγω, acuo, ew [and] παιδεύω, erudio”. Ciakciak (I, 578) agrees on the primary meanings ‘aguzzarie, affilare, arro- tare, appuntare’, ‘esercitare, istruire, informare’, including the metaphorical use of tcekcel lezu ‘Rinforzar le parole; rinvigorire il discorso’, and finally adding ‘piegare, torcere, flettere’ [fold, twist, bend] which is the meaning that survives into the modern lan- guage. The suggestion of an etymological connection between tcekcem and Lat. texō etc. seems to go back to Meillet (1894, 289) who, in accordance with the earliest documentation, translates “ ‘fabriquer’ et en particulier ‘aiguiser’”. 34. IEW 1057-1058. 35. LIV 618-619. 36. The Ossetic verb taxun, mentioned in IEW with the translation ‘weben’, rather means ‘equip, dress up’ and thus does not belong here (Cheung 2007, 374). 37. Cf. Beekes 2010, 1484. 38. For the exact meaning of the Hittite verb, cf. Melchert, forthcoming. 39. Cf. Schmitt 1967, 297. 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   193 formal distinction between *tek̂s- and *tetk̂- is some- formation of hiwsn may have been influenced by the what unclear, and it is even possible that Greek τέ- pre-Armenian match of tákṣan-, τέκτων.46 κτων is rebuilt from *tek̂sōn on the model of the agent The inherited textile vocabulary includes not only noun *tek̂s-tor- = Latin textor ‛weaver’.40 At any rate the word for the ‘web’ as such, but apparently also there seems to be a lexical connection between sim- the more specialized terms for ‘warp’ and ‘woof’. ply ‘fitting together’, as in the Hittite verb, and the The word for the ‘warp’ is either aṙēǰ, lit. ‘that which two more specialized craftsman’s terms ‘building’ or goes down’47 or azbn, while the ‘woof’ is tcezan, cf. ‘doing carpentry’ on the one hand, ‘weaving’ on the e.g. Levt.13.52: Ew ayresccē z-jorjn etcē aṙēǰ iccē etcē other. Presumably, the connecting link is the use of tcezan y-asveacc kam i ktaweacc “And he shall burn wattling in the construction of houses.41 that garment, whether the warp (στήμονα) or woof This brings us to the curious formal identity of (κρόκην) in woollen or in linen”. the roots of Armenian hiws ‘plait (of hair)’, hiwsel In Armenian historical linguistics it is all too often ‘to plait’ and hiwsn (pl. hiwsunkc < *-ones) ‘carpen- the case that a proposed etymology depends on a sound ter’ where it is tempting, but formally problematic law that is founded on one or two stray examples, as is to venture an equation with tákṣan- and τέκτων. The also the case of azbn. Two nouns in Classical Armenian equation was already assumed by Ačaṙyan,42 and later end in -zbn, skizbn ‘beginning’ and azbn ‘warp, chain elaborated by Winter43 who, apart from dealing with in weav­ing’ (cf. Olsen 1999, 369-370). While an in- the doubtful internal cluster, had to postulate a dia- digenous suffix ‑mn/‑man is well at­tested, we have no lectal development *t- >h- rather than the regular tc-. com­par­a­tive evi­dence whatsoever for a similar suffix Klingenschmitt’s alternative derivation from a redu- with *‑bh- (> -b-) in­stead of *-m-. Con­sequently, skizbn plicated *pi-pk̂- from the root *pek̂- ‘pluck; comb’44 and azbn either belong to some undefined sub­­stra­­tum is phonologically impeccable, but morphologically ad in which case we can stop worrying about them from hoc. Moreover, the semantic development is far from an Indo-Eu­ro­pean com­par­a­tive point of view, or they obvious, as is also the case of the alternative deriva- are in­her­ited after all if -bn for -mn is due to some so­ tion from *peu̯ k̂. Perhaps the most promising sugges- phisticated conditioned sound law. Already in the early tion is Martirosyan’s tentative comparison with Lith- 19th century, Holger Pedersen48 suggested a regular de­ uanian sùkti ‘turn’, Old Russian sъkati ‘twist, twine’, velop­ment -zmn- to ‑zbn- to account for these words, Russian sukat’ ‘twist, spin’45 which is at least seman- and since both of the basic roots stand a good chance tically satisfactory for hiws, hiwsel, while the stem of being in­her­­it­­­ed, it does seem sensible to look for a 40. In that case *tetk̂- might be dispensed with since Vedic takṣan-, Avestan tašan- etc. are ambiguous. Cf. Mayrhofer p. 156 in Cow- gill & Mayrhofer 1986, and EWAia I, 612-614, and see also the thorough discussion in Lipp 2009, II, 217-235. 41. Mallory & Adams 1997, 139. 42. Ačaṙyan III, 201. 43. Winter 1962, 262 and 1983. 44. Klingenschmitt 1982, 133-134 and 217. 45. Martirosyan 2010, 410-412. Root *seu̯ k-; *-k- regularly palatalized after *-u-. 46. A lengthened grade *-ēu̯- which regularly yields -iw- would be morphologically peculiar, so the value of the comparison depends on the expected outcome of the diphthong *-eu̯ -. Usually *-eu̯ - and *-ou̯ - are assumed to merge with the end result -oy-, but as ar- gued by de Lamberterie (1982, 81-82), there are no incontestable examples of *-eu̯ - > -oy-, so it is possible that *-eu̯ - > -iw- is reg- ular. Besides hiws (hiwsel, hiwsn) de Lamberterie points to hiwcanim, aor. hiwcay ‘pine away’: Goth. siuks ‘ill’ < *seu̯ ĝ-/*seu̯ g- (cf. also IEW 915). Another potential example would be tciw (o-st.) ‘number’ < *teu̯ hos (cf. Ved. tavás- ‘strong’, Av. tauuah ‘power, strength’) where we could avoid an inconvenient case of vṛddhi. As for the apparent exceptions kcoyr ‘sister’ < *kheur < *su̯ esōr and the suffix -oytc(i-st.) = Greek. -ευσις < *-eh1uti-, the hiatus between -e- and -u- may have remained until the development *-eu̯ - > -iw- (followed by the later merger of *-eu̯ - and *-ou̯ -) was completed. 47. Cf. Greek στήμων ‛that which stands up’. 48. Pedersen 1905, 217. 194   Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) historical explanation for the suf­fixal elements as well.49 Even the word for the beam of a loom, stori, may Be­tween azbn and Greek ἄσμα ‘warp’ (u­su­­al­­ly δίασμα) be based on an inherited lexeme, *storh1io-, from the there ex­ists a both very precise and very specific se­­ same root as Middle High German star ‘stiff’ and in man­tic cor­re­spon­­dence, which can hardly be acciden- particular Old High German storro ‘wooden block’.53 tal. Thus Judg.16.13: Etcē ankcces z-ewtcanasin gitaks Textile terms based on inherited roots further in- glxoy imoy ǝnd azbin translates Greek Ἐὰν ὑφάνῃς τὰς clude kcuł ‘thread’, reconstructed by J̌ahukyan as ἑπτὰ σειρὰς τῆς κεφαλῆς μου μετὰ τοῦ διάσματος “If *kōlo- and compared with Latin colus ‘distaff’.54 thou weavest the seven locks of my head with the web”. The reconstruction may be adjusted to *kwōlh1o- from The corresponding Greek verb ἄττoμαι< *ἄτ-i̯ o-μαι‘set *kwelh1- ‘turn’ as a vṛddhi derivative ‘pertaining to the warp in the loom’, i.e. ‘start the web’, has been con- the spindle’ (?),55 but there may be other possibil- vincingly connected with Hittite ḫatt- ‘pierce, prick’ by ities such as a zero-grade formation *kwl̥ h1o- with van Beek (apud Beekes 2010, 167).50 From a formal rounding of the sonant after labiovelars. The seman- point of view the Greek form is an exact match of the tically related asłani ‛thread, ribbon’ is internally de- Hittite i̯ -present ḫa-az-zi-zi, to be read /htsétsi/ < *h2t- rived from asełn ‘needle’, based on the root *h2ak̂ - i̯ é-ti,51 but the semantic specialization pertaining to tex- ‘(be) sharp’ and belonging to the same subset as ałełn tile terminology must have taken place at a time after ‘bow’ and tcitcełn ‘blade’. The derivational details the separation of the Anatolian branch from the Indo- are not quite clear, but at least we seem to be dealing European family, i.e. not earlier than “Core Indo-Eu- with a close cognate of Old High German ahil ‘awn’, ropean” and perhaps as late as the predecessor of the Middle English eile ‘awn, prickle’.56 Greek-Armenian(-Albanian-Phrygian) subbranch. Tcezan ‘woof’ has no generally accepted etymology. Terminology of garments A connection with the root “(s)tegh- ‘stechen’”, as in Old Icelandic stinga ‘sting, stitch, stab’, Old Church The inventory of inherited words for garments is quite Slavic o-stegnǫti ‘tie, knot, chain’, Russian stegat’ scarce. The generic term z-gest (u-st.) ‘garment, cloth- ‘quilt’52 has been rejected because the Slavic forms ing’ is a compositional tu-stem, including the prefix would point to a velar *-gh-, while Armenian -z- must z- which, at least functionally, corresponds to Ved. represent the lenition product of an intervocalic pala- abhi-< *h2m̥ bhi-57 and the tu-stem *-gest< -u̯ estu- as tal *-ĝh-. However, the semantic correspondence is re- opposed to the Latin ti-stem vestis.58 A similar for- markable, cf. also Shetland sting ‘sew, stich together’, mation is z-ard ‛ornament, finery’, also an original Danish sting ‘a stitch’, and the formal problem would tu-stem *-h2ar-tu- or *-h2r̥ -tu-; however, the cog- be solved by a Slavic borrowing from Germanic. nates, Vedic ṛtú- ‛the right time; rule, order’, Hes. 49. Cf. Klingenschmitt (1982, 224) for a discussion of skizbn and the related verb sksanim ‘begin’. The origin of the cru­cial cluster is not exactly iden­tical in the two cases: (*-k̂mn? >) *-smn >*-zmn in skizbn, *-tmn>*‑smn>*-zmn in azbn. 50. Van Beek apud Beekes 2010, 167. 51. Cf. Kloekhorst 2008, 331. The verb is also continued in Lycian xttadi/xttaiti ‘wounds’ (LIV 274 with references). 52. LIV 687. Cf. also Olsen 1999, 300, and Martirosyan 2010, 283 with reference to Saradževa 1986. 53. Ačaṙyan IV, 278. Cf. also Martirosyan 2010, 300 for a thorough discussion of the enigmatic il, ilik ‛distaff, spindle’. 54. J̌ahukyan 1987, 83. 55. Olsen 1999, 195-196. 56. The Germanic protoform is usually reconstructed as *ahila-/*agila-, but instead we might be dealing with an instrument noun *h2ak̂etlo- of the type Old Norse lykill ‘key’ < *luk-ila-z < *-etlo- ‘instrument for closing’ according to Rasmussen’s analysis (1999, 651-651). The exact phonetic basis of the Armenian derivative is somewhat uncertain. 57. Cf. also the verb z-genum ‘dress’: Vedic abhi-vas- ‘dress’. The stem formation of the corresponding Greek verb ἕννυμι < *u̯ es-nu- is identical with the Armenian (LIV 693 and Klingenschmitt 1982, 248). On the etymological relationship between z- and abhi- etc., cf. Manaster Ramer ms. apud Olsen 2002. 58. The u-stem inflection may well be an archaism since tu- rather than ti-stems in Vedic are habitually found after prefixes, cf. Wack- ernagel-Debrunner 1954, 651. 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   195 ἀρτύς˙σύνταξις, Latin artus ‛limb’ are not associated darz-, also reflected in Middle Parthian drz- ‘tie on, with clothing.59 load (pack-animals)’,67 is probably Indo-European More specific terms include awjik ‛collar’, presum- *dherĝ h- ‘turn’ with a semantic development to ‘twist, ably a derivative of a stem *(h)angwhi- or *(h)n̥ gwhi-, spin’ as also in Albanian dreth ‘turn; spin’.68 The in- related to Greek αὐχήν, Aeolic ἄμφην ‛neck’,60 and herited Armenian verb daṙnam, aor. darjay < *dhr̥ ĝ h- perhaps pcełk ‛rough mantle’ (also ‛curtain’) which has preserved the original meaning ‘turn’, but one has been connected with Greek πέλας, Lat. pellis may consider if the otherwise etymologically unclear ‛skin’ and the semantic close match of Old Prus- jorj (o-st.) ‘garment, coat, cloth, veil’, pl. ‘clothes’ sian pelkis ‛mantle’, allegedly from the same root as could not be an inherited bhóros-derivative *dhórĝ hos Gothic filhan ‛envelop’ → ‛bury, conceal’.61 The root with distant assimilation *dorj > jorj, i.e. [dordz] > final *-k/g- (*-g- > Arm. -k-) may be dealt with as [dzordz]. If so, the joint evidence of Iranian, Armenian an indication of “laryngeal hardening” which would and Albanian would point to an extension of meaning point to an original root noun *pelh-s, whence the ‘turn’ → ‘spin’ as common heritage. Gothic denominative verb.62Another indigenous term The number of nouns of Iranian origin for specific for a garment may be teṙ ‘thin veil (for covering the garments and other specialized texiles is quite im- head)’ if Ačaṙyan’s derivation from the root *der- pressive, thus: ‘skin’ is correct.63 In that case we would be dealing • šapik ’shirt’, cf. Middle Parthian špyk΄ ‘under- with a narrowing of an older meaning ‘hide, cover- shirt’, originally ‘nightshirt’, a substantivized de- ing’ and have an exact match in Greek δέρρις ‛hide, rivative of the word for ‘night’, Avestan xšap-, skin’, but also ‛screen (used in a siege)’ < *dersi-.64 Vedic kṣáp-. A ‘cover’ or ‘garment’ may also be described as a • varšamak ‘napkin, apron’, cf. Sogdian w’ša’my, verarku, lit. ‘thrown over’, a loan translation from Chwarezmian w’š’myk ‘veil for the head’.69 Greek περιβολαίον.65 Finally, a few words for orna- • t caškinak ‘handkerchief, sudarium’, correspond- ments are based on inherited roots: the a-stem gind ing to Pahlavi tšknk΄ ‘undershirt’, from an Iranian ‘earring’ from the root *u̯ endh- ‘turn, twist, weave’ protoform *taršikainaka- or the like, cf. Avestan as in Gothic windan etc., and matani ‘ring’, inter- taršu- ‘dry’ with t- > t c- as in e.g. t cag ‘crown’ < nally derived from matn ‘finger’ with cognates in Old Iranian tāg-. Welsh maut, Middle Breton meut ‘thumb’. • vtavak ‘shift, shirt, robe’, used about the ephod Otherwise, the general picture is dominated by Ira- or priestly robe, possibly a derivative of the stem nian loanwords, thus the generic terms patmowčan continued in Pahlavi wyt’b- [witāβ] ‘shine’ in ‘garment’, Pahlavi ptmwcn΄, and handerj ‘clothes, which case the original meaning would be a shin- clothing’ from an Iranian protoform *han-dardzi-, ing or simply white garment. cf. Pahlavi drc ‘seam’.66 The underlying Iranian root • łenǰak ‘towel’ via an intermediary Iranian source 59. Cf., again with the prefix *h2m̥ bhi-, Avestan aiβi- + ar- ‛figere’ (Olsen 1999, 107-108). 60. Cf. also Clackson 1994, 107-109 with discussion. 61. Feist 1939, 151. 62. Olsen 1999, 93-94. 63. HAB IV, 442; cf. also Martirosyan 2010, 610. 64. There is no particular reason why δέρρις would go back to a *-ti-stem *der-ti- (which would have yielded Armenian *terd) as as- sumed by Clackson (1994, 54). Cf. de Lamberterie 1997, 74-76 for a common Greco-Armenian formation and Praust 2000 for fur- ther discussion of the root. 65. Olsen 1999, 542. 66. From the same root also Armenian derjak ‘tailor’, Pahlavi dlcyk’. 67. Boyce 1977, 26. 68. IEW 258. 69. Cf. Benveniste 1958, 70 and Périkhanian 1968, 25. 196   Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) ultimately from Latin linteum ‘anything made of of drawš ‘banner’, Pahlavi dlwš ‘mark’ etc. linen, towel etc.’.70 • žapawēn ‘hem, border of a garment, undoubtedly • vižakkc ‘covering’, used in the Exodus about Iranian, cf. apawēn ‘refuge, protection’.75 the Ark of the Covenant, has been compared • kawšik ‘shoe’, corresponding to Pahlavi kpš, kpšk with Khotanese pvīys- ‘cover’ < *pati-vaiz- by ‘id.’. Bailey.71 • kcurj‘sack, garment of sackcloth’, a Wanderwort • gawti ‘girdle, belt’, perhaps < Iranian *gaβtia- borrowed from Iranian into Armenian as well as from *ghabh- ‛hold’;72 cf. also paregawt below. Arabic kurz.76 • kamar ‘girdle’, cf. Avestan kamāra-, Pahlavi kml On the other hand, the Greek contributions to the ‘waist; belt, girdle’. old Armenian textile vocabulary are relatively mod- • zankapan ‘stocking’ or the like, cf. Pahlavi zng est: lōdik ‘cloak’ from Greek λώδιξ, λωδίκιον; kclamid ‘ankle, shank’ + the Iranian stem -pāna- ‘protect- ‘robe, cloak’ from χλαμύς, -ύδος; and pcilon ‘cloak’77 ing, protector’. A similar formation is the semi- from φελόνης, φαιλόνης. Not only Greek itself, but calque sṙnapankc ‘greaves’ whose first member is also the Hebrew elements in the Septuaginta has left the inherited srownkc ‘shank’ (cf. Latin crūs etc.), sporadic traces in the Armenian Bible, e.g. badēn similar to Gathic Avestan +rānapānō “qui protège ‘linen garment’,78 a rendering of the Hebrew loan- la jambe, la jambière”.73 word in Greek βαδδίν, apparently with secondary in- • grapan ‘seam at the neck’ (lit. ‘neck-protector’), fluence from the suffix -ēn characteristic of adjectives cf. Modern Persian girīban ‘neck-guard, gorget’, of material. Similarly, the Syriac element is restricted a formation parallel to zankapan. For the ini- to a few words: amłan ‛gown’;79 xlay ‛coat’;80 and tial member of the compound, cf. Pahlavi glyw΄ possibly xanjarowr ‛swaddling band’, pl. ‛swaddling ‘neck, throat’, Avestan grīuuā-. clothes’.81 The etymological background of kcawł or • paregawt ‘tunic, coat’, like Greek παραγαύδης, kcoł ‘veil’,82 and bačkon ‛cloak’, translating Greek παραγαύδιον ‛garment with a purple border’ of ἱμάτιον,83 is unclear. Iranian origin, cf. gawti. As is natural, the Iranian military domination also • vartikc ‛breeches’ with the compound andravar- affects the terminology of military outfit as seen from tikc, presumably from a stem *vartia- based on the following examples: the root var- ‛cover’; this Iranian loan is matched by Arabic andarvart, andarvardiyya.74 • pateankc ‘armour’ from Iranian *patayāna-, • patrowak ’veil, covering’, almost certainly of Ira- *patiyāna- or the like, containing the stem of the nian origin though the exact source is unknown. verb patem ‘surround, enclose’ (cf. e.g. also ar- • drawšak ‘hem, corner (of clothes)’, a derivative catcapat ‘covered with silver’) which probably 70. J̌ahukyan 1987, 631-631. 71. Bailey 1979, 258. 72. Olsen 1999, 874 and for the root IEW 407-408. 73. Kellens 1974, 330-332. 74. J̌ahukyan 1987, 547. 75. Cf. Benveniste 1964, 6. 76. Hübschmann 1897, 258; Ačaṙyan IV, 595-596. 77. 2.Tim.4.13. 78. Dan.12.6-7. 79. Josh.7.21; Syriac āmellā. 80. Syriac *xil‛ā; Ačaṙyan II, 372. 81. Hübschmann 1897, 317. 82. Ačaṙyan IV, 585-586. 83. Ačaṙyan I, 400. 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   197 reflects an Iranian version of the root *peth2- independently from the same root as Greek ‘spread out embrace’.84 στέφος <*(s)tegwh- on account of the initial tc- • varapanak ‘(military) cloak’, lit. ‘breast-protec- which he considered incompatible with an Ira- tor’, cf. Avestan varah- ‘breast’ and -pan- as in nian loan.87 However, there are other examples zankapan ‘stocking’, sṙnapankc ‘greaves’. The of such a development, e.g. tcakoyk ‘vessel, gob- original source of zrahkc ‘armour’85 with the re- let’ vs. Middle Persian tkwk΄ ‘drinking vessel’, flex -h- of Iranian -δ-, cf. Avestan zrāδa- ‘ar- and moreover, Benveniste’s ingenious derivation mour’, is apparently neither Middle Parthian nor of tcagowhi ‘queen’ from *tāga-br̥θyā- ‘crown- Middle Persian from which we expect -r- and -y- bearer’ (f) strongly suggests an Iranian origin of respectively, but rather a third branch of Middle both compositional members.88 The relation be- Iranian, though the word may have been transmit- tween tāg/tāǰ and στέφος may still be maintained: ted through one of the two main dialects. tāg from a “tomós”-type *togwhós and tāǰ a hybrid • kštapanak ‘armlet for the right arm’ with the lit- formation between tāg with Brugmannian length- eral meaning ‘side guardian’, cf. kowšt (side) → ening and a competing s-stem *tegwhes-, like στέ- ‘belly’, Pahlavi kwst΄ ‘side, direction’ (but Mod- φος, with e-grade and palatalization. ern Persian kušt ‘belly’) and the same final ele- • psak ‘crown, garland’, cf. Pahlavi pwsg ‘garland’, ment as in varapanak. Avestan pusā- ‘tiara’.89 • saławart ‘helmet’ from a formation similar to Av- • xoyr ‘mitre, diadem, bonnet’, cf. Avestan -xaoδa- estan sārauuāra- ‘helmet’,86 lit. ‘head-concealer’ ‘helmet’; hence also artaxowrag ‘covering, tiara’. though the stem formation of the final member in • for the compound mehewand ‘necklace’, whose the Armenian version is not an a-stem, as in Ira- final member -awand clearly reflects Iranian nian, but either an extended root noun (Indo-Eu- *-banda- ‘band’,90 Bailey suggested a first mem- ropean *-u̯ r̥ -t-) or a -ti-stem (*-u̯ r̥ -ti-). ber *mr̥ j́́u-, whence Avestan mərəzu- ‘neck’ or ‘vertebra’;91 this was later improved by Gippert Taṙatok‛ (soldier’s) cloak’ is etymologically ob- to *mr̥ j́́u̯ ii̯ a-band- which would explain the con- scure, cf. Martirosyan 2010, 602 with references. necting -e-.92 However, the phonetic develop- Similarly, the vocabulary of ornaments, jew- ment *-r̥ j́́u̯ - > -h- has no recognized parallels, so elry and royal attire is heavily influenced by Mid- as an alternative explanation Olsen has suggested dle Iranian: a protoform *miθriya-βanda- from a stem related • a prominent example is tcag ‘crown’, cf. Man- to (Iranian →) Greek μίτρη ‛headband’ etc.93 ichaean Middle Persian t’g [tāg] ‘arch’ and the • aparanǰan ‘bracelet’, cf. Modern Persian Modern Persian palatalized version tāǰ ‘crown’. abranǰan. Bolognesi derived Arm. tcag and Persian tāǰ • čełanak ‛sort of head ornament’, probably ‘hair 84. LIV 478-479; cf. further Avestan paϑana- ‘wide, broad’. From the same root we also have patan ‘bandage’, diapatik ‘embalmer’, a compound with the probably inherited di ‘dead body’, and patand in the phrase aṙnowl i patand ‘take hostage’ (lit. ‘into enclo- sure’). In view of the missing sound shift, the verb cannot be indigenous in Armenian. 85. Bolognesi 1960, 42; Schmitt 1983, 84 and 90. 86. Benveniste 1958, 69. 87. Bolognesi 1948, 14. 88. Benveniste 1945 [1946], 74. 89. Cf. also the Tocharian A loanword pässäk (Isebaert 1980, 158 and 200). 90. Cf. Middle Parthian bnd, Avestan baṇda-. 91. Bailey 1989, 1-2. 92. Gippert 1993, 140. 93. Olsen 1999, 895. Cf. for the phonetics mehean ‛temple’ from Iranian *miθriyāna- ‛Mithra-sanctuary’. 198   Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) pin’, is a diminutive of the Middle Iranian word West Iranian loan whose first member corresponds to for ‘dagger’, Pahlavi cyl’n΄.94 Old Persian hašiya- (Avestan haiϑiia-) ‘true’, so that • sndus, translating Gk. τρίχαπτον ‘fine veil of hair’ the original meaning would be ‘qui est rendu auten- in Ezek.16.10, cf. Modern Persian sundus ‘spe- tique, accompli’.97 The discrepancy of verbal voice in cies panni serici tenuis’. nkarakert is not readily explained, and for this rea- • pačoyč and pačučankc ‘attire, toilette, ornament’, son it seems worth considering if we could not be cf. Meillet 1922. dealing with a different root. An obvious candidate • čamuk ‛decoration, ornament’, apparently also of is Indo-Iranian *kart- ‘spin; stretch a tread’. Inciden- Iranian origin though the details are unclear, cf. tally such a root is attested in RV út kṛṇatti, and from Ačaṙyan III, 180. Iranian probably Chwarezmian kncȳ- ‘twist’.98 In that • pcołošuk ‘hair-clasp’ looks like a derivative of the case a nkarakert would simply be a ‘picture-weaver’ etymologically unclear pcołoš ‘moray’, the clasp or ‘picture-embroiderer’ and thus be etymologically perhaps compared with the jaws of the fish. distinct from Pahlavi ng’rgr (-kar) which would be a ‘picture-maker’, i.e. a painter. From the same seman- The ultimate origin of maneak ‛necklace’, Greek tic field and with the same first member we also find μανιάκης, is also likely to be Iranian, while the back- nkarakerp ‘variegated, embroidered’ where the final ground of kcayṙ ‘necklace’ is unknown. member is kerp ‘form’, cf. Manichaean Middle Per- sian qyrb ‘form, shape’ < Indo-European *-kwr̥ p-, et- Textile techniques, dyes and decorations ymologically related to Latin corpus etc. Words for precious materials borrowed from As we have seen, the words pertaining to basic textile Iranian may be exemplified by dipak ‛brocade’, production such as spinning and weaving mainly have Pahlavi dyp’g΄, and zaṙnawowxt ‛silken’, origi- an indigenous background, but when it comes to more nally ‘interwoven with gold’, i.e. *zarna-vufta-, advanced techniques and the production of luxuries, cf. Sogdian zyrnγwfc with the same final partici- the Iranian influence has left its unmistakable mark. ple, ‘woven’, as čačanawowxt ‘variegated, multi- An interesting example is the agent noun nkarakert coloured’. However, one designation for a luxury ‘embroiderer’.95 While the first member of this com- article, the word for scarlet, ordan, is indigenous, pound is clearly nkar ‘picture; variegated,96 the final derived from ordn ‘worm’,99 and thus semantically stem differs semantically from other formations in comparable with Old Church Slavic črъmьnъ ‘red’ -(a)kert < *-kr̥ ta- ‘-made’ with the expected passive which is related to črьvъ ‛worm’.100 This is hardly meaning of the participle. This is what we find in the surprising, considering the fact that Armenia is the semi-calques jeṙakert ‘hand-made’, pcaytakert ‘made homeland of the Armenian or Ararat cochineal, a of wood’ or the complete loanword ašakert ‘disciple’, scale insect of which a precious crimson dye has Manichaean Middle Persian hš’gyrd ‘disciple, pupil’, been produced from ancient times. It is thus not according to Benveniste’s brilliant analysis a South unthinkable that for once the Iranian word which 94. Cf. Ačaṙyan III, 195; MacKenzie 1971, 22. 95. Olsen 265-266. 96. Cf. Manichaean Middle Persian ng’r ‘image, picture’, Modern Persian nigār ‘painting, picture’. 97. Benveniste 1945, 69-70. 98. Cf. EWAia I, 316. Thus *kert- (LIV 356), besides *spen(h)- and *sneh1(i̯ )-, would be another inherited root with the meaning ‛spin’. Eichner (1974, 98; cf. also Kloekhorst 2008, 459-460) has adduced a possible cognate in the Hittite noun karza-/karzan- ‛spool’ or ‛bobbin’. 99. While ordn has no recognized etymology, a remodelling or contamination between the protoforms of Latin vermen and Sanskrit kṛmi- ‛worm’ is hardly out of the question, cf. Olsen 1999, 127. 100. This belongs with the widespread word family also represented by Sanskrit kṛmi- ‛worm; spider; shield-louse’, Lithuanian kìrmis ‛worm’ etc. French cramoisin, English crimson, Dutch karmozijn etc. derive from Medieval Latin carmesīnus, a derivative of a borrowing from Arabic qirmiz whose ultimate source is Persian qirmiz. 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   199 is the source of the European words for crimson ərəzata-, Latin argentum), again from a dialectal Ira- (cf. note 100) is a calque from Armenian. nian protoform with affricate from original palatal, Another red dye is scarlet, Armenian janjaxaritc, i.e. *ardzata- >arcatc-.104 produced from the insect Kermes vermilio,101 mainly In connection with the discussion of garments and feeding on a species of oak trees, quercus coccifera, materials it may be worthwhile to have a brief look at in the Mediterranean region. The only early Armenian the colour terms, though of course these are also used attestation is from Isaiah 1.18 where we have a par- in other contexts. For the essential concept of ‘col- allel of the red scarlet and crimson as opposed to the our’ the Armenian noun goyn (o-st.) is of Iranian ori- white snow and wool: Ew etcē iccen mełkc jer ibrew gin, cf. Avestan gaona-, Pahlavi gwn΄.105 The stem is z-janjaxaritc, ibrew z-jiwn spitak araricc, ew etcē also widely attested in composition, and in the redu- ­iccen ibrew z-ordan karmir, ibrew z-asr sowr ­araricc plicated gownak gownak in Jud.15.15: psaks gownaks “Though your sins be as scarlet (Greek “ὡς φοινι- gownaks, probably ‘multicoloured wreaths’. A more κοῦν”), they shall be white as snow; though they be specialized term is erang ‘colour, dye’, cf. Pahlavi like red crimson, they shall be as pure wool”. Accord- lng, Sanskrit raṅga-, while ‘dye’ or ‘coloured, em- ing to Ačaṙyan,102 we are dealing with a Semitic loan- broidered material’ is expressed by the loanword word, cf. Syriac zəxōrīϑā ‘coccum, red worm’. Appar- narawt which has been compared with Khotanese ently the stem janjir- (janjir aṙnel ‘tire, annoy’) has nar- by Bailey.106 Likewise, most of the specific col- played a supplementary folk-etymological role, cf. the our terms have an Iranian background, thus: alternative spelling janraxarit c and the later meaning of janjaxarit c, ‘dark, dull red’. • pisak ‘spotted, speckled’, 107 a derivative of The semantically related cirani ‘purple; of purple, *paisa-, Avestan paēsa- ‘ornament’. purple coloured’, most likely has an Iranian origin. • spitak ‘white’ with the North West Iranian de- Obviously the stem is connected with ciran ‘apricot’, velopment of *k̂u̯ - >sp-, cf. Pahlavi spytk΄, San- and with a basic meaning ‘golden’ we may compare skrit śveta-. with the family of Avestan zaraniia-, Sogdian zyrn, • seaw ‘black’, cf. Middle Parthian sy’w, Avestan Vedic híraṇya- ‘gold’, i.e. Indo-European *ĝl̥ h3(e)n- siiāuua-. via a dialectal Iranian protoform *dziran- under the • karmir ‘red’, cf. Sogdian krm΄yr. assumption that the loan precedes the stage of me- • kapoyt ‘dark blue’ and kapowtak ‘bluish’ where diae > tenues of the Armenian soundshift. Such very the original meaning would have been ‘dove- early loans are rare, but apparently not quite excep- coloured’, cf. Pahlavi kpwt΄ ‘grey-blue; pigeon’, tional,103 cf. the notable example of partēz ‘garden’ Old Persian kapautaka-, probably ‘blue’, Vedic with *-d- > -t- (Avestan pairi-daēza-), and proba- kapóta- ‘pigeon’. bly also arcatc ‘silver’ from IE *(h2)r̥ ĝn̥to- (Avestan 101. The Latin name is taken from the above-mentioned word for ‛crimson’. 102. Ačaṙyan III, 145-146. 103. Cf. the discussion in Olsen 2005. 104. De Lamberterie 1978, 245-251. 105. This noun has had a tremendous success in Armenian, first in compounds as complete loanwords, e.g. vardagoyn ‘rose-coloured’ (Sogdian wrδγwn), karmiragoyn ‛reddish’ (Sogdian krm΄yr γwn΄k ‛of red colour’) or semi-calques such as oskegoyn (oski ‛gold’) beside Sogdian zyrnγwn(č) ‛gold-coloured’, then from the nucleus of colour adjectives to a general adjective suffix describing ap- pearance or manner, e.g. mardasiragoyn ‛in a gentle manner’, and finally we find full grammaticalization in the usual compara- tive/elative suffix. In modern Armenian, -goyn is used to express the superlative. 106. Bailey 1989, 174. 107. Originally only used about animals such as horses and goats. On the whole, the vocabulary pertaining to horses is strongly influ- enced by Iranian on account of their military importance. 108. Ačaṙyan II, 510-511. 200   Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) The historical background of kanačc ‛green’108 and Bibliography gorš ‛grey’109 is unknown, and of the basic colour terms only dełin ‛yellow’ has a plausible Indo-Euro- Ačaṙyan, Hr. (1971-79) Hayeren Armatakan Baṙaran, I-IV, pean etymology.110 Erevan (1. ed. 1926-35). This selection of textile terms from Classical Ar- Anthony, D. (2007) The horse, the wheel and language. menian testifies to a rich and varied vocabulary, his- Oxford. Bailey, H. W. (1979) Dictionary of Khotan Saka. torically shared between a foundation of inherited Cambridge. lexical material and an influx of cultural loans from Bailey, H. W. (1989) Two Armeno-Iranian Etymologies. the politically and culturally dominant Iranians. Our Annual of Armenian Linguistics 10, 1-4. sources do not permit us to go beyond the stage of Beekes, R. (2010) Etymological Dictionary of Greek, 1-2. the reconstructed Indo-European protolanguage, but Leiden – Boston. we do know for certain that the area now inhabited Benveniste, É. (1945) Études Iraniennes III. Emprunts ira- by Armenians has a long tradition of advanced tex- niens en arménien. Transactions of the Philological So- tile technology. In a cave in Vayocc Jor in the south- ciety 1945 [1946], 68-78. ern part of Armenia, archaeologists have excavated a Benveniste, É. (1958) Mots d’emprunt iraniens en armé- beautifully sown moccasin, “the world’s oldest shoe”, nien. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 53, 5-71. dated to about 3500 BC.111 What language its wearer Benveniste, É. (1964) Eléments parthes en arménien. Re- spoke and what words he or she would have used to vue des Études Arméniennes NS 1, 1-39. describe it, its material, colour and fabrication, we Bolognesi, G. (1948) Pers. tāǰ, Arm. tcag. Atti del Sodali- shall never know. zio Glottologico Milanese I, 1, 14-15. Bolognesi, G. (1960) Le fonti dialettali degli imprestiti ira- nici in armeno. Milano. Abbreviations Boyce, M. (1977) A Word-List of Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian with a reverse index by Ronald Ciakciak = P.W. Ciakciak: Baṙgirkc barbaṙ hay ew itala- Zwanziger. Teheran – Liège – Leiden. kan I-II. Venetik 1837. Cheung, J. (2007) Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden – Boston. EWAia = Manfred Mayrhofer: Etymologisches Wörter- Clackson, J. (1994) The Linguistic Relationship between buch des Altindoarischen. Heidelberg 1986- Armenian and Greek. Publications of the Philological 2001. Heidelberg. Society 30. Oxford – Cambridge. IEW = Julius Pokorny: Indogermanisches etymologi- Cowgill, W. & M. Mayrhofer (1986) Indogermanische sches Wörterbuch. Bern, 1959. Grammatik, Band I – 1/2. Heidelberg. LIV = Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wur- de Lamberterie, Ch. (1978) Armeniaca I-VIII: Études Lexi- zeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Unter cales. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vie- 73, 243-283. ler anderer bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel, Tho- de Lamberterie, Ch. (1982) Revue de R. Schmitt, Gramma- mas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, Brigitte Schirmer. tik des Klassisch-Armenischen (1981). Bulletin de la Zweite, erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage be- Société de Linguistique de Paris 77.2, 80-84. arbeitet von Martin Kümmel und Helmut Rix. de Lamberterie, Ch. (1997) Review of James Clackson, Wiesbaden, 2001. The Linguistic Relationship between Armenian and Nor Baṙgirkc = Nor Baṙgirkc haykazean lezowi I-II. Ve- Greek (1994). Kratylos 42, 71-78. nice. Reprint Erevan 1979-81. Eichner, H. (1974) Untersuchungen zur hethitischen De- klination. Erlangen (Dissertation). 109. Ačaṙyan I, 584. 110. Apparently a derivative of deł ‛herb’ (cf. also dełj ‛peach’, dełjan ‛blond’, dalukn ‛jaundice’) which would match Latin helus > holus ‛herb’ < *ĝhélh3os except for the initial *ĝh-, regularly yielding j-, i.e. [dz-]. Perhaps the stem was contaminated with the se- mantically related dalar ‛fresh and green’ = Greek θαλερός. 111. Cf. Pinhasi et al. 2010. 10. Armenian Textile Terminology   201 Feist, S. (1939) Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der gotischen der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23. September Sprache mit Einschluss des Krimgotischen und sonsti- 2000, Halle an der Saale, 473-481. Wiesbaden. ger zerstreuter Überreste des Gotischen. Dritte neube- Olsen, B. A. Forthcoming. The Indo-European vocabulary arbeitete und vermehrte Auflage. Leiden. of sheep, wool and textile production. To appear in: R. Gippert, J. (1993) Iranica Armeno-Iberica. Studien zu den Iversen & G. Kroonen (eds.), Archaeology and Lan- Iranischen Lehnwörtern im Armenischen und Georgi- guage – and the future of archaeo-linguistic studies. schen. Wien. Oxford. Hübschmann, H. (1897) Armenische Grammatik, Erster Patrubány. L. v. (1902) Zur armenischen Wortforschung. Teil, Armenische Etymologie. Leipzig (3. imp., Hildes- Indogermanische Forschungen 14, 54-59. heim – New York, 1972). Pedersen, H. (1905) Zur armenischen Sprachgeschichte. Isebaert, L. (1980) De indo-iraanse bestanddelen in de to- Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachwis­sen­schaft 38, charische woordenschat. Leuven. 194-240. J̌ ahukyan, G. B. (1987) Hayocc lezvi patmowt cyown. Périkhanian, A. (1968) Notes sur le lexique iranien en ar- Erevan. ménien. Revue des Études Arméniennes 5, 9-30. Jungmann, P. & J. J. S. Weitenberg (1993) A Reverse Ana- Pinhasi, R. et al. (2010) First Direct Evidence of Chalco- lytical Dictionary of Classical Armenian. Berlin – New lithic Footwear from the Near Eastern Highlands. PLoS York. ONE, 9 June 2010. Kellens, J. (1974) Les noms-racines de l’Avesta. Wiesbaden. Praust, K. (2000) Altindisch dṛ-/dṝ-: seṭ oder aniṭ? In B. Klingenschmitt, G. (1982) Das altarmenische Verbum. Forssman & R. Plath (eds.), Indoarisch, Iranisch und Wiesbaden. die Indogermanistik. Arbeitstagung der Indogermani- Kloekhorst, A. (2008) Etymological Dictionary of the Hit- schen Gesellschaft vom 2. bis 5. Oktober 1997 in Er- tite Inherited Lexicon. Leiden –Boston. langen, 445-441. Wiesbaden. Lipp, R. (2009) Die indogermanischen und einzelsprach- Rasmussen, J. E. (1999) Miscellaneous problems in IE lichen Palatale im Indo-Iranischen, I-II. Heidelberg. languages VII. 52. Germanic instrument nouns in MacKenzie, D. N. (1971) A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary. *-la-. Selected Papers on Indo-European Linguistics. London. With a Section on Eskimo Linguistics, 1-2, 651-653. Mallory, J. P. & D. Q. Adams (eds.) (1997) Encyclopedia Copenhagen. of Indo-European Culture. London –Chicago. Saradževa, L. A. (1986) Armjano-slavjanskie leksiko- Manaster R., A.. ms. Armenian -z- < *-bhy-, -cc< *-zkc. semantičeskie paralleli: sravitel’no-istoričeskoe issle- Martirosyan, H. K. (2010) Etymological Dictionary of the dovanie genetičeski obščej leksiki. Yerevan. Armenian Inherited Lexicon. Leiden – Boston. Schmitt, R. (1967) Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indo- Meillet, A. (1894) De quelques difficultés de la théorie des germanischer Zeit. Wiesbaden. gutturales indo-européennes. Mémoires de la Société de Schmitt, R. (1983) Iranisches Lehngut im Armenischen. Linguistique de Paris 8, 277-304. Revue des Études Arméniennes 17, 73-112. Meillet, A. (1922) De quelques mots parthes en arménien. Solta, G. R. (1960) Die Stellung des Armenischen im Kreise Revue des Études Arméniennes II, 1-6. der indogermanischen Sprachen. Wien. Melchert, H.C. Forthcoming. Semantics and Etymology Solta, G. R. (1990) Die Stellung des Armenischen im of Hittite takš-. Forthcoming in Festschrift for Alex- Kreise der indogermanischen Sprachen. Ein Überblick. ander Lubotsky. In E. M. Ruprechtsberger (ed.), Armenien, Beiträge zur Olsen, B. A. (1999) The Noun in Biblical Armenian, Origin Sprache, Geschichte und Archäologie, Linz, 7-17. and Word-Formation – with special emphasis on the Spiegelberg, W. (1907) Ägyptische Lehnwörter in der älte- Indo-European heritage. Trends in Linguistics, Stud- ren griechischen Sprache. Zeitschrift für vergleichende ies and Monographs 119. Berlin – New York . Sprachforschung 41, 127-132. Olsen, B. A. (2002) A Note on Armenian Preverbs and Wackernagel, J. (1954) Altindische Grammatik. Band Prepositions. In F. Cavoto (ed.), The linguist’s linguist: II, 2 “Die Nominalsuffixe” von Albert Debrunner. a collection of papers in honour of Alexis Manaster Göttingen. Ramer. München, 309-316. Winter, W. (1962) Problems of Armenian phonology II. Olsen, B. A. (2005) On Iranian dialectal diversity in Ar- Language 38, 254-262. menian. In G. Meiser & O. Hackstein (eds.), Sprach­ Winter, W. (1983) Nochmals arm. hiwsn ‘Zimmermann’. kontakt und Sprachwandel: Akten der XI. Fachtagung Die Sprache 29, 177-181. 11 Remarks on the Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms 1 Stella Spantidaki T he study of written sources of the Classical context, one and the same ancient Greek term can in- period (5th and 4th centuries BC) reveals the clude more than one meaning simultaneously (e.g., existence of a very rich vocabulary related to ὥρα = time, season, youth, perfect moment), in which textile production. There are terms referring to mate- case the translator does not have to choose between rials, tools, manufacture and decoration techniques, the different meanings, because they are all included colours, people and places related to textile manufac- – or the same term can have different meanings de- ture. Many terms are quite clearly defined, while oth- pending on the context (e.g., ὀργή = anger, wrath, but ers present major difficulties in their interpretation. also drive, impulse, temperament, outburst), in which Usually these concern terms for tools, such as κερκίς case the translator has to choose the right meaning. (pin beater or shuttle) and ἡλακάτη (distaff or spindle) This could lead to difficulties in the lexical field of or terms describing fabrics with some kind of decora- textiles and textile production. tion. Among the decorative terms, some refer to spe- Very often a single term creates semantic harmon- cific decorative techniques, such as κατάστικτος (em- ics, which produce in the mind of the listener a series broidered) while others refer to aesthetic results, such of mental associations through its resonances, con- as ποικίλος (with elaborate and colourful decoration).2 sonances and connotations. In order to understand a I believe it is quite important at this point to under- term, one has to clarify its entire semantic potential. line a significant characteristic of the ancient Greek Furthermore, each term must be interpreted in rela- language. Although languages are not simply univo- tion to its context as opposed to adopting an univocal cal codes and their meaning is the most important or unambiguous meaning. This kind of ambiguity cer- dimension, ancient Greek has what may be called tainly does not apply to every single term. For exam- an indivisible polysemy of words (and grammatical ple, terms for weaving tools must have been clearly cases). Its semantic richness cannot be compared to defined in Antiquity, although they often seem am- modern European languages, such as English.3 In this biguous to us today. 1. I would like to thank Marie-Louise Nosch and Cécile Michel for giving me the opportunity to participate in the conference. 2. Spantidaki 2016, 97-105. 3. Cf. modern poetry such as the great Shakespeare or Proust and the using of the developed metaphor in Castoriadis 1999, 35-61. 202 11. Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms   203 In this chapter I am going to discuss the term then disappears from Greek literature for five centu- μίτος,4 core term of a family of words with many ries to appear again in the 1st century AD,10 where it composita, such as εὔμιτος, λεπτόμιτος, τρίμιτος, has been translated as ‘figured linens’.11 Later, He- πολύμιτος and derivatives, such as μιτώδης, μίτινος sychius, in the 5th century AD, mentions the term and τριμίτινος. The term μίτος is without known et- δίμιτος,12 which seems to fit perfectly in the family. ymology as per all recent etymological dictionar- During the Byzantine period one more related term ies and accordingly without convincing explanation appears, ἑξάμιτος, referring to weft faced compound about its original meaning.5 In time it came to re- twill fabrics.13 fer to the thread in general, ἀγαθὶς μί(λ)του,6 ‘ball of So it appears that μίτος, apart from always re- thread’. The term seems to change meaning depend- ferring to a simple thread, could also denote a spe- ing on the compositum (in the case of λεπτόμιτος we cific type of thread, depending on the context. There are certain that this term refers to a fabric created are several theories on the meaning of this family of with fine threads, but in the case of τρίμιτος for ex- terms, still under discussion. ample, we are not sure of the meaning of the term μίτος). From all these related terms, I have chosen to Theories on the definition of Μίτος examine the terms μίτος => τρίμιτος / τριμίτινος => πολύμιτος. These terms contain the term μίτος and, Μίτος = warp thread moreover, they refer to multiples of μίτος. I think it is In the first theory, the term is defined as the warp important to try to elucidate both the meaning of the threads of the loom. This is mainly based on the Ho- core term, and that of its composita. meric passage, where the term μίτος has been trans- References of these terms in ancient written lated by several scholars as warp.14 Additionally, a sources are scarce. The first reference of the term passage from the Anthologia Graeca seems to refer μίτος is found in the Iliad,7 and there are three more in to threads divided by the pin beater, the κερκίς, thus texts of the Classical period. Τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος pointing to the warp threads.15 are mentioned four times in Classical literature.8 Con- cerning the last term of the family, πολύμιτος, only Μίτος = single thread two references can be found in texts of the same pe- According to the second theory, if μίτος signifies riod.9 The first one refers probably to dense fabrics thread, the terms τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος could refer to and the other is a fragmentary text, where the term three-ply yarns, in contrast to single threads. Three- is mentioned without a context. The term πολύμιτος stranded cords have been discovered in Akrotiri, 4. E. Fr. 369.1 (Nauck 1964); Pherecr. Fr. 156 (146).7 (PCG VII); Lyc. Alexandra 584 (Budé 2008). 5. Frisk, Chantraine, Beekes, s.u. 6. Pherecyd. Fr. 106a.5 (Müller 1975). 7. Hom. Il. 23.762 (Monro 1963). 8. For τρίμιτος see: Lysipp. Fr. 3 (3) (PCG V 1986); A. Fr. 44A 713a.1, 44A 713b.1 (Mette 1959). For τριμίτινος see: A. Fr. 44A 713b.1, 44A 713a.3, Fr. 365.1 (Mette 1959); Crates Com. Fr. 41 (34) (PCG IV 1983). 9. A. Suppl. 432 (Page 1972); Cratin. Fr. 481 (436) (PCG IV 1983). 10. Periplus Maris Erythraei 39.7 (Casson 1989). 11. Schoff 1912, 37. 12. Hesychius, Lexicon D1480.1 (Latte 1996). 13. Typica Monastica 33.1733 (Gautier 1984); Acta Monasterii Lavrae 17 (Guillou et al. 1979); Acta Monasterii Xeropotami 2.29 (Bom- paire 1964); Acta Monasterii Iviron 179.37 (Kravari 1990); Joannes Apocaucus, Epistulae et acta 21.14 (Pétridès 1909); Nicetas Choniates Reign. Man1, part 2, p.98, line of page 23 (Dieten van 1975); Bellum Troianum 6521 (Jeffreys 1996); Achilleis Byzan- tina, line 409 (Agapitos 1999); Nicolaus Artabasdos Rhabdas, Epistula 35.2 (Tannery 1920). 14. Schröder 1884, 171; Blümner 1912, 141, 149. 15. Α. G. VI 174.6 (Beckby 1965). 204   Stella Spantidaki in Textile Terminologies (2017) scene depicts a woman twisting together a large num- ber of threads, creating a thick thread or rope forming a large ball.18 Petersen remarks that small weights are at- tached to the threads in order to keep them taut during the plying, although this cannot be seen on the draw- ing.19 Lang comments that in sail-making the number three was important and remarks that the second of the finer threads seems to be a three-ply one.20 The two Classical terms, τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος may also refer to fabrics created with three-ply yarns, and the later term δίμιτος to fabrics created with two- ply yarns. Fabrics with two-ply yarns have been dis- covered in Greece, but all belong to earlier periods, as for example in Akrotiri, Thera (17th century BC),21 Mycenae (13th century BC),22 Aghia Kyriaki on Sa- lamina (Mycenaean cemetery),23 Lefkandi (around Fig. 1. Woman possibly plying threads into a cord. 1000 BC)24 and Corfu (7-6th century BC)25 (Fig. 2). Lekythos in the Museum of Syracusa. After Lang 1908, Τhe Tractate Sheqalim26 of the Jerusalem Talmud 51, fig. 20. refers to priestly vestments and the veils and curtains of the Tabernacle with their respective textile require- Thera, dated back to the 17th century BC, more than ments. Among them, it mentions six-ply and multiple- a thousand years before the Classical period.16 ply (32 and 48-ply) threads, which could correspond to Ιn the context of this theory, the more recent term the Greek terms ἑξάμιτος (six-ply) and πολύμιτος (32 and δίμιτος17 would refer to two-ply yarns. The term 48-ply). Although the elaboration of the Jerusalem Tal- πολύμιτος would refer to multiple plying, threads or mud was finished in the mid-5th century AD, this pas- ropes created by more than three different yarns. Frag- sage could reflect techniques of much earlier periods. ments of rope dated to the Classical period have been Preserved fabrics from the Classical period are recently discovered in Piraeus, but they have not yet always created with single yarns. However, it is been studied. There is, however, a Classical icono- clear that the technology of plying yarns existed in graphic scene, which could perhaps be associated to Greece during the Classical period. After all, the city the process of plying and the term πολύμιτος (Fig. 1). of Athens alone needed huge amounts of roping for Margarete Lang agrees with Eugen Petersen that the its numerous ships27 and surely for countless other 16. Unpublished study, ARTEX. 17. Hesychius, Lexicon D1480.1 (Latte 1996). 18. Lang 1908, 53. 19. Petersen 1892, 182. 20. Lang 1908, 53. 21. Spantidaki & Moulhérat 2012, 187, 188, fig. 7.1, 7.2. 22. Spantidaki & Moulhérat 2012, 192, fig. 7.4- 7.6. 23. Moulhérat & Spantidaki 2009, 16, fig. 3. 24. Moulhérat & Spantidaki in press. 25. Metallinou et. al. 2009, 42, fig. 41a and b. 26. Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Sheqalim, Ch. 8, p. 51. I am grateful to Nahum Ben-Yehuda for kindly providing me this information. 27. The Naval Inventories of Piraeus of the 4th century BC, which mention the parts of the ships stored in ship sheds make reference to different kinds of rope, ἑξδάκτυλον (6-finger) and ὀκτωδάκτυλον (8-finger) (e.g., IG II2 1627.471). The term δάκτυλος is an At- tic unit of length measuring ca. 2 cm. These different size ropes would have been produced with different numbers of finer cords, but the numbers in their description do not necessarily correspond to the number of the smaller cords, but only to their thickness. 11. Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms   205 Fig. 2. Detail of the weave and the two-ply threads of the fabric of Aghia Kyriaki on Salamis. Photo ARTEX. purposes. The question is whether we can connect the had at least the meaning of heddle. Several references technique of plying with the family of the term μίτος. from later periods point to an interpretation of the term μίτος as heddle.30 Μίτος = heddle The warp-weighted loom has a natural shed formed According to the third interpretation theory, the by a shed bar at its bottom, so the Greeks could create term μίτος refers to the heddles of the loom that is a plain weave using only one heddle bar. The Modern the group of threads connecting the heddle bar to the Greek term δίμιτος is an Ancient Greek term that has threads of the warp.28 In a passage of the Partitiones survived in Modern Greek and refers to every type of of Aelius Herodianus (2nd century AD), the term μίτος twill. In Ancient Greek, δίμιτος could refer to a weave is explained as μιτάριον, the term that gave the Mod- using two heddle bars, the twill 2:1 (Fig. 3). Unfortu- ern Greek term for heddle, μιτάρι.29 It would be plau- nately, there is no written evidence to this term until sible to assume that in the 2nd century AD the term the 5th century AD. The Classical terms τρίμιτος and 28. Barber 1991, 267, 268. 29. Ael. Herod., Partitiones 84.4 (Boissonade 1963). 30. Nonnus, Dionysiaca 24.257 (Keydell 1959); Hesychius, Lexicon K681.1 (Latte 1996); Eustathius 1.265.19 (Stallbaum 1970). 206   Stella Spantidaki in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 3. Drawing of 2:1 twill, z, weft-faced. Drawing S. Fig. 5. Drawing of 3:1 twill, z, weft-faced. Drawing S. Spantidaki, after CIETA, 1997. Spantidaki, after CIETA, 1997. Fig. 4. Drawing of 2:2 twill, z. Drawing S. Spantidaki, af- Fig. 6. Drawing of weft-faced compound twill. Drawing S. ter CIETA, 1997. Spantidaki, after CIETA, 1997. τριμίτινος, could refer to a weave using three heddle unit of weft faced compound twill is 6:1; so it appears bars, the twill 2:2, or 3:1 (Fig. 4 and 5). The medie- that this weaving term has been named after its num- val term ἑξάμιτον refers to samite - weft faced com- ber of floating warp threads, which in this case, are pound twill (Fig. 6). six. We could assume that the meanings of the terms A brief remark on the term ἑξάμιτος. The weaving δίμιτος and τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος are in the same 11. Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms   207 Fig. 7. Bed covering, or mattress, depicting a diamond twill pattern with a white dot in the centre. Crater of the Laoda- mia painter, British Museum, Museum no. 1870,0710.2. © The Trustees of the British Museum. direction. In this hypothesis, the term δίμιτος could re- represent twill variations are rare and they seem to fer to twill 2:1, while the terms τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος be more common on depictions of furniture (Fig. 7). to twill 3:1. In this case, the term mitos refers to float- In contrast to this, Archaic iconography (6th century ing threads, not the heddles of the loom. BC) depicts more often garments decorated with pat- Finally, I can only associate the ancient Greek term terns that may refer to twill.32 If these depictions can πολύμιτος with complex weaves using several heddle actually be connected to twill, they indicate that twill bars, such as ‘taqueté’ (weft faced compound tabby).31 was known in the ancient Greek world. There is no material evidence of twill textiles in What does this linguistic information mean for Greece: none of the discovered fragments of Greek the use of twill in Classical Greece? All surviving archaeological textiles is woven in twill. Furthermore, textiles from Greece derive from funeral contexts, depictions of weaving looms in Greek iconography do consequently, their corpus is not characteristic of not show traces of mechanical shedding; at best, one the textile production in this period. We are not fa- can recognize one heddle bar, κανών, which was nec- miliar with the real variety of garments and utilitar- essary for weaving a tabby. ian textiles used, only with those chosen to accom- Classical depictions of clothing on vases and pany the dead in the grave. Yet, the absence of terms sculptures usually show plain fabrics with stripes or connected to twill garments in Classical literature small-scale geometric patterns, or fabrics decorated and in catalogues of dedications of textiles, such as with complex designs. Diagonal lines that possibly the Brauron Clothing Catalogues, may indicate that 31. Barber 1991, 268, n. 7; Pl. N. H. 8.196; Wild & Dross-Krüpe 2017. 32. As an example, see Archaic attic vases in the British Museum, Museum numbers: 1843,1103.77; 1843,1103.100.x; 1867,0508.949; 1868,0610.3. 208   Stella Spantidaki in Textile Terminologies (2017) twill was not commonly used in Greece during this another, as the semantics changed. In other words, period. the interpretation theories could coincide in certain periods, with the term μίτος having more than one Mitos = relation to felt? meaning at the same time. But they could also re- Lastly, in Classical literature there seems to be a place one another, as the meaning changed through connection between the terms τρίμιτος and τριμίτινος time. Hopefully, new finds will narrow down the se- and felt. Two in four known mentions of τρίμιτος and mantic field and help elucidate the meanings of this one in three references of τριμίτινος are indeed related family of terms. to felt products, hats or shoes. ἀλλὰ τρίμιτός ἐστι πῖλος33 - trimitos felt Ancient Sources ὑμεῖς δ’ ἐὰν ἱππίσκον ἢ τρίμιτον ἔχητε34 (πῖλον;) - if you have a head ornament or Agapitos P. A., Hult K. & Smith O. L. (1999) The Byzan- a trimitos felt tine Achilleid. The Naples Version. Wiener Byzantinis- tische Studien 21. Vienna. καὶ δὴ ποδεῖα τριμίτινα35 - trimitina felt Beckby H. (1965) Anthologia Graeca, vol. 1. Munich. shoes indeed Boissonade J. F. (1963) Herodiani partitiones. Amsterdam. A τρίμιτος πῖλος (felt) would have been a sort of Bompaire J. (1964) Actes de Xéropotamos. Archives de felt created either with three μίτοι or with a τρίμιτος l’Athos III. Paris. / τριμίτινος fabric. In view of that, according to the Casson L. (1989) The Periplus Maris Erythraei. Princeton. third theory the terms τρίμιτος / τριμίτινος refer to Dieten van J. (1975) Nicetae Choniatae historia, pars prior, twill fabrics, a τρίμιτος / τριμίτινος πῖλος would re- Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Series Berolin- fer to a felt created from a twill fabric.36 According to ensis 11.1. Berlin. Elizabeth Barber, this felt could also have three (per- Gautier P. (1984) Le typikon du sébaste Grégoire Pakouri- anos, Revue des études byzantines 42, 5-145. haps decorative) loops on it.37 According to a third Guillou A., Lemerle P., Papachryssanthou D. & Svoronos interpretation, it could be a sort of felt created with N. (1979) Actes de Lavra. III. De 1329 à 1500. Ar- three different layers, either by different coloured felts chives de l’Athos VIII. Paris. or by different fabrics. Additionally, the term δίμιτος Jeffreys E. & Papathomopoulos M. (1996) Ὁ πόλεμος τῆς also seems to be related to a felt hat.38 Τρωάδος. Βυζαντινὴ καὶ Νεοελληνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη 7. Athens. Conclusion Keydell R. (1959) Nonni Panopolitani Dionysiaca, 2 vols. Berlin. The above hypotheses show that the various meanings Kassel R. & Austin C. (eds.) (1983) Poetae Comici Gra- of the term μίτος, both synchronically and diachron- eci (PCG), Vol. IV, Aristophon – Crobylus. Berlin-New ically, reflect the characteristic polysemy of Greek. York. They also underline the fact that semantics and pro- Kassel R. & Austin C. (eds.) (1986) Poetae Comici Graeci duction techniques evolve and change through time. (PCG), Vol. V, Damoxenus – Magnes. Berlin-New York. So each term of the μίτος family could, during the Kassel R. & Austin C. (eds.) (1989) Poetae Comici Graeci same period, have more than one meaning simultane- (PCG), Vol. VII, Menecrates – Xenophon. Berlin-New York. ously. Yet at the same time, a meaning could replace 33. Lyssipp. Fr. 3 (3) (PCG V 1986). 34. Cratinus Fr. 5.1 (Kock 1888). 35. Crates Fr. 41 (34) (PCG IV 1983). 36. Barber 1991, 197. 37. For discussion see Barber 1991, 268, note 7. 38. Barber 1991; LSJ, s.u. 11. Interpretation of Some Ambiguous Greek Textile Terms   209 Kock T. (1888) Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta, vol. 3. Bibliography Leipzig. Kravari V., Lefort J., Métrévéli H., Oikonomidès N. & Pa- Barber E. J. W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles: the develop- pachryssanthou D. (1990) Actes d’Iviron II. Du milieu ment of cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Age with spe- du XIe siècle à 1204. Archives de l’Athos XVI. Paris. cial reference to the Aegean. Princeton . Latte K. (1996) Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, vol. 1-2. Blümner H. (1912) Technologie und Terminologie der Copenhagen. Gewerbe und Künste bei den Griechen und Römern. Lycophron (2008) Alexandra. Texte établi et traduit par A. Hildesheim. Hurst en collaboration avec A. Kolde. Paris. Castoriadis C. (1999) Figures du pensable. Paris. Mette H. J. (1959) Die Fragmente des Tragödien des Ais- CIETA (1997) Tracés techniques. Lyon. chylos. Berlin. Lang M. (1908) Die Bestimmung des Onos oder Epine- Monro D. B. & Allen T. W. (1963) Homer, vol. 1-2, Ilias tron. Berlin. Books I-XXIV. Oxford. Metallinou G., Moulhérat C. & Spantidaki Y. (2009) Ar- Müller C. (1975) Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, chaeological textiles from Kerkyra, Arachne 3, 30-51. 4 vol. Frankfurt. Moulhérat C. & Spantidaki Y. (2009) Archaeological tex- Nauck A. (1964) Tragicorum Graecorum fragmenta. tiles from Salamis: a preliminary presentation, Arachne Hildescheim. 3, 16-29. Page D. L. (1972) Aeschyli Septem Quae Supersunt Tra- Moulhérat C. & Spantidaki Y. (in press) Textile Remains. goedias. Oxford. In I. Lemos (ed.), Lefkandi IV. Pétridès S. (1909) Jean Apokaukos, Lettres et autres docu- Petersen E. (1892) Funde, Römische Mitteilungen 7, ments inédits, Izvestija Russkago Archeologiceskago 174-196. Instituta v Konstantinopole 14, 69-100. Schröder O. (1884) Zu den Webstühlen der Alten, Archäo- Pliny (1956) Natural History, vol. III. Libri VIII-XI. T. E. logische Zeitung 42, 169-180. Page et al. (eds.), H. Rackham (transl.), London. Spantidaki S. (2016) Textile Production in Classical Ath- Schoff W. H. (tr. & ed.) (1912) The Periplus of the Ery­ ens. Ancient Textiles Series 27. Oxford. thraean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean Spantidaki Y. & Moulhérat C. (2012) Greece. In M. Gleba by a Merchant of the First Century. London-­Bombay- & U. Mannering (eds.), Textiles and Textile Production Calcutta. in Europe: From Prehistory to AD 400, 185-200. An- Stallbaum G. (1970) Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessaloni- cient Textiles Series 11. Oxford. censis commentarii ad Homeri Odysseam. Hildesheim. Wild J. P. & Dross-Krüpe K. (2017), Ars polymita, ars plu- Tannery P. (1920) Sciences exactes chez les Byzantins. Mé- maria: the Weaving Terminology of taqueté and tap- moires scientifiques 4. Paris. estry. In S. Gaspa, C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediter- ranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, 301-320. Lincoln, Nebraska. 12 Sabellic Textile Terminology Peder Flemestad and Birgit Anette Olsen D espite numerous recent studies of Italic problematic, since they have been transmitted to us textiles and textile production etc., no sys- through a succession of manuscripts. As noted by tematic study has so far been attempted re- Clackson, it is only through epigraphy that we can garding the textile terminology of Italic languages access the texts, and therefore the terms themselves, besides Latin. The present study seeks to remedy directly.2 Sometimes, however, the glosses are indeed this, making a first step into the textile terminol- correct, making their investigation important. ogy of Sabellic languages, predominantly Oscan and The extant Sabellic corpus, although minuscule Umbrian.1 compared to Latin, is nevertheless linguistically in- There are two types of sources for Sabellic textile valuable and offers complementary evidence of the terminology: inscriptions and glosses in Greek and Indo-European and Italic textile lexicon, although Latin literature. Both are, however, fraught with un- many aspects of the various Sabellic languages are certainties. The glosses, as for example seen in the notoriously difficult to interpret and remain a matter case of Etruscan, may have been misunderstood or of debate. The present contribution does not claim to misinterpreted and should be treated with due caution, endorse the interpretation of the most doubtful cases, and there is considerable debate on many of the epi- but includes them in order to provide an overview of graphically attested terms and significant doubt about Sabellic terms that have been suggested by scholars their precise interpretation. Glosses are especially as belonging to the domain of textiles.3 1. References to Sabellic inscriptions follow Untermann 2000. In the case of Umbrian, references, e.g. “VIIa 24”, are to the Iguvine tables. Translations of the Iguvine Tables are, unless otherwise noted, adapted from Poultney 1959. Bold font, following scholarly convention, indicates terms attested in the “native” alphabets, while italics indicate those attested in the Latin alphabet. Transla- tions of Greek and Latin texts are, unless otherwise noted, adapted from the Loeb editions when available. For the term Sabellic, cf. Rix 2002, 2: “Der Terminus entspricht den oben genannten Forderungen: er ist einfach und gut motiviert. Sabellī (*Saβello-) ist der einheimische Name, mit dem die Römer die Samniten, manchmal auch undifferenziert alle zentralappenninischen Bergstämme genannt haben; er ist das Individuativum zu *Saβno- (*Saβno-lo- > *Saβn̥lo- > *Saβenlo- > *Saβello-; Typ Graeculus, Poenulus), das vielleicht der ursprüngliche Name der ganzen Sprachgruppe war [...]. Von *Saβno- ist der Name *Saβnii̯ om abgeleitet, der für das Stammland der oskischen Gruppe bekannt ist (osk. Safinim, lat. Samnium, griech. Σαύνιον), und von diesem wiederum das Eth- nikon Saβīno- (dissimiliert aus *Saβnīno-), das als Safinús die Sprecher des Südpikenischen und als Sabīnī Roms nördliche Nach- barn bezeichnet (ein Teil der *Saβīnōs wäre dann später Umbrī genannt worden).” 2. Clackson 2014, 700. 3. Of Sabellic terms that are not ”Sabine”, Oscan or Umbrian, the only item of interest is South-Picene tokam, which, while formally 210 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   211 The textile terms of the hand)’; Umbrian preplotatu, preplohotatu ‘must crush, stamp down’, semiplotia (Festus) Oscan: ‘shoe-soles divided into halves’). According to Franchi de Bellis it is a cognate of Greek βλαύτη There are exiguously few terms attested in the Oscan and means ‘sandal’.9 group of Italic dialects, but there are occasional ref- erences in Greek and Latin sources to Samnite dress,4 hn. sattiieís. detfri and there have been studies of the iconographical ma- seganatted. plavtad10 terial.5 Presumably, only one epigraphically attested “Detfri of Herens Sattiis left her mark Oscan term belongs to the domain of costume:6 with her sole.” O. plavtad:7 A feminine -ā-stem noun, designating The bilingual inscription is found on a large terra- the sole of a shoe or a foot, a substantivization of cotta tile (94x66cm) and is dated to c. 100 BC. The Proto-Italic *plauto- ‘flattened, with flat feet’, ap- verb states that it was marked/signed with the ‘sole’, parently derived from the Italic root *plau- (‘to and the imprints are also preserved. The interpretation hit/step with the palm of the hand or foot’) from of the term therefore depends on the imprints on the *plh2-u- (‘palm of the hand, sole of the foot’), with terracotta itself, and these clearly indicate footwear, the suffix -to-/-tā- (cf. Latin plautus ‘flat-footed’8 not feet.11 The imprints are moreover similar in shape and plaudere ‘to clap, strike, beat (with the palm and size to extant Etruscan wooden/bronze sandals.12 corresponding to Latin toga, means ‘grave’. As argued by Marinetti (1985, 144, n.93) and followed by Adiego (1995, 136), the grave is understood as that which covers, from the same root as Latin toga: *(s)teg-/(s)tog- ‘to cover’. It is, however, interesting to note that according to Juvenal (3.172, cf. Watkins 1969: 238 and Olsen 2016, note 31), the use of a toga was closely linked to buri- als: pars magna Italiae est ... in qua nemo togam sumit nisi mortuus “there is a large part of Italy ... where nobody puts on a toga unless he is dead”; this provides a clear connection between toga and grave, and although speculative does not exclude the possi- bility of another type of semantic extension. Outside Sabellic (and Latin) the only attested Italic textile term is Tusculan struppum (corresponding to stroppus/στρόφος) and the Faliscan feast Struppearia, Festus 410, 6-7 (cf. Pliny NH 21,3), see Biville 1990, 176- 178; Adams 2007, 177. 4. Strabo 6.1.2; Livy has two mentions of Samnite dress: 9.40, 10.39.11-12. 5. Weege 1909, especially 158-162; Schneider-Hermann 1996, especially 4-39, 95-106. 6. Cf. below under Umbrian fibre sources for Oscan καποροιννα[ι. 7. Abl.sg. (Pocc.21/ Sa 35, Pietrabbondante); Untermann 2000, 563. 8. Festus 274 (Lindsay): <Plotos appellant> Umbri pedibus planis <natos. Hinc soleas dimidiatas, qui>bus utuntur in venando, <quo planius pedem ponant, vo>cant semiplotia et . . . <Macci>us poeta, quia Umber Sarsinas erat, a pedum planitia initio Plotus, po- stea Plautus coeptus est dici “The Umbrians called those born with flat feet ploti. Thence they term semiplotia the soles that are di- vided into halves which are used in hunting to put the foot more flatly ... The poet Maccius, who was an Umbrian from Sarsina, was initially called Plotus, later Plautus, from the flatness of his feet”; P. ex F. 275 (Lindsay): Ploti appellantur, qui sunt planis pedibus. Unde et poeta Accius, quia Umber Sarsinas erat, a pedum planitie initio Plotus, postea Plautus est dictus. Soleas quoque dimidia- tas, quibus utebantur in venando, quo planius pedem ponerent, semiplotia appellabant “Those who have flat feet are called ploti. Wherefrom also the poet Accius, who was an Umbrian from Sarsina, was called initially Plotus, later Plautus, from the flatness of his feet. They also call the soles that are divided into halves, which are used in hunting because they set the foot more flatly, semiplotia”. 9. See Franchi de Bellis 1992, 14. There is no need to follow Schwyzer (1968, I. 61) who places it in the “ägäisches Substrat”, nor Beekes (2010, 219), who classifies it as “Pre-Greek” on account of the variation τ ~ δ (i.e. in βλαῦδες, Hsch.); it is an Italic loan- word, cf. below. 10. Tr. Clackson 2014, 715, modified. The Latin inscription reads Herenneis Amica | signavit q(u)ando | ponebamus tegila “Amica of Herens left her mark when we were making tiles”. 11. Cf. Franchi de Bellis 1992, 14: “indubbiamente il senso di ‘sandalo’/‘suola’/‘calzare’”; Clackson 2014, 715: “two sets of prints made by women’s shoes”. There are also clearly visible imprints of the nails of the shoes. 12. See e.g. Bonfante (2003) 203, pl. 140; the sandals have a maximum length of c. 25cm, corresponding rather well to the approxi- mately 21-22cm of the imprints in the inscription. 212   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 1. Pocc.21/Sa 35, Pietrabbondante, adapted from La Regina, Lejeune & Prosdocimi 1976, 285. Sandals were common footwear also in Greece, and articles that were either imported from Etruria or im- Greek βλαύτη, while also denoting footwear of fine itated Etruscan models.16 quality,13 specifically refers to a distinct type of san- While thick soles were “extremely common dal (σανδαλίου τι εἶδος).14 For phonological reasons throughout the Greek world”,17 this was also a fea- βλαύτη cannot be an inherited word in Greek, and ture of the Etruscan sandal, characterised by Pollux Italian piota ‘sole of the foot’ suggests that plauta as wooden, with gilded straps.18 In addition, Etrus- meant ‘sole’ in Vulgar Latin dialects, with the further can sandals were characterized by a hinged sole, semantic development to ‘sole of a shoe or sandal’ in consisting of two separate wooden pieces framed by Oscan.15 It is interesting that in 5th century Athens a bronze or iron frame and these movable parts fol- the so-called Etruscan sandals were considered luxury lowed the movement of the foot, making it easier to 13. Attested from the fifth century onwards, e.g. Plato Symp. 174a. Cf. Athen. 12.548c. 14. Pollux 7.87. 15. Ernout (1909, 216) posits two forms: one dialectal (with monophthongization of the dipthong au to ō, regular in Umbrian), the sec- ond is the one preserved in the Romance languages (e.g. Italian piota). 16. Bonfante 2003, 59. 17. Bonfante 2003, 59. 18. Pollux 7.92-93. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   213 walk on the thick wooden soles.19 These two halves est lana, quae in Romulo N<a>evius ap- conform to the semiplotia (soleas dimidiatas) in the pellat asta ab Oscis. Festus passage quoted above. Greek βλαύτη is ap- “In The Menaechmi (Men. 797): “Why, parently a Wanderwort, either from Greece to It- you’d bid me sit among the maids at work aly, or vice versa, but it cannot be an inherited word and card the wool.” This same word carere in Greek, since b > p is unattested in Greek loan- ‘to comb/card’ is known from the Ceme- words, while p > b is well documented.20 In particu- tria of Naevius: “Carere is from carere ‘to lar, the use of β for π is attested in both the Greek of lack’, because then they cleanse the wool Magna Graecia21 (Taras, modern Taranto) and Sic- and spin it into thread, that it may carere ily.22 For Taras this feature has been explained as ‘be free’ from dirt: from which the wool due to the influence of Illyrian and Messapic lan- is said carminari ‘to be combed/carded’; guages spoken by people from the Balkans.23 Greek then when they carunt ‘comb/card’ out of βλαύτη is therefore presumably a loanword from it that which sticks in it and is not wool, Italic,24 and Oscan plauta- is accordingly an indig- those things which in the Romulus Naevius enous Italic word, which in Southern Italy (possi- calls asta, from the Oscans.” bly through the influence of Messapic/Illyrian) pro- vided the Greek word. Unfortunately, the term asta is not treated by Un- There are also two Oscan glosses that concern termann, since it is a gloss. Varro’s etymology is of textiles, both attested in Varro:25 course incorrect and carere is corrected by modern editors to carrere (from Proto-Italic *kars-e- from the O. asta: PIE root *(s)ker-s-). The verb means ‘to card/comb Varro DLL 7.54: in Men<a>echmis: “in- (wool)’ and this poses problems in the interpreta- ter ancillas sedere iubeas, lanam carere.” tion of the Oscan gloss. It is translated by Conway idem hoc est verbum in Cemetria as “wool-cardings, sordes” and is assigned by him to N<a>evii. carere a carendo, quod eam the glosses “whose form is less certain, and which, tum purgant ac deducunt, ut careat spurci- though assigned to Oscan, show no specifically Os- tia; ex quo carminari dicitur tum lana, cum can characteristics”.26 Fay suggested the following et- ex ea carunt quod in ea h<a>eret neque ymology: “Oscan asta (= ‘pile, nap’): With asta (n. 19. Bonfante 2003, 60. 20. E.g. πυρρός vs burrus; πύξος vs buxus. 21. Hsch. s.v.: “βυτίνη λάγυνος ἢ ἀμίς, Ταραντῖνοι” (corresponding to Attic πυτίνη); according to Beekes, the interchange π/β proves Pre-Greek origin, the variation voiced/voiceless being extremely frequent in such words. Vulgar Latin butina is, according to San- toro (1975, 68-69), borrowed from the Tarentine dialect (according to Beekes, simply from “the Greek”). 22. Hsch. s.v.: “<βατάνια>· τὰ λοπάδια. ἡ δὲ λέξις Σικελική”; Hsch. s.v. “<πατάνια>· τὰ ἐκπέταλα λοπάδια, καὶ τὰ ἐκπέταλα καὶ φιαλοειδῆ ποτήρια, ἃ <πέδαχνα> καλοῦσι. τινὲς δὲ διὰ τοῦ <β> <βατάνια> λέγουσιν”. While we are told by Plutarch that the Del- phians pronounced β for π, this is not attested in the epigraphical material other than vacillation in the name and ethnikon of the Boiotian polis Λεβάδεια and of Ἀμβράκια in Epirus; see Rüsch 1914, 187-188. Cf. Plut. Mor. 292E: ὁ δέ ‘βύσιος’ μήν, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι, φύσιός ἐστιν· ἔαρος γὰρ ἄρχει καὶ τὰ πολλὰ φύεται τηνικαῦτα καὶ διαβλαστάνει. τὸ δ’ ἀληθὲς οὐκ ἔχει οὕτως· οὐ γὰρ ἀντὶ τοῦ φ τῷ β χρῶνται Δελφοί, καθάπερ Μακεδόνες ‘Βίλιππον’ καί ‘βαλακρόν’ καί ‘Βερονίκην’ λέγοντες, ἀλλ’ ἀντὶ τοῦ π· καὶ γὰρ τὸ πατεῖν ‘βατεῖν’ καὶ τὸ πικρόν ‘βικρόν’ ἐπιεικῶς καλοῦσιν. 23. Cf. Santoro 1975, 68-70. This is also evident in the names of Metapontum (Μεταπόντιον) which was earlier Μέταβον, interpreted as Messapic by Kretschmer 1925, 92-93, and followed by Biville 1990, 239-240 (cf. Antiochos apud Strabo 6.1.15: τὴν πόλιν Μεταπόντιον εἰρῆσθαι πρότερον Μέταβον, παρωνομάσθαι δ’ ὕστερον; Steph. Byz. Ethn. s.v. Μεταπόντιον: τὸν γὰρ Μεταπόντιον οἱ βάρβαροι Μέταβον). 24. Cf. the discussion in Franchi de Bellis 1992, 12-14. 25. One could add one from the domain of jewelry: ungulus ‘ring’ in Festus 375 (Müller): ungulus Oscorum lingua anulus, and Plin. 33, 1,4,10: (anulum) apud nos prisci ungulum vocabant; see Adams 2007, 180. 26. Conway 1897, 231. 214   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) plur.) cf. its Greek synonym ἔξαστις. The startform the final syllable contained -a- i.e. if the word was may have been adstho-/adsthis ‘adstans’ (cf. ad ‘up’ an -a- stem”.31 The Oscan connection is further elab- in ad-surgit?); or an(a)stho- etc. cf. Osc. a(n)stintu.”27 orated in Walde: “ist entweder osk. Vermittlung an- While asta in either interpretation is not a clear zunehmen, oder Entlehnung des gr. Wortes in das synonym of ἔξαστις, its potential connection with Lat. und Osk”,32 and Ernout: “Supparus est emprunté ἔξαστις is, however, interesting: Beekes (s.v.) sug- du gr. σίπαρος, σίφαρος, comme l’a reconnu Varron, gests it may simply mean “what sticks out” and re- par un intermédiaire osque dans lequel le groupe -ar- fers to a new etymology proposed by Van Beek,28 who en syllabe intérieure ne subissait pas l’apophonie. Si proposes a connection between ἄττομαι and Hittite σίφαρος avait été emprunté directement par le latin, il ḫatt-a(ri) ‘to pierce, prick’, reconstructing *h2et-ie/o.29 aurait abouti à *supperus, comme σίσαρον à siser; u A card or comb of course consists of piercing/pricking de supparus est dû à un faux rapprochement avec su- points, so Oscan asta would be a neuter plural per- pra. On trouve aussi dans les auteurs siparum, sipha- fect participle passive “that which has been carded, rum, sipharus, siparium qui sont de simples trans- ‘pricked out’, vel sim.”, conforming to the statement criptions littéraires du grec”.33 However, as pointed of the gloss that the wool is carded to remove that out by Housmann, the treatment of supparus, suppa- which sticks in it and is not wool. rum and siparum etc. as a single term is misleading, though the ultimate source must be the same: “Facts O. supparus: tell another tale. These are two words, distinct both in form and in significance and one of them makes Varro DLL 5.131: Indutui alterum quod its appearance more than two centuries earlier than subtus, a quo subucula; alterum quod su- the other.”34 pra, a quo supparus, nisi id quod item di- Supparum, supparus, attested since Plautus, is cunt Osce. originally a garment, while sip(h)arum denotes a “One kind of put-on goes subtus ‘below’, kind of sail, and it was only at a later stage that the from which it is called subucula ‘under- distinction between the two was lost. Most likely, skirt’; a second kind goes supra ‘above’, both terms have been borrowed from Greek, sipa- from which it is called supparus, unless rum as a late, transparent rendering of Gk. σίφαρος/ this is so called because they say it in the σίπαρος ‘sail’, and supparus, supparum transmitted same way in Oscan.” through Oscan as seen from the vocalism: -a- with- out the Latin weakening to -e- in unaccented sylla- Contrary to Varro’s definition, the supparus or bles, and -u- probably triggered by the following la- supparum was not a garment worn “above”, but bial as in other examples from Sabellic, e.g. Oscan rather an undertunic that appears to have been worn amprufid ‘wrongfully’, pertumum ‘prevent’, Umbrian by or associated with the costume of the young girl.30 prehubia ‘provide’. The term supparus is therefore According to Conway, the doubling of p before r and clear evidence of Oscan influence on Latin textile ter- the anaptyctic vowel both indicate a genuine Oscan minology, and it is itself a loanword from Greek, i.e. word, but he adds that “the -a- is only intelligible if through the colonies in Magna Graecia. 27. Fay 1914, 256. 28. Apud Beekes (2010: 167) s.v. ἄττομαι. 29. Greek ἄσμα ‘warp’, moreover, apparently has an exact parallel in Armenian azbn, see Olsen, this volume, 193. 30. Olson 2003, 202-203; Olson 2008, 143. 31. Conway 1897, 220. 32. Walde-Hofmann II: 633. 33. Ernout 1909, 235. 34. Housmann 1919, 149. It should, however, also be noted that the connection between web and sail is readily apparent in Greek ter- minology; see Nosch 2015. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   215 Hernican: don the fell”. I asked one of the townsmen what the last word meant. He said it was Hernican is part of the Oscan group.35 Virgil briefly Hernican for the pelt of the victim, which describes the military dress of the Hernici in the Ae- the priest draws over his peaked cap on en- neid,36 but the only attested dress term is found in tering the city.” [Tr. van den Hout] Fronto, Ad M. Caesarem et Invicem 4.4.1: The term samentum ‘fell’ is occasionally men- tioned in recent literature; given that the rest of the O. samentum: inscription is in Latin, it is presumably a technical Deinde id ‘oppidum anticum’ vidi- term, preserved due to conservatism in religious lan- mus, minutulum quidem, sed multas res guage.37 Apart from a slight modification of the pro- in se antiquas habet, aedes sanctasque toform to “sacsmentum” (cf. lūmen ‘light’ < *le/ caerimonia<s> supra modum. Nullus an- ou̯ ksmn̥ ), the explanation of Bücheler38 has been ac- gulus fuit, ubi delubrum aut fanum aut cepted by Walde-Hofmann and, with hesitation, also templum non sit. Praeterea multi libri by Ernout & Meillet.39 The underlying root is prob- lintei, quod ad sacra adtinet. Deinde in ably that of Latin sacer, Umbrian sacru etc. ‘holy’, porta, cum eximus, ibi scriptum erat bi- with extra-Italic cognates in Germanic, cf. Old Norse fariam sic: “Flamen sume samentum”. sátt ‘treaty’, and Hittite šāklāi-/šākli- ‘custom, rule, Rogavi aliquem ex popularibus quid illud law; rite, ceremony’.40 verbum esset. Ait lingua Hernica pellicu- lam de hostia, quam in apicem suum fla- Umbrian: men cum in urbem introeat inponit. “Then we inspected that ancient township, Umbrian clothing terms: a tiny place, indeed, but containing many There are a number of passages including more antiquities and buildings, and religious or less secure textile and clothing terms in the Igu- ceremonies beyond number. There was vine Tables:41 not a corner without its chapel or shrine or temple. Many books too, written on linen, VIb 49-51: ape angla combifianśiust perca and this has religious significance. Then on arsmatiam anouihimu. Cringatro hatu the gate, as we came out, we found an in- destrame scapla anouihimu. Pir endendu. scription twice over to this effect: “Priest, Pone | esonome ferar [aes esonomf ffrar], 35. Cf. Rix 2002, 6. 36. Verg. Aen. 7.681-690 also describes the hernican military dress as being made of skin.. 37. Adams 2007: 178-79. See also van den Hout 1999: 164-65. 38. Bücheler 1882, 516-17: “Für die Erklärung des Wortes verweisen unsere Lexikographen und jüngst Weise ‘die griech. Wörter im Lat.’ S. 510 (wo die Bedeutung falsch angegeben ist) auf griech. σῆμα σᾶμα: eine ganz äusserliche, dem Namen- und Begriffssy- stem italischer Religion nicht angemessene Herleitung. Ich denke es leuchtet allen ein, dass samentum nur andere, ächt lateinische Form für sagmen ist, wie segmen segmentum, fragmen fragmentum u.s.w.; der Guttural, ursprünglich c, in sagmen zu g erweicht, konnte schwinden wie in lama (lacus) lumen, examen (agmen) flemina (φλεγμονή) u.s.w., der a-Vocal wird mit Recht als lang an- gesetzt. Das Wort gehört zu der in meinen lexicon Italicum p. XXIV unter sak- κυρῶσαι aufgeführten Sippe, die sehr specificirte Bedeutung des Wortes zu Anagnia erklärt sich aus dem generellen Sinn: Mittel göttlicher Bestätigung, Zeichen der Weihe. Freilich lehrte man uns unlängst, sagmen sei desselben Stammes wie sagina, sei das Stopfende, Nährende, darum Gras oder Kraut: dage- gen der alte dichter bei Festus (trag. inc. 219 R.) Iovis sacratum ius iurandum sagmine. Gleichsam legitimirt zum heiligen Dienst wurden in Rom die Fetialen durch Kräuter der Burg, in Anagnia der Opferer durch ein Stück Opferhaut: solche Legitimation hiess sagmen, samentum”. 39. Walde-Hofmann II: 474; Ernout-Meillet 592. 40. Kloekhorst 2008: 700f. 41. For Umbrian semiplotia, see above under Oscan plautad. 216   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2. Tab. Ig. VIb, which contains many of the textile terms, from Devoto 1937, plate following p. 44. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   217 pufe pir entelust, ere fertu poe perca ars- U. cringatro:45 The meaning of this word has not been matiam habiest. Erihont aso destre onse conclusively determined. It is, however, an object fertu. Erucom prinuatur dur | etuto, perca worn by sacrificial priest over the shoulder; plau- ponisiater habituto. sibly interpreted by Buck as a “sort of band worn about the shoulder as a token of office”.46 Ety- “When he has announced the auspices he mologically it derives from *kring/k-ā- with the shall put on a (‘striped’) ritual garment, instrument noun suffix -tro-, based on a denomi- take a band, and place it over his right native verbal stem and presumably cognate with shoulder. He shall place fire (in the fire- Old English and Old High German hring ‘ring’, as carrier). When that in which he has placed well as Old Church Slavonic krogъ ‘circle’. the fire is brought to the sacrifice, he who has the (‘striped’) ritual [?] garment shall U. percam:47 in general, this term is interpreted either carry it; the same shall carry the aso42 on as a ceremonial staff or a garment. It has possi- his right shoulder. With him shall go two ble cognates in Oscan perek (and its abbreviated officials (prinuati), they shall have the form per), a unit of length, and Latin pertica ‘a (‘striped’) garments of the purple-dressed rod, wand’, from *pertkā- < *pertikā-. (official).” The term percam is the object of the verb anouihimu ‘to put on (a garment)’ (cf. above). U. anouihimu43 ‘to put on (clothing)’, from *owē- The semantic extension needed for the “staff ” in- with the preverb an-, derives from Proto-Italic terpretation (“to take up, equip oneself with”) is *ow-e/o-. The verb is cognate with Latin -uō (as in itself unproblematic, but Jones argues convinc- in induere), and may be denominative to a ver- ingly based on contextual analysis, especially of bal noun whose formation corresponds to Latin VIb 49, where the sequence of actions becomes induviae, exuviae, etc. The PIE root is proba- impractical for the priest if it were a staff, but nat- bly *h2eu̯ H- ‘to put on (especially footwear)’, ural in the case of a garment.48 Importantly, the in- with cognates in Armenian aganim ‘to put on’, terpretations as “staff” or “garment” are not mutu- Lithuanian aũti, Old Church Slavonic obuti ‘to ally exclusive, since the semantic extension from put on shoes’ (< *obuti < *(-)ou̯ tei̯ ), Avestan rod > stripe > stripe on a garment > garment is aoθra- ‘shoes’.44 equally unproblematic and has numerous par- allels in ancient languages, e.g. the Sabine tra- bea (cf. below).49 On this background, we must 42. The term aso is so far unexplained, but cf. Untermann 2000, 130: “Auch die Bez. eines Kleidungsstückes oder einer Insignie is nicht auszuschliessen”, with reference to Meiser 1986, 249: “aso könnte einen sonst nie erwähnten Teil der priesterlichen Tracht bezeichnen”. 43. 3.sg.Imp.II.Passive (VIb 49, twice). Untermann 2000, 112-13. 44. Cf. LIV 275. Hittite unu-zi ‘to adorn, decorate, lay (the table)’ is possibly better kept apart. Cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 918-20 on the al- ternative reconstruction of a root *h3eu̯ -. 45. Acc.sg. krenkatrum (Ib 11), krikatru (IIb 27, 29), cringatro (VIb 49). Untermann 2000, 404. 46. Buck 1928, 331. Poultney (1959, 271) notes that editors are almost unanimous in translating it “cinctum” or “cingulum” but that an appropriate English translation for a liturgical garment worn over the shoulder is “stole”. Sabine warriors are said to have worn a golden band around their left arm: Dion. Hal. AR 2.40. 47. Acc.sing. percam (VIb 53), perca (VIa 19, VIb 49, 50, 63); acc.pl perkaf (Ib 15) and perca (VIb 51). Untermann 2000, 536. 48. Jones 1964, 271. 49. Cf. Jones 1964, 269, who mentions Virgil Aen. 8. 660: virgatis ... sagulis “striped ... cloaks”. One may add Silius Italicus, Punica, 4,155: virgatae vestes; Ovid Ars Am., 3,269: purpureis ... virgis. Similarly, Greek ῥάβδος ‘rod’ is used of stripes/borders in cloth- ing, cf. Pollux 7.53: αἱ μέντοι ἐν τοῖς χιτῶσι πορφυραῖ ῥάβδοι παρυφαὶ καλοῦνται. Also of interest is Servius’ commentary to Vir- gil’s Aeneid 8.660, which points to a similar kind of term also in Gaulish. There is of course also the case of clāvis ‘nail, peg’ (cf. also clāva ‘staff’) > ‘stripe on the tunic’ > ‘tunic’. See Bender Jørgensen 2011 for an attempt to define the clavi on Roman textiles. 218   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) conclude that the most likely meaning of perca Latin mantēlum ‘hand-towel, napkin’, presumably ... anouhimu must be “he shall put on a (striped) from *man- tr̥ h1tlo- > *man-trā-tlo-, composed of toga/ritual garment”. *man- ‘hand’ and an instrument noun based on the zero grade of the root *terh1- ‘to rub’.54 U. ponisiater:50 the term is presumably a substantiv- ized adjective denoting a priestly individual: “the VIb 61-63: “fututo foner pacrer pase ves- one dressed in the purple striped dress”. It is an tra pople totar Iiouinar, | tote Iiouine, attribute of the perca, perhaps in the same way ero nerus sihitir anśihitir, iouies hostatir as Latin praetextātus, “dressed in a purple gar- anostatir, ero nomne, erar nomne”. Ape ment” (cf. also tunicātus, togātus, trabeātus51). este dersicurent, eno | deitu “etato Iioui- The morphological analysis thus suggests an ad- nur”, porse perca arsmatia habiest. jective in -āto- from *poinik-i̯ o- ‘purple’, itself an ““Be favourable and propitious with your adjective in -i̯ o- derived from poinik-‘Phoenician’. peace to the people of the state of Igu- Formations in -āto- derived from colour terms are vium, to their chief citizens in office and well attested in Latin, e.g. purpurātus, albātus, not in office (i.e. girded and ungirded), to candidātus, atrātus. The perca ponisiater should their young men under arms and not un- therefore be understood as ‘the (striped) garment der arms, to their name, to the name of the of the purple-clad (official)’.52 state”. When they have said this, then he VIb 3-5: Poni feitu, persae fetu, aruio fetu. that has the (‘striped’) ritual garment shall | Surur naratu pusi pre uerir Treblanir. say: “Go, men of Iguvium!””. Tases persnimu. Mandraclo difue destre habitu. Prosesetir ficla, | struśla arsueitu. U. śihitu anśihitu:55 An -o-/-ā-stem adjective whose precise meaning and etymology are uncertain, but “He shall sacrifice with mead, perform (the is generally presumed to be cognate with Latin sacrifice) upon the ground, offer grain, re- cingere ‘to surround, gird’, i.e. from *kīnk-to- cite the same formulas as before the Trebu- from a possible Proto-Italic root *keng-, thus re- lan Gate, pray silently, have a hand-towel ferring to girded and ungirded officials. ‘Girded’ folded double upon his right hand, and presumably refers to the belt or girdle as an em- add to the parts cut off a ficla cake and a blem of office, symbolically representing the struśla cake”. class or status of the official. The following hos- tatir anostatir suggests that these are not sol- U. mantrahklu:53 A neuter -o-stem denoting an ob- diers or part of the army.56 They were presumably ject held by the priest, mostly interpreted like 50. Gen.sg.m. ponisiater (VIb 51) and puniçate (Ib 15). Untermann 2000, 607-608. 51. The trabea was also Sabellic, cf. below. 52. Cf. Ancilotti & Cerri 1996, 398. 53. Acc.sing. mantrahklu (IIa 19), mantraklu (IIb 16) and mandraclo (VIb 4). Untermann 2000, 451. 54. LIV 632 and Meiser 1986, 141. Expected full grade neuter *terə1tlo- > *teraklo- beside zero grade feminine/collective *tr̥ h1-tlo- > *trāklo-. De Vaan’s hesitant derivation (2008, 614) from the same root as Latin tergere ‘to rub clean, polish’ by means of a com- posite verb in -ā-, otherwise only known in connection with preverbs, is formally problematic. 55. Acc.pl masc. śihitu anśihitu (VIb 59) and sihitu ansihitu (VIIa 48); D.pl masc. śihitir anśihitir (VIIa 14, 28, 50), sihitir anśihitir (VIb 62) and śitir anśihitir (VIIa 13). Untermann 2000, 396-97. Cf. also Meiser 1986, 55. 56. Roman parallels include Festus 251, 19-21 (Lindsay). Cf. Hoss 2011, 29: “Legally, the wearing of arms – especially a sword – at all times in public defined the soldier as such. By extension, the belt to which the sword was fastened became a distinguishing fea- ture of soldierly dress”; Hoss 2011, 30: “The military belt of the Roman soldier can therefore be defined as a symbolic object, both an article of clothing and a piece of military equipment, setting the soldier apart from civilian men and making him a miles”. In Late Latin the cingulum militare denotes the sword belt or balteus, cf. Isid.19.33.2. There were, however, other types of cincture in Rome, for example the Roman bride was also characterized by a special type of cingulum, cf. Festus 55 (Lindsay); public slaves were also defined by a special kind of cinctus, cf. Isid. 19.33.4. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   219 rather some kind of religious or political individ- and Umbrian tuplak alike. Thus the Latin form is uals,57 and there may be a parallel to the cinctus most likely derived from *pel- rather than the syn- Gabinus.58 onymous root *pleḱ-.64 The use of the term thereby attests to a common ritual use of textiles in Latin, III 14: kletre tuplak prumum antentu Sabellic, and Greek cult. “On the kletra59 first put on the two-fold Umbrian textile production: (cloth)” [Tr. Weiss] For the aspect of textile production, we also find a few relevant terms in the Umbrian corpus: U. tuplak:60 composed of a form of the word for two and a zero-grade derivative of the root *pel- VIb 43: Uocucom Iouio, ponne oui furfant, “fold”, interpreted either as a neuter -ak-stem from uitlu toru trif fetu Umbrian duplo-, or the accusative singular femi- “At the Grove of Jupiter, while they are nine of the adjective duplo- with the clitic particle shearing(?) (= at the time of the shear- -k.61 Several interpretations have been suggested ing?) the sheep, he shall sacrifice three of this term, but Weiss argues cogently for the in- bull-calves.” terpretation of Peruzzi, who suggested that the tu- plak- is a “two-fold cloth”.62 As stated by Weiss, U. furfant:65 De Vaan assigns Umbrian furfaθ, fur- Greek δίπλαξ (‘mantle’) almost always has this fant, and efurfatu as cognates of Latin forfex meaning when substantivized and many duplex ‘tongs, pincers; shears, scissors’, from Proto-Italic garments are attested in Latin, notably the laena, *forþo- “shearing” and *forþāje/o- ‘to shear’, the which is explained by Suetonius as a toga duplex verb denoting a “certain action with ‘sheep’ as di- qua infibulati flamines sacrificiant “two-fold toga rect object, ‘to shear’?”. Following Janda,66 he in which adorned with a pin the priests sacrifice”.63 suggests that the verb is denominal to a PIE adjec- It should be noted that a protoform *du̯ i-plak- and, tival *bhṛdh-o- “capturing, harvesting, shearing”, with analogical *du- for *du̯ i- in Italic *du-plak-, originally *bher-dhh1o- ‘making booty’, cognate would regularly yield Greek δίπλαξ, Latin duplex with Greek πέρθω ‘to capture, take in, sack, loot’ 57. Religious cincture is also highly important in Indo-Iranian: in Zoroastrianism, the wearing of the so-called sacred girdle is oblig- atory for the faithful (along with the sacred shirt) and highly symbolic; failure to do so made one an unbeliever and a non-Iranian. Cf. Andrés Toledo 2013, 26: “The initiation of the sacred girdle has an Indian parallel and possibly stems from Indo-Iranian times [..]. Among many other parallels between the Zoroastrian and the Hindu sacred girdle, the terminology related to it is noteworthy [...]. Not only the same concept, but also the same Indo-Iranian root (-ja- in Sanskrit dvi-já- ‘twice-born’, -zad in Persian nōg-zad ‘newly born’) in the same context is shared by both.” Cf. also Mallory & Adams (1997: 223-224) on the symbolic significance of the girdle in Indo-European culture. 58. Blumenthal 1931, 66. According to Cleland et al. 2007, 35, the cinctus Gabinus consisted in throwing an end of the toga over the shoulder or head and the excess knotted around the waist by forming part of the toga itself into a girdle (Isid. 19,24,7). It was orig- inally used in battle, giving rise to its later use during sacrifices (Livy, 5.46.2; 10.7; Lucan 1.596) and religious rituals associated with war (Virgil. Aen. 611-15). Cf. also Servius ad A. 7.612. See Dubourdieu 1986 for a study. 59. A transportable chair for sacred emblems. 60. Neuter cons. stem noun in the acc.sg. (III 14). Untermann 2000, 775. 61. Weiss 2010, 115. 62. Weiss 2010, 118 (cf. also the discussion pp. 115-118). 63. Suet. fr. 167, translation Weiss. It should be kept in mind that the Iguvine Tables themselves describe priestly rituals. 64. De Vaan (2008, 473), presumably in an attempt to avoid the suffix *-ak-, reconstructs *-plḱ- for the Greek form and Italic *-plek- for the Latin, stating that the ”appurtenance of the U. form -plak, the meaning of which is unknown, is difficult from a root *plk-”. 65. 3.plur.present furfaθ (Ib 1) and furfant (VIb 43), 3.sg.imp.II efurfatu (with the preverb e-, VIb 17 and VIIa 38. Untermann 2000, 302-303. 66. Janda 2000, 230-240. 220   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) and πτολίπορθος ‘capturing cities’ (and πορθέω *bhVrdh-, which would have given +forbex, sug- ‘to pillage’). Umbrian furfa- is indeed often trans- gesting a dialectal borrowing from Sabellic.72 For lated as “to shear”.67 the semantic connection between ‘plunder, rob’ One could, however, argue that shears are an as in the Greek derivatives and ‘pluck (wool)’ Iron Age invention linked to the metal,68 and, al- as in Italic and Armenian, one may also com- though an argument e silentio, that shears are so pare the English verb fleece in the meaning ‘rob far unattested archaeologically in earlier times,69 of money’. which speaks against an interpretation of a Proto- Italic or PIE sense as “shearing”; the sense is IV 4: struçla petenata isek ařveitu rather one of “capturing, harvesting”. We are dealing with the plucking of wool, the original “Likewise offer “combed” struçla cakes” way of obtaining it.70 The Armenian term burd (Tr. Weiss) ‘wool’ with the denominative brdem ‘cut wool’ may reflect the same root, whether regularly from U. petenata:73 presumably an -o-/-ā-stem adjective *bhōrdho- or, considering the somewhat surpris- derived from Proto-Italic *petke/o- ‘to comb’ ing root vocalism, perhaps *bhr̥ dho- or *bhordho- (*petken- ‘comb’) from PIE *p(e)tḱ- < *pe-pḱ- borrowed from a slightly different dialect.71 With [v.], *p(e)tḱen- [m.] (cf. Greek πέκω ‘to comb, the Italic evidence, this suggests a PIE origin and shear’, Lithuanian pèšti ‘to pluck’, Greek πέκτω a meaning as “harvesting wool”. As for Latin for- ‘to comb, shear’, Old High German fehtan ‘to fex ‘shears’, the immediate protoform cannot be fight’; Greek κτείς ‘comb’ < *πκτεν-74); interpreted 67. As by Meiser 1986: 101. In a recent article dedicated to this particular stem, Meiser (2013) proposes an alternative theory, deriv- ing the basic root *bherdh- from *bherH-dhh1- ‘make cutting’. We consider this interpretation less likely as it would isolate the joint Italic evidence from the otherwise semantically striking Greek and Armenian cognates. 68. Forbes 1964, 7: “Plucking was the typical Bronze Age operation for the production of wool, shears appeared only in the Iron Age about 1000 BC when the suitable metal tool consisting of two knives joined by a spring could be manufactured from Iron, a metal more elastic than bronze.” One can of, course, also ‘shear’ with a knife, and, although bronze would be more impractical, this does not exclude the possibility of its use. Cf. also the, admittedly late, statement of Joannes Laurentius Lydus De mensibus 1.35. Ὅτι ἐπὶ τοῦ Νουμᾶ καὶ πρὸ τούτου οἱ πάλαι ἱερεῖς χαλκαῖς ψαλίσιν, ἀλλ’ οὐ σιδηραῖς ἀπεκείροντο “at the time of Numa, even before him, the priests of old used to have their hair cut with bronze but not iron scissors” (tr. Bandy 2013). 69. For shearing in ancient Italy, cf. Gleba 2012, 234-5: “More developed sheep breeds present at the time did not moult and their fleece had to be cut off, a process accomplished with the help of shears or a knife. Shears appeared during the Iron Age and all of the known examples are iron. In fact, their invention is tied to the use of iron, which is more springy than bronze [...]. All ancient shears found in Italy are of the same design […]. The vast majority of the archaeological examples derive from the burial contexts in north Italy. It has been suggested that the practice of the deposition of shears in male burials in north Italy, populated at the time by Celtic tribes, may express the wool-based wealth of the Celts, who appeared there by the 4th century BC [...].” Cf. Varro R.R. 2.11.9: quam demptam ac conglobatam alii vellera, alii vellimna appellant: ex quo[rum] vocabulo animadverti licet prius <in> lana vulsuram quam tonsuram inventam; Pliny NH 8.191: oves non ubique tondentur; durat quibusdam in locis vellendi mos. 70. Cf. Wild (2012, 453) for the difference between shearing and plucking: “The apparently primitive practice of plucking sheep prob- ably continued in Roman Britain alongside shearing with sprung iron shears. Plucking has the advantage of harvesting the finer short-stapled underwool in the fleece rather than the coarser longer outer hair: the result tends to be a generalised medium wool yarn rather than a hairy medium yarn, both typical of Roman Britain. Shearing, however, recovers the whole fleece, and the appearance of flat iron wool combs in the province by the 3rd century AD indicates the need to separate long from short fibres for the spinning of different types of yarn”. The Lithuanian cognate pèšti ‘pluck’ (see below) presumably reflects the original meaning of the process. 71. Cf. Olsen this volume 190. 72. Cf. Ernout 1909, 171: “Forfex est apparenté, comme on l’a déja vu depuis longtemps, à skr. bardhakah “coupant, taillant; charpen- tier”, gr. πέρθω de *φέρθω “détruire”, et dérivé d’une racine i.e. *bherdh-, dont le représentant latin devrait être *forbex puis *bor- bex (comme barba representant un ancien *bhardha-, devenu *farfa puis *farba [...]); forfex est dialectal par le maintien du second f après r (le traitement latin est b cf. uerbum, got. waurd “mot” de *werdh-).” 73. Acc. sing. feminine (IV 4). Untermann 2000, 549. 74. de Vaan 2008, 453. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   221 by Buck as pectinatam ‘comb-shaped’.75 While U. habina:81 A sacrificial animal, believed to be of the comb-shaped objects in question are sacrifi- the genus ovinum, perhaps “lamb”; if so it may cial cakes, the term does, nevertheless, thus re- be derived from *agu̯ īnā, a substantivization of an flect the concept of a comb, cf. also Latin pectun- adjective *agu̯ īno/-ā from Italic *agu̯ nīno/-ā with culus ‘small scallop’. dissimilatory loss of the first n after the addition of the suffix -īno- (cf. Latin agnus, Greek ἀμνός, Umbrian fibre sources: both meaning ‘lamb’82). The h- must then be due A number of terms for ovicaprids are attested in to the influence of another word, e.g. equivalent the Umbrian language:76 to Latin haedus ‘kid’ (< *ghaido).83 U. uvem:84 The term for ‘sheep’, like Latin ovis. Ety- Ovids: mologically from Proto-Italic *owi- < PIE *h2ou̯ -i- U. erietu:77 A sacrificial animal, presumably ‘ram’, or *h3ou̯ -i- (cf. Old Irish ói, Cuneiform Luwian cognate with Latin aries (-etis) from Proto- hā u̯ i-, Lycian χawa- ‘sheep’; Sanskrit ávi- [m./f.] Italic *a/eriēt-s (nom., *a/eriet- obl.) from PIE ‘sheep, ram’; Greek ὄις, ὄϝις ‘sheep’; Armenian *h1r̥ -i̯ -(e)t- ‘certain domestic animal’ (cf. Old Irish hoviw ‘shepherd’; Lithuanian avìs, Latvian avs heirp, erb (f.) ‘she-goat, doe, roe’ (< Proto-Celtic ‘sheep’; Tocharian B awi [nom.pl.f.] ‘ewe’85). *erbā-),­Greek ἔριφος ‘kid’, perhaps Armenian oroǰ ‘lamb’ (<*er-oǰ) and erinǰ ‘young cow’78). Caprids: U.unu:79 The meaning and etymology of the word are U. cabriner:86 An -o-/-ā-stem adjective ‘of the goat’ uncertain, but it is generally interpreted as belong- (with pelmner ‘meat’) from Proto-Italic *kaprīno- ing to the domain of sheep.80 It occurs once with (cf. Latin caprīnus and below). erietu (IIa 6) and once alone (IIa 8). It has been U. kaprum:87 The term for ‘he-goat, buck’ from interpreted as “young sheep”, and if so it may de- Proto-Italic *kapro- with IE cognates in Welsh rive from Italic *ouno- < *ou̯ ĭ-no- < *ou̯ĭ- (cf. caer-iwrch ‘roebuck’, Irish cáera ‘sheep’ < *ka- below). pero-; Greek κάπρος ‘(wild) boar’, Old Icelandic 75. Buck 1928, 189. 76. Cf. also the general Umbrian pequo (acc.pl.) ‘livestock’, corresponding to Latin pecua (VIa 30- VIIb 30, 11 times). Etymologi- cally from *pekuā, a collective plural to PIE *peḱu- ‘cattle’, perhaps originally ‘small cattle, especially sheep’. Moreover, Umbrian staflarem and stafli may attest to animal husbandry of sheep, cf. Buck 1928, 305: “staflare (VIb 37) refers to some animal kept in a stall, probably a sheep”; but both sense and etymology are disputed, see Untermann 2000, 693-95. 77. Acc.sg. (IIa 6). Untermann 2000, 229. 78. de Vaan 2008: 54. 79. IIa 6 and 8. Untermann 2000, 799. Cf. the example above under erietu. 80. E.g. Borgeaud 1982, 151: “agneau bélier” (unu erietu). 81. Feminine -ā-stem noun; acc.pl. habina (Ia 27), hapinaf (Ia 24), habina (VIb 22-24) and gen.pl. hapinaru (Ia 33). Untermann 2000, 314. 82. de Vaan 2008, 30. 83. Cf. Untermann 2000, 314; Varro states that the “Sabines” termed the kid fedus, see the section on Sabine terms. 84. Masculine -i-stem noun: acc.sg. uvem (III 8, 10, 12, 26, 31) and uve (IIa 10); abl.sg. uvikum (with postp. -com, III 28); acc.pl. uvef (Ib 1) and oui (VIb 43). Untermann 2000, 818. 85. de Vaan 2008, 437f; Wodtko, Irslinger & Schneider 2008: 335-339. 86. Gen.sg. masc. or neutr. (Vb 12, 17). Untermann 2000, 359. 87. Masculine -o-stem noun; acc.sg. kaprum (IIb 1), kapru (IIb 10), kabru (IIb 17) and gen.sg. kapres (IIb 12). Untermann 2000, 368-69. 222   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) hafr ‘he-goat’; cf. also Oscan καποροιννα[ι.88 Ac- horses).94 Interpreted by Cerri95 as bright white, vs cording to de Vaan,89 the a-vocalism makes it a alfu opaque white (cf. above).96 likely candidate for a loanword, but at least the U. peiu:97 the adjective denotes the colour of sacri- word is common to Italic and Germanic, and ficial animals,98 probably a dark colour, maybe Celtic has a synonym in Old Irish gabor, Welsh black (cf. above). No precise etymology or mean- gafr with an aberrant initial g- which may, how- ing has yet been established, but the term is gener- ever, have been influenced by the semantically ally interpreted as *pik-i̯ o- corresponding to Latin related *ghai̯ dos ‘goat’ (Latin haedus, Old Norse piceus ‘pitch-black’, cf. Latin pix ‘pitch’.99 geitr). U. ponisiater:100 The term ponisiater, presumably Umbrian colour terminology: from *poîni ki̯ āto-, attests to the term for the col- Colour terms are an important part of textile termi- our purple *poi̯ nikei̯ o-, like Latin pūniceus a loan nology and the following Umbrian terms (all -o-/-ā- from Greek φοινίκεος ‘red, purple’ (“Phoenician”). stem adjectives) are attested: U. rufru101 and rofu:102 two related adjectives for red, like in Latin, both from the root *h1reudh-; U. adro:90 ‘black’ from *ādro-, like Latin āter. Inter- rufru from Italic *rudh-ro- (like Latin ruber, cf. preted by Cerri91 as opaque black, vs peiu bright Greek ἐρυθρός and Old Indian rudhirá-), rofu black (cf. below). from *rou̯ dh-o- (like Latin rūfus, cf. Gothic U. alfu: 92 ‘white’ from Proto-Italic *alfo- from rauþs, Old Irish rúad, Lithuanian raũdas, Old *h2albh-o-, like Latin albus (cf. Greek (Hes.) Church Slavonic rudъ). Ancilloti & Cerri sug- ἀλφούς (acc.pl.)). See also Sabine alpus. gest that rufru may be opaque red, while rofu is bright red.103 U. kaleřuf:93 of uncertain meaning, but perhaps white, cf. Latin cal(l)idus ‘with a white star’ (of 88. O.καποροιννα[ι (Dat.sg.f., a –i̯ o-/-i̯ ā-stem adjective (Pocc.129/Lu 32, Rossano). Untermann 2000, 369), an epithet of the goddess Mefitis, presumably from *kaprōni̯ ā and derived from *kapro- ‘buck’ (with anaptyxis and -oinna from -ōni̯ ā). The precise mean- ing of the epithet is unclear, maybe the ‘buck goddess’ with the suffix of domination -ōn- and the feminine marker -iā. As a textile term it should mean something along the lines of ‘goatskin’, but one would then expect the suffix -īnV- instead. Poccetti states that the reading καποροτ͎ιν͎ να[ι is also possible, providing a link to Juno Caprotina (cf. Poccetti 1979, 121: “L’evidenza grafica, tuttavia, non lascia escludere del tutto la precedente lettura [...]καποροτ͎ι͎ννα[ι, anche per un possibile rapporto con il lat. Caprotina, noto come attributo di Iuno”). Either way the epithet attests to the Oscan term for goat. 89. de Vaan 2008, 89. 90. Acc.pl.n. atru (Ib 29), adro (VIIa 25) and abl.pl.n. adrir (VIIa 9, 10, 21), adrer (VIIa 18). Untermann 2000, 54-55. 91. Ancilloti & Cerri 1996, 94. 92. Acc.pl.n. alfu (Ib 29) and abl.pl.n. alfir (VIIa 25, 26) and alfer (VIIA 32, 34). Untermann 2000, 79-80. 93. Acc.pl.m. attested as kaleřuf (Ia 20) and calersu (VIb 19). Untermann 2000, 365. 94. Cf. Untermann 2000, 80. 95. Ancilloti & Cerri 1996, 94. 96. Cf. Isidorus 12,52: (equi) qui frontem albam (habent) calidi (appellantur). 97. Acc.pl.f. peiu (Ib 24), peiu (VIIa 3) and acc.pl.f. peia (Ib 27), peia (VIIa 6). Untermann 2000, 526-27. 98. Cf. the piceae oves in Val. Flaccus 3,439. 99. See Untermann 2000, 527, for references. 100. Gen.sg.m. ponisiater (VIb 51) and puniçate (Ib 15). Untermann 2000, 607-608. 101. Acc.pl.m. rufru (Ib 24), Acc.pl.f. rufra (Ib 27) and gen.sg.m. rufrer (VIa 14). Untermann 2000, 637-38. South-Picene rufrasim (CH 1, Crecchio) is a possible parallel, but its meaning and etymology are unknown, cf. Untermann 2000, 636. 102. Acc.pl.m. rofu (VIIa 3) and acc.pl.f. rofa (VIIa 6). Untermann 2000, 638. 103. Ancilloti & Cerri 1996, 94. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   223 Sabine: it is haedus, with an added A, as is the case with many words.” As mentioned above, glosses must be treated with Conway conjectures that the true Sabine form was the utmost caution, as they are not only often mis- *felo- and that either Varro’s text or more probably taken, but are also second hand evidence and may be his knowledge is at fault.107 marred by textual tradition. Sabine was one of the Sa- bellic languages spoken in central Italy in the hill dis- - Another term which is only defined as “Sabine” tricts lying east and southeast of Rome.104 The Sabine was discussed by Favorinus: language is attested in the form of glosses, although some early inscriptions from Sabine or nearby terri- Nux terentina dicitur quae ita mollis est tory use an alphabet “that may for convenience be ut vix attrectata frangatur. De qua in libro called Sabine”.105 Favorini sic reperitur: “item quod quidam Tarentinas oves vel nuces dicunt, quae sunt - Sabine alpus ‘white’: terentinae a ‘tereno’, quod est Sabinorum P. ex. F. 4 Lindsay: Album, quod nos dici- lingua molle, unde Terentios quoque dictos mus, a Graeco, quod est ἀλφόν, est appel- putat Varro ad Libonem primo.” Quam in latum. Sabini tamen alpum dixerunt. Unde culpam etiam Horatius potest videri inci- credi potest, nomen Alpium a candore ni- dere, qui ait et ‘molle Tarentum’.108 vium vocitatum. “The nut that’s so soft it breaks when “What we name albus is thus termed from you’ve scarcely touched it is called ‘ter- the Greek ἀλφόν, which the Sabines called entine’. About this nut one finds the fol- alpus. Thence it may be surmised that the lowing in a book by Favorinus: “Similarly, name of the Alps stems from the lustre of there’s the fact that some people call sheep its snowy peaks”. and nuts ‘Tarentine’ when they are prop- erly ‘terentine’, from terenus, the Sabine Conway states that the word is clearly borrowed term for ‘soft’; Varro, in his first book To from Greek or Celtic, because the genuine Italic re- Libo, expresses the view that the Terentii flex would be *alfo-, cf. on U. alfu.106 are so called from the same term.” Horace could seem to fall into the mistake noted - Sabine hircus and fedus: by Favorinus when he speaks of “soft Varr. L.L. 5, § 97 <h>ircus, quod Sabini Tarentum”, too.” fircus; quod illic f[a]edus, in Latio rure It is the term “tarantine”, which is usually deemed hedus: qui in urbe ut in multis A addito to be a toponymical reference to the city of Taras <h>aedus. (modern Taranto) in Magna Graecia which was famed “Hircus ‘buck’, which the Sabines call fir- for its wool in antiquity.109 The link with the toponym cus; and what there is fedus, in Latium is of Taras is highly dubious and clearly a conflation, hedus ‘kid’ in the country, and in the city but the Sabine term for soft terenus conforms to the 104. Wallace 2008, 96. Varro states that Sabine derives from Oscan: L.L. 7.28: secundo eius origo [i.e. the word cascus] Sabina, quae usque radices in Oscam linguam egit, “secondly, it has its origin from the Sabine language, which ran its roots back into Oscan”. 105. Crawford et al. 2011, I, 2. 106. Conway 1897, 352 (referring to Gallic ἄλπεις). Untermann 2000, 80. 107. Conway 1897, 354. 108. Macrobius Saturnalia 3.18.13. 109. Columella 7.2.3; Pliny NH 8.189-190. 224   Peder Flemestad & Birgit Anette Olsen in Textile Terminologies (2017) reconstruction of Latin tener ‘soft, delicate’, which sacred to the gods (entirely of purple), the second was presumably derives from *tenVro- < *terVno- by con- royal (made of purple and some white), the third was sonant metathesis. Both Indo-Iranian and Greek have a dress of augurs (of purple and scarlet).116 Isidorus adjectives in *teru-, *ter-n- and *teru-n- (cf. San- follows Joannes Laur. Lydus and states that the one skrit táruṇa- ‘young, tender, fresh’, Avestan tauruna- of purple and scarlet was regal.117 The fanciful ety- ‘young’, Ossetic tæryn, tyryn/tærna ‘boy’, Greek τέρυ mologies of Joannes L. Lydus (“τρίβαφος”) and Isi- ‘soft, weak’ and τέρην ‘soft, delicate’).110 dorus (“quod ... transbearet”) are nothing more than that. The term trabea was assigned to the Sabine lan- - trabea: guage by Mommsen and Vetter.118 Interpreted by Er- nout & Meillet as a form of toga of Sabine origin, Ὅτι ὁ Νουμᾶς τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐσθῆτα εἰς they suggest a link with trabs ‘beam’, presumably τιμὴν Ἡλίου καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἐκ πορφύρας because the trabea was “faite toute entière d’étoffe καὶ κόκκου κατασκευάζεσθαι διετύπω- de pourpre, ou ornée de bandes horizontales de cette σεν (...) καλέσας αὐτὴν τὴν στολὴν πα- couleur”.119 According to Ernout it is confirmed by τρίως τραβαίαν, ἣν λέγεται πρῶτος ὁ Ἀγα- Virgil Aen. 7,612:120 ipse Quirinali trabea cinctuque θοκλῆς ὁ Σικελιώτης εὑρεῖν. τραβαία δὲ Gabino, “arrayed in Quirinal robe and Gabine cinc- εἴρηται ὡσανεὶ τρίβαφος· ἐκ τριῶν γὰρ ture”, where “l’alliance de Quirinalis avec trabea in- ἀποτελεῖται χρωμάτων, πορφύρας, κόκ- dique que Virgile considérait le mot comme sabin”.121 κου καὶ ἰσατίδος βοτάνης.111 “Numa prescribed that the royal dress be Concluding remarks made of purple and scarlet in honour of Helios and Aphrodite (...) and named the Although the attested Sabellic terminology of textiles garment itself trabea in his native lan- is, as is to be expected from the sources at our dis- guage. Agathokles the Sicilian is said to posal, rather meager, the preceding contribution has have been the first to make it. It has been nevertheless confirmed numerous Sabellic terms in termed trabaia, “dyed three times”, for it the domain of dress and textiles. is made of three colours: purple, scarlet, Several of the Sabellic textile terms contribute to and woad”. the loanwords connected to textiles. Oscan plauta- The trăbĕa, presumably the only certain textile was transmitted to Italic from Greek (through Magna related Sabine term, was a ceremonial garment of Graecia); the supparus made its way from Greek to priests, kings,112 consuls,113 and knights,114 in Rome Oscan and thence to Latin; the Umbrian word ponisi- from the beginnings to late Antiquity.115 According ater was, like the Latin pūniceus, a loan from Greek to Suetonius, there were three kinds of trabea: one φοινίκεος; the Sabine term trabea was adopted in 110. de Vaan 2008, 613, s.v. tener. Also accepted as Sabine by Beekes 2010, 1468, s.v. τέρην. 111. Joannes Laurentius Lydus Hist., De mensibus 1.21 (tr. adapted from Bandy 2013). 112. Plin. NH 8. 195, 9.136; Virg. Aen. 7.188, 9.334, 11, 334; Ovid. Fast. 2.503. 113. Virg. Aen. 7.612. 114. Tac. Ann. 3, 2; Suet. Dom. 14; Val. Max. 2, 2, 9; Martial, 5.41.5. 115. See Dewar 2008. 116. Apud Servius ad Verg. Aen. 7.612. Cf. Servius ad Verg. Aen. 7.188. 117. Isid. 19.24.8. 118. Vetter 1953, 377: “Dies bezieht Mommsen [...] mit Recht auf die sabinische Sprache”. Cf. Mommsen 1850, 355. 119. Ernout-Meillet 698. 120. Cf. also Virg. Aen. 7. 187-188. 121. Ernout 1909, 238: Ovid Fasti 1,37; 6, 375 and 796; Metamorph. 14, 828. 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   225 Latin. For phonological reasons, the Latin term for- Primärstammbildungen. Unter Leitung fex ‘shears’ moreover suggests a dialectal borrowing von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit from Sabellic to Latin tool terminology. The use of vieler anderer bearbeitet von Martin the term tuplak attests to a common ritual use of tex- Kümmel, Thomas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, Brigitte Schirmer. Zweite, tiles in Latin, Sabellic, and Greek cult. erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage The terminological characteristic which is most bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel und striking is that also Sabellic terminology conforms to Helmut Rix. Wiesbaden, 2001. other ancient languages in characterizing clothing by Walde-Hofmann = A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches designation of the garment by reference to borders, Wörterbuch. 3., neubeabeitete Auflage stripes or bands: Umbrian perca and Sabine trabea von J.B. Hofmann, I-II. Heidelberg, conform to e.g. the Latin claves, virgatae vestes and 1938-54. the Greek ῥάβδοι. There are also aspects worth noting regarding cos- tume vs status and function. Bonfante argues that dec- Bibliography oration on Etruscan and Greek clothing was purely ornamental, but that it was symbolic in Roman cloth- Adams, J. N. (2007) The Regional Diversification of Latin 200 BC – AD 600. Cambridge. ing.122 The formalization of dress details found among Adiego, I.-J. (1995) Sudpiceno vepses, La parola del pas- the Romans as symbols of rank (e.g. the clavi), seems sato 50, 135-139. to have a parallel in the Sabellic perca and trabea, the Ancillotti, A. & Cerri, R. (1996) Le tavole di Gubbio e la latter adopted as such by the Romans. civiltà degli Umbri. Perugia. Moreover, dress marked the social class of its wearer Andrés Toledo, M. Á. (2013) Textiles in Zoroastrianism, in both Etruria and Rome. Etruscan priest(esse)s and in Alfaro Giner, C., Ortiz García, J. & M. J. Martínez divinities were donned in specific clothing, like the García (eds.) Luxury and Dress. Political Power and perca arsmatiam/ponisiater in Umbrian ritual (and Appearance in the Roman Empire and its Provinces, priestly attire at Rome). The custom at Rome of dis- 23-30. Valencia. tinguishing senators, consuls, and knights by their Bandy, A. C. (2013) Ioannes Lydus. On the Months (De clothing appears to have a parallel in Umbrian śihitir/ mensibus). Lewiston-Queenston-Lampeter. anśihitir, but of course also in the Sabine trabea, Beekes, R.S.P. (2010) Etymological Dictionary of Greek. which had precisely this function at Rome. Leiden-Boston. The Sabellic terminology thus not only provides Bender Jørgensen, L. (2011) Clavi and Non-Clavi: Defini- valuable comparanda for the archaeological study of tions of Various Bands on Roman Textiles, in Alfaro, C., Italic textiles and the ritual use of textiles in ancient Brun, J.-P., Borgard, Ph. & Pierobon Benoit, R. (eds.) Italy, but also complements our knowledge of this PURPUREAE VESTES III. 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Quarterly 13, 149-152. Santoro, C. (1975) Osservazioni fonetiche e lessicali sul Janda, M. (2000) Eleusis. Das indogermanische Erbe der dialetto greco di Taranto. Bari. Mysterien. Innsbruck. Schneider-Hermann, G. (1996) The Samnites of the Fourth Jones, D. M. (1964) Umbrian perca, Glotta 42, 268-272. Century BC as depicted on Campanian Vases and in 12. Sabellic Textile Terminology   227 the other Sources. Institute of Classical Studies Bulle- Watkins, C. (1969) A Latin-Hittite Etymology. Language tin Suppl. 61, London. 45, 235-47. Schwyzer, E. (1968) Griechische Grammatik. München. Weege, F. (1909) Bewaffnung und Tracht der Osker, Jahr- Untermann, J. (2000) Wörterbuch des Oskisch-Umbri- buch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts 24, 141- schen. Heidelberg. 162 (with plates 7-12). van den Hout, M. P. J. (1999) A Commentary on the Let- Weiss, M. (2010) Ritual and Language in Sabellic Italy. ters of M. Cornelius Fronto. Mnemosyne Supplements Leiden-Boston. 190. Leiden-Boston-Köln. 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Heidelberg. 13 Beschaffung und Handel mit Farbstoffen Peter Herz F arbstoffe sind alles andere als ein leicht zu be- beendet wurde, dann scheinen selbst die meist anges- handelndes Thema, denn von wenigen Ausnah- pannten Beziehungen zwischen Athen und dem Reich men abgesehen, die die mineralischen Farben der Achaemeniden den Handel mit diesem Farbstoff betreffen, geht die archäologische Nachweisbarkeit nicht grundsätzlich beeinträchtigt zu haben. in der Regel fast gegen Null, was gerade für die Tex- Ausganspunkt meiner eigenen Überlegungen war tilfarben sehr bedauerlich ist. eine neugefundene Inschrift aus dem Hafen von An- Die frühesten Nachweise auf einen internationalen driake in Lykien, die 2007 von Burak Takmer erst- Handel mit Farbstoffen stammen aus dem Ägypten mals vorläufig vorgestellt wurde.4 Die angekündigte der 4. Dynastie. In vielen Gräbern dieser Epoche fin- und dann auch kommentierte Gesamtedition der In- den wir Wandgemälde aus einem ganz speziellen schrift liegt m.W. noch nicht vor. Die Inschrift be- Blau, dem sogenannten Ägyptischen Blau.1 Einer handelt die in Verantwortung des lykischen Bundes der Grundstoffe war Lapislazuli oder Blaustein, ein erhobenen Steuern und dabei auch die fiskalische Be- Mineral, das noch heute in den östlichen Teilen von handlung des Safran. Die für uns relevante Passage Afghanistan abgebaut wird. Von dort aus wurde das lautet Rohprodukt mit Eselskarawanen bis zum Mittelmeer (41) ---- ὁ] ἐν μεσογεία transportiert, wo wahrscheinlich der Hafen von Ugarit (42) [ὠ]νούμενος κρόκον άπογραφέσθω als Umschlagplatz diente.2 Von dort aus konnte es έπὶ τοῦ ἔνγι[στα π]αραφύ[λακος]. dann auf dem Seeweg im gesamten östlichen Mittel- ἔ[ὰν δὲ οὗτ]ὸς μὴ παρῆ meergebiet verteilt werden. (43) ἐπ´ ἄρχοντος τὸ πλῆθος , ὅ συ- Eine Studie aus dem Jahr 2009 hat gesichert, daß νεώνηται , καὶ ὅπου αὐτὸ μέλλει die Parthenon-Skulpturen zumindest teilweise mit τ[ελ]ω[νεῖσθ]αι. αἱ ἀ[π]ογραφαἰ dem ägyptischen Blau bemalt waren.3 Wenn wir πάντων die Zeit betrachten, in der dieser Teil des Parthenon 1. Berke 2010; 2006. 2. McGeough 2007. 3. Verri 2009, 1011-1021. 4. Takmer 2007, 165-188, bes. 176. 228 13. Beschaffung und Handel mit Farbstoffen   229 (44) [ἐν] τελ[ω]νείω ἐν ἐνι τόμῶ Wie ist das technische Procedere zu bewerten, da γεινέσθω[σ]αν πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν sich hier abzeichnet? Der Aufkäufer wurde von den τοὺ δημοσιώ[ν]ου [κ]αὶ τοῦ einzelnen Bauern und Hirten mit dem handelsfähi- (45) ἀπογραφομένου ἀσφάλειαν. gen Safran beliefert. Da der Käufer wahrscheinlich die Absicht hatte, die so erworbene Ware aus dem Ge- „Wer im Binnenland Safran aufkauft, soll biet des lykischen koinon auszuführen, unterlag sie die gekaufte Menge und den Aufbewah- damit auch der Verpflichtung zu einer Verzollung an rungsort, wo sie bis zur Entrichtung der der Außengrenze Lykiens, wobei wir leider nicht sa- Zollgebühr bleibt, beim nächsten Paraphy- gen können, wie hoch der geforderte Zoll war. Da lax angeben. Wenn dieser nicht in seinem aber die Zollinschrift am Rande des Hafengeländes Amtssitz ist, soll er es beim Archon tun. von Andriake und dort wohl in situ gefunden wurde, Die Einträge sollen der gemeinsamen Si- dürfte es sich hier um die Erhebung der Exportabgabe cherheit sowohl des Zöllners als auch des handeln. Ob es daneben auch noch Rechtsvorschrif- deklarierenden wegen im Zollgebäude als ten für einen internen Handel innerhalb von Lykien einzelne Rolle aufbewahrt werden.“ gab, läßt sich auf unserer dürftigen Quellenbasis nicht Bei dem hier angesprochenen Produkt handelt mehr entscheiden.6 es sich um die getrockneten Blütenfäden des Sa- Die Zwischenlagerung in einem Lager, möglicher- fran oder Crocus sativus, die einen gelbfärbenden weise auch die anschließende Verzollung, erfolgte auf Farbstoff namens Crocotin liefern. Der wahrschein- der Ebene der Gemeinde, d.h. die administrative Ve- lich ursprünglich nur in Griechenland und dem Vor- rantwortung für die Verwahrung lag in der Gewalt deren Orient heimische Crocus sativus gehört zu der jeweiligen Gemeinde. Diese spezielle Regelung den wichtigsten Farblieferanten der antiken Tex- dürfte durch die Natur des handelsfähigen Safrans zu tilwirtschaft, der sich im Laufe der Geschichte nach- erklären sein. Offensichtlich wurde diese Ware auch weislich von seinem Ursprungsgebiet über das in sehr kleinen Mengen (d.h. wohl im Unzen- und übrigen Mittelmeergebiet verbreitete.5 Pfundbereich) gehandelt, so daß die Möglichkeit, die Der Crocus sativus blühte im Herbst für zwei Ware unbemerkt an der Zollkontrolle vorbeizuschaf- Wochen und mußte in diesem sehr engen Zei- fen, durchaus gegeben war. traum geerntet werden, wobei unter wirtschaftli- Aus den wenigen uns vorliegenden Quellen kann chen Aspekten lediglich die Blütenfäden von Inter- nicht eindeutig ermittelt werden, ob man damals den esse waren. Sie wurden während der Ernte aus der Safran aus der wildwachsenden Form gewann oder Blüte herausgezupft und anschließend getrocknet, ob es sich bereits um planmäßig angelegte Felder was eine typische Arbeit für Frauen und Kinder ist. handelte. Ein verkaufsfähiges Kilogramm Safran mußte aus Vgl. etwa Strab. 14.5.5 [671] zum kilikischen den getrockneten Stempelfäden von 150- bis 200000 Krokus = Safran. Blüten gewonnen werden, für die man eine Anbau- fläche von 1000 m2 benötigten. Dabei hat sich die „Nach dem Kalykadnos kommt der sogen- Technik, mit der man die Blütenfäden gewinnt, bis annte Bunte Felsen, mit einer einge- heute nicht geändert, d.h. es ist ein enormer Arbe- hauenen Treppe, die nach Seleukeia führt. itseinsatz notwendig. Die Bedeutung solcher Tätig- Dann Anemurion, ein mit dem vorigen keiten für den ländlichen Arbeitsmarkt ausgewählter gleichnamiges Kap, und die Insel Kram- Regionen ist noch nicht erforscht. busa und Kap Korykos, über dem, zwanzig 5. Schweppe 1993, 172-174. 6. Unsere Kenntnisse zur lykischen Textilwirtschaft sind zu limitiert, um hier zu einer Entscheidung kommen zu können. Lykien war wohl eher ein Lieferant von Rohstoffen. 230   Peter Herz in Textile Terminologies (2017) Stadien entfernt, die Korykische Grotte ersten und sehr interessanten Einblick in eine m.W. liegt, in der der beste Safran wächst (... bisher kaum berücksichtigte Einnahmequelle der ἀρίστη κρόκον φύεται). Es ist eine große ländlichen Bevölkerung. kreisförmige Vertiefung, die an allen Wie dieses Beschaffungssystem in der Real- Seiten von einem ziemlich hohen felsigen ität arbeiten konnte, erfahren wir eher beiläufig in Rand umgeben ist; steigt man sie herunter, einer kurzen Nachricht aus der aramäischen Vita des dann trifft man auf einen kleinen unebenen Symeon Stylites des Älteren. Von ihm wird berichtet, und größtenteils felsigen, aber mit immer- er habe als Hirtenjunge in den Bergen des Taurus Sto- grünen und gezüchteten Gesträuch bedeck- rax gesammelt, also ein sehr aromatisches Baum- ten Boden, zwischendurch verstreut sind harz7 Dieses sich hier andeutende Beschaffungsmod- die Böden, die den Safran tragen.“ (Radt) ell kann man ohne Bedenken auf die Gewinnung des Kermes übertragen. Ähnlich unergiebig ist auch Strab. 6.2.7 [273] zum Kermes wurde aus den getrockneten Körpern Safrananbau von Sizilien. Hier ist die Information des weiblichen Kermesschildläuse (Kermes vermil- zum Safran in die Nachricht eingebunden, daß Sizil- lio) gewonnen. Dieses Insekt lebte üblicherweise ien bei all den zuvor genannten Dingen einen Über- auf einer mediterranen Eichenart (Quercus coci­ schuß produziert. fera) und starb nach der Ablage seiner Eier, konnte dann also eingesammelt werden.8 Ergänzt wurde ... σίτῳ δὲ καὶ μέλετι καὶ κρόκῳ καὶ dieser spezielle Kermes etwa durch den armenis- ἄλλοις τισί κἂν ἀμείνω τις φαίη. chen Cochenille oder Ararat-Kermes, wobei die far- „Für Getreide, Honig, Safran und eini- bliefernden Insekten (Porphyrophora hameli) auf ges andere könnte man es [scil. Sizilien] Gräsern lebten, wo man sie ebenfalls relativ leicht sogar über Italien stellen ….“. aufsammeln konnte.9 Ähnlich sieht es im Fall des Wir können demnach eine Aufgliederung der für sogenannten polnischen Kermes aus, der von der Textilien einsetzbaren Farbstoffe nach verschiedenen polnischen Kermeslaus (Porphyrophora polonica) Kategorien erstellen, die sich durch die Art ihrer produziert wurde, die in Mitteleuropa durchaus gut Gewinnung ergibt. verbreitet war.10 So verzeichnet das Urbar des Re- gensburger Stiftes St. Emmeram aus dem Jahre 1031 Farbstoffe, die man aus wildwachsenden Pflanzen eine Reihe von zinspflichtigen Dörfern im Großraum gewinnen konnte bzw. die durch Tiere produziert von Regensburg, die getrocknete Kermesläuse an das wurden Stift abliefern mußten.11 Diese Farbstoffe konnte man nur lokal gewinnen, Farbstoffe, die als Neben- oder Abfallprodukt wobei man im Fall der Pflanzen keinen gezielten An- anfielen. Beispielhaft seien aus dieser Gruppe bau vermuten kann. Diese Prämisse gilt möglicher- genannt weise für Farbstoffe wie den Safran, aber auch die verschiedenen Arten des Kermes, wobei man die Juglans regia = Schalen der Walnuß Tiere, aus denen man den Farbstoff gewinnen konnte, Punica granatum = Fruchtschale des Granatapfels lediglich einsammeln mußte. Hier gewinnen wir einen Dieses gilt auch für die verschiedenen färbenden Baumrinden, da ich bei ihnen davon ausgehe, daß 7. The Lives of Simeon Stylites, translated with an introduction by R. Doran, Kalamazoo/Mich., Spencer/Mass. 1992 (Cistercian Pu- blications), 103. 8. Schweppe 1993, 254-259. 9. Schweppe 1993, 254. 10. Schweppe 1993, 254-259. 11. Vgl. die Verbreitungskarte bei Bartel &Codreanu-Windauer 1995, 251-272, bes. 270 nach Heimpel 1926, 33-35. 13. Beschaffung und Handel mit Farbstoffen   231 hier die Gewinnung des Stammholzes im Vordergr- für die genannten zwei Jahre, dreitausend und stand. Silberdrachmen, in Zahlen 3000 Dr., erh- alten. Im 5. Konsulat des Constantinus Au- Farbliefernde Pflanzen, die gezielt mit dem Ziel gustus und dem 1. Des Licinius Caesar, am einer Gewinnung von Farbstoffen angebaut 18. (?) Phaophi … wurden. (2. Hd.) Wir, Aurelius Kastor und Au- relius Plutarchos, haben als Zahlung für Sicherlich ackerbaumäßig angebaut wurden die fol- Waid für die beiden genannten Jahre die genden Farbpflanzen, für die wir in der Spätantike dreitausend Silberdrachmen wie oben steht sogar eine staatliche Monopolbildung nachweisen erhalten. Ich, Aurelius Ammon, habe für können: Waid, Krapp und Saflor.12 sie geschrieben, da sie schreibunkundig D. Hagedorn, der in den 70er Jahren die ihm da- sind. mals bekannten Belege zumindest in Ägypten zusam- (3. Hd.) Sie haben auch für die 4. und menstellte, machte dabei deutlich, daß der römische 5. Indiktion durch Ammon … erhalten.“ Staat zumindest in Ägypten den Anbau von ἰσάτις, also Isatis tinctoria oder Waid, und von ὀχομένιον Nimmt man die Angaben aus der Ablieferungsliste und κνῆκος kontrollierte. Hagedorn interpretierte P.Oxy. VII 1052 Zeile 19 f. ἰσάτεως. [Σ]ερύφεως δ() seinerzeit ‚ochomenion‘ mit einer gewissen Reserve κεντ(ηναρία) η λί(τραι) λε = „An Waid / Aus dem als Synonym oder Variante für den Saflor oder die Dorf Seryphis 8 centenaria 25 litrai (= 264 kg)“ hinzu, Färberdistel (Carthamus tinctorius), der üblicher- dann spricht dies dafür, daß hier an eine Ablieferung weise als κνῆκος bezeichnet wurde.13 Es mag dabei des Farbstoffs in Pulverform gedacht ist. Also erst von Bedeutung sein, daß später der arabische Autor nach dem arbeitsintensiven Bearbeitungsprozeß, den Ibn al-Awwam ebenfalls zwei Sorten von Carthamus der römische Staat auf die Steuerpflichtigen abwälzte in Ägypten unterscheidet.14 und durch den das ursprüngliche Blattgewicht auf 5 % Trockenmasse bzw. verwendungsfähiges Farbpulver Verbesserte Edition von SB X 10264 reduziert wurde.15 Um das hier genannte Gewicht von (nach Hagedorn, ZPE 17, 1975, 95) 264 kg Farbstoff zu erreichen, mußte man immerhin rund 5.28 t Waidblätter abernten und verarbeiten.16 „Aurelius Kastor, der Sohn des Nepheras, Aus diesen Zeugnissen läßt sich demnach er- und Aurelius Plutarchos, der Sohn des …., schließen, daß im spätantiken Ägypten der Anbau beide Komarchen des Dorfes …., grüßen der wichtigsten pflanzlichen Farblieferanten für die Aurelia …., die Tochter des Schreibers Farben Blau [ἰσάτις] und Gelb [ὀχομένιον, κνῆκος] Ammonios. vom römischen Staat kontrolliert wurde. Obwohl Wir haben von dir für die 6. und 7. In- m.W. dafür bisher eine ausdrückliche Bestätigung diktion als Zahlung für Waid (‘Υπ(ὲρ) noch aussteht, darf man daraus mit einer gewissen τιμῆς ἰσάτεως), der an das officium rei pri- Zuversicht die Vermutung entwickeln, daß auch an- vatae abzuführen ist, auf deinen Namen für dere farbliefernde Pflanzen wie die rotfärbende Ru- neun Aruren und auf den Namen des Pater- bia tinctorum oder Krapp ebenfalls einer staatlichen muthios und seiner Frau … für eine wei- Kontrolle und Ablieferungspflicht unterworfen waren tere Arure, für die insgesamt 10 Aruren, und daher auch gezielt angebaut wurden. 12. Hagedorn 1975b, 91-95. 13. Hagedorn 1975a, 85-90. Schweppe 1993, 185-187 nennt zwei unterschiedliche Farbstoffe, das Carthamin = Saflorkarmin und Sa- flor, die man beide aus dem Saflor (Carthamus tinctorius) gewinnen konnte. 14. Lombard 1978, 128-129. 15. Der Herstellungsprozeß wird bei Fischer 1997, 14-17 beschrieben. 16. Die Berechnung wurde nach Schilbach 1970, 160 vorgenommen. Demnach entsprechen 1 litra (λογαρικὴ λίτρα) ca. 324 g und 1 232   Peter Herz in Textile Terminologies (2017) Für eine solche Vermutung könnte auch eine No- allem unter dem Gesichtspunkt des Ölmonopols und velle Kaiser Valentinians sprechen, die sich Nordaf- nicht als möglichen Lieferanten eines Farbstoffs.21 rika widmet.17 Die Motivlage des römischen Staates Was sich an den wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingun- darf als weitgehend eindeutig gelten, d.h. es sind sow- gen zwischen der Zeit der Ptolemäer und der Spätan- ohl fiskalische Motive als auch die Versorgung der tike geändert hat, entzieht sich meiner Kenntnis. staatlich kontrollierten Textilproduktion mit wichti- gen Rohstoffen zu bedenken.18 Farbstoffe, die nicht im Bereich des Imperium Krapp (Rubia tinctorum) wurde bereits relativ früh Romanum vorkamen und daher importiert gezielt angebaut, was Plinius bestätigt.19 werden mußten. Plin. NH 19.47: Sunt etiamnum duo gen- Für den grenzüberschreitenden Handel haben wir ein era non nisi sordido nota volgo, cum wichtiges, aber auch wegen des komplizierten Inhal- quaestu multum polleant, in primis rubia, tes nicht unproblematisches Zeugnis. Es handelt sich tinguendis lanis et coriis necessaria, lau- um ein großes Fragment aus dem Werk ‚De delatori- datissima Italica et maxime suburbana, et bus‘ des Juristen Marcianus. Die Nachricht ist gut da- omnes paene provinciae scatent ea. Sponte tiert, da es sich um ein kaiserliches rescriptum aus der provenit seriturque … gemeinsamen Regierungszeit der Kaiser Marcus Au- relius und Lucius Verus (161-169) handelt.22 “Es gibt auch zwei Arten (von Pflanzen), Unter dem Gesichtspunkt ‚Farbe‘ sind zunächst die nur dem gemeinen Volk bekannt sind, die folgenden vier Warengruppen bemerkenswert, aber doch viel einbringen: zuerst der obwohl sie keinen Farbstoff im eigentlichen Sinne Krapp (rubia), der zum Färben der Wolle nennen, sondern gefärbte Vorprodukte. Das wären und von Häuten notwendig ist. Den besten zunächst die ‚pelles Babylonicae‘ und die ‚pelles Par- liefert Italien und vor allem die Umgebung thicae‘ , also gefärbte Lederhäute von Zickeln und der Stadt (also Rom), aber auch fast alle Lämmern, die man zur Weiterverarbeitung ins Impe- Provinzen sind überreich daran. Er wächst rium Romanum importierte. Was allerdings den Un- wild und wird auch angebaut….“ terschied zwischen babylonischen und parthischen Ein problematischer Fall ist der Saflor (Cartha- Häuten ausmachte, ist unbekannt. Man kann also wie mus tinctorius).20 Die spätantiken Belege (s.o.) sich- bei den dabei verwendeten Farbstoffen nur spekuli- ern für diese Zeit ein wahrscheinlich monopolmäßige eren.23 Dies gilt auch für die ‚vela tincta‘, hinter denen Bewirtschaftung dieser farbliefernden Pflanze, doch man gefärbte Wandbehänge und Teppiche vermuten wir müssen hier von einer doppelten wirtschaftlichen kann. Eindeutig hinsichtlich des Farbstoffs sind wohl Bedeutung dieser Pflanze ausgehen. So wird der An- die ‚purpura‘, unter denen ich mit Purpur, möglicher- bau von Saflor oder knekos bereits in den ptolemäis- weise auch mit Purpurersatz, gefärbte Gewebe ver- chen ‚Revenue Laws‘ aus dem 3. Jh. v. Chr. geregelt. stehe. Auch mit Purpur gefärbte Rohwolle oder Garne Damals interessierte man sich aber für den Saflor vor wären denkbar. centenarium (κεντενάριον) 32 kg. Dies entspricht dem Gesamteindruck der Ablieferungsliste, wo lediglich die verwendungsfähi- gen Produkte eingefordert wurden. 17. Nov. Valent 13 (21. Juni 445). 18. Die Materialversorgung der staatlich dirigierten Textilproduktionen ist noch weitgehend ungeklärt. Vgl. einstweilen immer noch Jones 1960, 183-192. Hierbei handelt es sich um eine Vorarbeit für die spätere Behandlung in Jones 1964, 836-837. 19. Plin. NH 19.47 und 24.95. 20. Sandy 1989. 21. Bingen 1952. 22. Dig. 39.4.16.6-7. 23. Herz 1985, 89-106. 13. Beschaffung und Handel mit Farbstoffen   233 Allerdings gibt es einen Eintrag in dieser Liste, Als Verpackungsformen darf man an Säcke oder der Anlaß zum gründlichen Nachdenken liefert. Denn Packen denken, die man sowohl auf Tragtiere laden es wird auch fucus genannt, was man üblicherweise als auch leicht als Sonderlast auf Schiffen verstauen als Hinweis auf Orseille oder die Färberflechte (Roc- konnte. Wenn man etwa die 264 kg Waid aus P.Oxy. cella tinctoria) versteht, also eine Pflanze, die einen VII 1052 als Beispiel nimmt, dann war dies eine Last, roten Farbstoff liefert. Hier darf man sich allerdings die man ohne weiteres auf zwei, höchstens drei Esel mit Recht die Frage stellen, warum mußte man ge- packen konnte. gen hohe Kosten (man zahlte immerhin 25 % Außen- Gerade die teueren Farbstoffe dürften kaum in handelszoll) den Farbstoff einer Pflanze importieren, größeren Mengen in den Handel gekommen sein. So die sowieso überall im eigentlichen Mittelmeergebiet denke ich z.B. beim Safran an einen eher kleinteili- vorhanden war. gen Handel mit Mengen, die sich im Pfund-, mögli- Ich kann daher nicht völlig ausschließen, daß sich cherweise sogar im Unzenbereich bewegten. hinter ‚fucus‘ das Produkt einer völlig anderen far- Ich habe hier Hinweise zusammengestellt, die bliefernden Pflanze verbirgt oder daß ‚fucus‘ sogar mir eher zufällig aufgefallen sind. Doch selbst diese stellvertretend für eine ganze Gruppe von vergleich- Auswahl dürfte deutlich gemacht haben, daß wir hier baren Farblieferanten steht. Dabei kann man hier ein sehr wichtiges Teilgebiet der antiken Technik- und möglicherweise auch den echten blaufärbende Indigo Wirtschaftsgeschichte vor uns haben, das eine inten- anschließen, der damals ebenfalls ins Mittelmeerge- sivere Untersuchung lohnen dürfte. biet importiert werden mußte. Leider wird in dieser Liste nicht das rotfär- Bibliographie bende Brasilholz aufgeführt, das in islamischer Zeit (Zeugnis der Geniza von Kairo) eine sehr große Be- Bartel, A. & Codreanu-Windauer, S. (1995) Spindel, Wir- deutung hatte.24 Das rotfärbende Brasilholz stam- tel, Topf. Ein besonderer Beigabenkomplex aus Pfako- mte ursprünglich aus Ostasien, wo die entsprech- fen, Lkr. Regensburg, Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter enden Bäume etwa auf der Insel Java vorkamen.25 Da 60, 251-272. aber in der Liste des Macrianus das Aloeholz (alche) Berke, H. (2010) Chemie im Altertum. Die Erfindung von als gesonderter Artikel erwähnt wird, könnte auch blauen und purpurnen Farbpigmenten im Altertum, Abhandlungen der Nordrhein-Westfälischen Akademie das Brasilholz bereits in römischer Zeit importiert der Wissenschaften. Naturwissenschaften und Medizin worden sein. Vorträge 475, Paderborn, Wien, Zürich. Wenn es um die Frage geht, in welcher Form diese Berke, H. (2006) Chemie im Altertum. Die Erfindung von Farbstoffe in den Handel kamen und transportiert blauen und purpurnen Farbpigmenten im Altertum, wurden, dann kann man m.E. ohne besondere Beden- Konstanz. ken auf die mittelalterlichen Belege zurückgreifen, Bingen, J. (1952) Papyrus Revenue Laws, nouvelle édition denn ich gehe davon aus, daß sich in diesem Bereich du texte, Sammelbuch Beiheft 1, Göttingen. relativ wenig geändert hat. Demnach kann man fol- Fischer, F. (1997) Waid. Das blaue Wunder, Wiederentde- gendes vermuten: ckung einer alten Nutz- und Kulturpflanze, Köln. Goitein, S.D. (1967) A Mediterranean society. The Jew- • Krapp in getrockneter Form als Krappwurzel ish communities of the world as portrayed in the doc- uments of the Cairo Geniza I. Economic foundations, • Waid in fermentierter Form als Waidkugeln Berkeley, London. • Saflor in getrockneter und dann wahrscheinlich Hagedorn, D. (1975a) Zum Anbauverbot für ἰσάτις, gemahlener Form ὀχομένιον und κνῆκος, ZPE 17, 85-90. • Safran in Form der gezupften und getrockneten Hagedorn, D. (1975b) Waid für die res privata. Eine Neue- Blütenblätter dition von SB X 10264, ZPE 17, 91-95. 24. Goitein 1967, 45-46. 25. Schweppe 1993, 414-419. 234   Peter Herz in Textile Terminologies (2017) Heimpel, H. (1926) Das Gewerbe der Stadt Regensburg im McGeough, K.M. (2007) Exchange relationships at Ugarit, Mittelalter, Stuttgart. Leuven, Paris, Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supple- Herz, P. (1985) Parthicarius und Babyloniarius. Produktion ment 26, Dudley/MA. und Handel feiner orientalischer Lederwaren, Mün- Sandy, D.B. (1989) The production and use of vegetable stersche Beiträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 4 II, oils in Ptolemaic Egypt, BASP Supplements 6, Atlanta/ 89-106. Georgia. Jones, A.H.M. (1960) The cloth industry under the Ro- Schilbach, E. (1970) Byzantinische Metrologie, München. man Empire, Economic History Review 13, 183-192 Schweppe, H. (1993) Handbuch der Naturfarbstoffe. Vor- (=The Roman economy, ed. by P.A. Brunt, Oxford 1974, kommen – Verwendung – Nachweis, Hamburg. 350-354) Takmer, B. (2007) Lex portorii provinciae Lyciae. Ein Vor- Jones, A.H.M. (1964) The Later Roman Empire. A social, bericht über die Zollinschrift aus Andriake aus neroni- economic and administrative survey, Oxford (2nd ed. scher Zeit, Gephyra 4, 165-188. Oxford 1973). Verri, G. (2009) The spatially resolved characterization Lombard, M. (1978) Les textiles dans le monde musulman of Egyptian Blue, Han blue and Han purple by photo- VIIe – XIIe siècle, Paris, La Haye, Civilisations et So- induced luminescence digital imaging, Anal. Bioanal. ciétés 61, New York. Chem. 394, 1011-1021. 14 Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri Ines Bogensperger “Not all purples were equal, and not all purple was purple.”1 T he colour purple evokes an inestimable, price- not that he is interested in dyeing fabrics in the first less luxury in our understanding. It almost be- place. He describes maritime creatures, in particular longs in a legendary world along with other the sea snails, and as such he pays some tribute to its exquisite goods. Purple is seen as example par excel- characteristic feature: the colourfast dyestuff purple. lence for a symbol of social status, a token of pres- The Roman author Vitruvius and his work De tige. A significant study on the importance of purple architectura provides further information. Unlike has brought to light the persistent desire for this col- Pliny, Vitruvius focuses on colours used as pigments our throughout the Greek and Roman world.2 for painting (decorae picturae, as in Vitr. De arch. Literary sources from Roman times provide us 7.13–14). Already in his description diverse terms for quite comprehensive information on the colour and ‘purple’ are used and it shows quite obviously, that its sources. The most often quoted author is doubt- different kinds of purple were produced, even from lessly Caius Plinius Secundus, known as Pliny the various species of molluscs. For a quick and conven- Elder, who compiled specialist knowledge in 37 ient reference for the reader, the Latin text with an books on various topics. In the chapter on sea ani- English translation of chapter 13 is presented in the mals of his Naturalis Historia Pliny covers shellfish, following:4 amongst them the purple snails (Plin. NH 9.124–141). 1. Incipiam nunc de ostro dicere, quod At this point Pliny gives a description of the purple et carissimam et excellentissimam habet dyestuff obtained from the animal and describes the praeter hos colores aspectus suavitatem. dyeing process (Plin. NH 9.133–135). His excursus Id autem excipitur e conchylio marino, e is the most detailed ancient description of the dye- quo purpura efficitur, cuius non minores ing method with mollusc-purple upon which mod- sunt quam ceterarum <rerum> naturae ern experiments in dyeing are based.3 However, the considerantibus admirationes, quod habet actual reason, why Pliny describes purple dyeing, is 1. Cleland et al. 2009, 155 s. v. purple. 2. Reinhold 1970. 3. E.g. Koren 2005, Boesken Kanold 2005 and 2011, Meiers 2013. 4. Text and translation: Granger 1970, 126-127. 235 236   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) non in omnibus locis, quibus nascitur, colour. But in the southern regions it has a unius generis colorem, sed solis cursu nat- red character; for example, in Rhodes and uraliter temperatur. 2. Itaque quod lexitur other similar regions which are nearest Ponto et Gallia, quod hae regiones sunt the sun’s course. 3. When the shells have proximae ad septentrionem, est atrum; been collected, they are broken up with progredientibus inter septentrionem et oc- iron tools. Owing to these beatings a pur- cidentem invenitur lividum; quod autem ple ooze like a liquid teardrop is collected legitur ad aequinoctialem orientem et oc- by bruising in a mortar. And because it is cidentem, invenitur violacio colore; quod gathered from the fragments of sea shells vero meridianis regionibus excipitur, rubra it is called ostrum [Gk. ostreon = oyster]. procreatur potestate, et ideo hoc Rhodo On account of its saltness it soon dries un- etiam insula creatur ceterisque eiusmodi less it is mixed with honey. regionibus, quae proximae sunt solis cur- Literature and in particular poetry use the effects sui. 3. Ea chonchylia, cum sunt lecta, fer- and ambiance created by colours. The richness and ramentis circa scinduntur, e quibus plagis the outstanding importance of the red colours, espe- purpurea sanies, uti lacrima profluens, ex- cially purple, has long been recognized.5 cussa in mortariis terendo comparatur. Et Apart from literary sources, epigraphical and pa- quod ex concharum marinarum testis ex- pyrological documents reveal additional evidence on imitur, ideo ostrum est vocitatum. Id autem an era, where purple played a significant role. Papy- propter salsuginem cito fit siticulosum, nisi rus texts from Egypt reflect the daily life and there- mel habeat circa fusum. fore represent valuable and unique evidence for our 1. We now turn to purple, which of all is understanding. However, the main reason of writ- most prized and has a most delightful col- ing these documents was not to record information our excellent above all these. It is obtained on dyestuffs or dyeing-methods, but often a differ- from sea shells which yield the purple dye, ent one, which takes effort to evaluate the informa- and inspires in students of nature as much tion contained and occasionally leaves the modern wonder as any other material. For it does reader in the dark. not yield the same colour everywhere, but In a specific papyrological study Greek papyri is modified naturally by the course of the were examined in terms of the meaning of πορφύρα sun. 2. What is collected in Pontus and and its related forms.7 The aim was to determine, Gaul is black because these regions are whether the documents refer to purple wool or to nearest to the north. As we proceed be- purple dye. By comparing the indicated weight small tween the north and west it becomes a amounts of weight were contributed to purple dye- leaden blue. What is gathered in the equi- stuff rather than purple-dyed wool. A conclusion, noctial regions, east and west is of a violet which was later on questioned.8 5. E.g., Blümner 1892, 184-199. 6. Monica Guilimi, personal communication by e-mail (27.08.2014), based on non-invasive analysis of the textile (FORS) supervised by Maurizio Aceto; these tests confirmed previous VIS-spectroscopy results of Robert Fuchs and Doris Oltrogge in September 2012. Analyses using UHPLC are planned for 2017. 7. Worp 1997. 8. Experiments based on ancient archaeological textiles found in the Eastern Desert of Egypt aimed to question, if one stater of wool is sufficient to spin the weft yarn needed for the ornaments (Cardon et al. 2011). Considering the fineness of the yarns used, the pos- sible length of yarn was calculated based on 1 stater (c. 13.5 g.) of spun wool. The result is surprisingly quite clear and contradicts the previously mentioned study. “Indeed, 1 stater of purple-dyed wool may often have been enough to decorate one set of garments (synthesis) consisting of a tunic with thin purple clavi plus a matching mantle with purple gammas of average size [...]” (Cardon et al. 2011, 212). 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   237 Fig. 1. P. Vindob. Stoff 284; © Austrian National Library, Vienna. Ac- cording to non-invasive analyses the purple coloured wool of the deco- ration was obtained from mollusc-dyestuffs.6 One additional observation of this study were the various kinds and varieties of purple attested in the Greek papyri throughout the times. That various kinds of purple were available on the market may be best seen in chapter 24 of the Edictum Diocletiani de pretiis rerum venalium (AD 301).9 The heading περὶ πορφύρας implies that all items listed were generally seen as ‘purple’ in ancient times. A study was able to demonstrate, that different dyestuffs and different dyeing methods were employed in order to produce ‘purple’.10 This is an attempt to compile various kinds of pur- ple attested in Greek documentary papyri and to am- plify the previous mentioned study. The Greek term πορφύρα and its related forms are attested over 200 times between the 3rd century BC and 7th century AD in papyrological databases. Firstly, various com- positions with πορφύρα, πορφύρεος respectively πορφυροῦς denoting different purples were collected. Secondly, other terms with the meaning of purple were identified. Thirdly, the content of the texts was carefully examined and compared in order to gain a better understanding. True and false purple Today we tend to speak of ‘true’ purple whenever re- ferring to mollusc-dyestuff. This might be connected with the well-known and often quoted literary sources on dyeing with purple-snails as previously mentioned. So far, remains of three snail species have been found by archaeologists in deposits within the Mediterra- nean region:11 Hexaplex trunculus L. (also known as Murex trunculus L.), Bilonus brandaris L. (often quoted as Murex brandaris L.) and Stramonita hae- mastoma L. (or known as Thais haemostoma L. and actually a rockshell).12 9. Lauffer 1971, 167-168; Steigerwald 1990. 10. Steigerwald 1990, but also Steigerwald 1986 and K. Droß- Krüpe & C. Brøns, forthcoming. 11. Reese 2010; Steigerwald 1986, 5. 12. Koren 2005, 137; Cardon 2007, 566-586. 238   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) The question arises, if there was something like a these two grades possibly was the use of true mollusc- terminus technicus for the use of true, mollusc-pur- purple in the dyeing process. ple in ancient times. Indeed, one could see such a dis- The dyestuffs, the combination, the mixture as well tinctive meaning in SB XII 11075.11 (1st half of 4th as other ingredients, necessary in order to dye fabrics, or 5th century AD; Oxyrhynchos). Unfortunately, the have been compiled in dyeing recipes. Fortunately letters, which would have contained the exact type of for Late Antiquity, at least two papyri were preserved garment mentioned, are lost. The unknown garment containing unique information on the ancient knowl- is described as [...] πλουμαρικὸν ἀληθινοπόρφυρον, edge of dyeing and other handcrafts: the Papyrus Lei- which for the sake of convenience we shall simply densis X (P.Leid. X) and Papyrus Graecus Holmiensis translate as “decorated with true purple”.13 (P.Holm.).18 In the beginning scholars saw the texts as In the same document we read of a ἄλ̣[λο δε] material for forgers, but thanks to further experiments λμ̣[ατ]ικομαφόρι[ο]ν Μωτωνήσιον [ἀλ]ηθινῆς μι̣κτῆς they are nowadays understood as sources for the en- πορφύρας (l. 8), a garment called ‘Delmatikomapho- hanced knowledge and technology of ancient crafts- rion’ made of mixed true purple, that is carefully dis- manship.19 Several dyeing recipes concern the pro- tinguished from the before mentioned garment (l. 7: duction of purple from vegetable dyestuffs. Amongst ἄλλο δελματικομαφόριον ὀνύχινον ἀχαοπόρφυρον). them we find one text, where the preparation and dye- Within documentary papyri the adjective ἀλη- ing of true purple, is literally captured as Πορφύρας θινοπόρφυρος has already been attested in earlier ἀληθινῆς στῦψις καὶ βαφή (P.Holm. 100).20 However, times. This can be seen in the letter P.Oxy. I 114 = in this recipe no mollusc dyestuff is used at all. We Sel.Pap. I 131 (2nd–3rd century AD; Oxyrhynchos), might wonder, if the meaning of true purple necessar- in which the sender called Eunoia deals with pawned ily implied the use of sea snails, was colourfast or if goods. Amongst them we find a χιτὼν καὶ μαφόρ- the result just looked like real purple. τιν λευκὸν ἀληθινοπόρφυρον (l. 7), “a tunic and a The existence of the term ‘true purple’ raises the white hooded cape with true purple border”.14 Simi- question, if there is something on the contrary, i.e., lar to previously mentioned SB XII 11075, the writer ‘false purple’. The corresponding antonym is most lists another garment described as λινούδιον ἐμπόρ- likely found in ψευδοπόρφυρος, “false” or even “fake φυρον (l. 8), “a linen shirt inclining to purple” (ac- purple”, in P.Oxy. VII 1051.15 (3rd century AD; Ox- cording to LSJ).15 yrhynchos). In this inventory of a woman’s property It might be possible to amend SPP XX 245. 9, an “one women’s shirt of false purple” is listed among account on clothes from the 6th century AD, mention- other textiles and textile-related items. ing ἀλ[η]θινῆς — with a lacuna right before — once A similar kind of false purple may be identified in more to “true purple” similar to SB XII 11075.16 P.Oxy. XLII 3080.5 (2nd century AD; Oxyrhynchos): In Diocletian’s Edict a kind of purple is also desig- this is an order, an ἐντολή, for ten staters of coun- nated by πορφύρα [...] ἀληθινή. The adjective speci- terfeit purple (παράτυπος).21 In this document, stater fies a purple from Miletus, of which two grades are functions as a unit of weight (c. 13.5 g), so unfortu- recorded in total (§ 24.6-7).17 The difference between nately we cannot deduce any information on the price 13. Regarding the meaning of πλουμαρικός et varia see J. P. Wild in this volume, or Prunetti 1998. 14. Translated by Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 295. 15. The translation of this item as “a garment of purple linen” does not seem correct (Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 295). 16. P.Leid.Inst.13, note to l. 29 (= BL IX, 349). Moreover, we find ‘true purple’ in the 2nd century papyrus P.Strasb. IV 222.14 from Oxyrhynchos. 17. Steigerwald 1990, 258-261. 18. Halleux 1981 with a french translation. 19. E.g., Martínez García 2013; Kreuzner 2013. 20. Halleux 1981, 135-136. 21. Worp 1997, 57, 59. 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   239 of fake purple. We only learn that ca. 135 g of such medium-sized boxes and 3 smaller ones, dyed material were needed. 2 caskets, a case for alabaster ornaments, In inventories, the colours of the textiles were me- 2 tubes, 2 probes, an unguent box with a ticulously registered as distinguishing features. A cir- ring base and a Sikyonian goblet, 5 sta- cumstance that might be useful for our further con- ter’s weight of myrrh, 3 of nard oil, myrrh siderations. In P.Oxy. VII 1051, before the term fake oil, oil for the girl for the head….of pur- purple, we read of πορφύρας ῥιζί|ου (l. 13–14), which ple and 2 rings, a golden mirrorbox, me- is translated in the editio princeps as “vegetable pur- dium-white linen cloths with purple; and ple” and probably refers to madder as dyestuff (ῥι- with respect to the slave girl, who was on ζίον: little root).22 It is noteworthy that in this inven- the other side at Oxyrhyncha, take care tory madder-purple differs from false purple. Scholars that you manage matters concerning her sometimes describe madder-purple as imitation of securely and that nothing thus gets in your ‘true purple’, a point of view that is not far away way. And bring up also 2 combs, 2 hair- from seeing madder-purple as counterfeit. In light of nets, 2 scarlet ones, 2 hair clasps, earrings the clear terminology in P.Oxy. VII 1051, more cau- (?) for the girl, a stater of sea-purple dye. tion is perhaps needed in our modern view. Often, we Farewell, Year 12, Phamenoth 22. encounter a lack of evidence. Another, yet unsolva- In her letter Tetos explicitly asks her father — ble question is what dyestuff was used for producing apart from many other requests for luxury items — ‘false purple’. for one stater of πορφύρα θαλάσσια, i.e., sea-purple. The term ‘sea’ most probably indicates the prove- Sea-purple nance of the purple rather than any specific hue re- sembling the sea.24 Less ambiguity may be seen in the term ‘purple from The fact that Tetos knew exactly, what she wanted, the sea’ which is attested in a letter of Tetos to her fa- can be seen in her clear use of colour-terms: Besides ther: BGU VI 1300 = C.Ptol.Sklav. II 237 (4th May πορφύρα (l. 18) an alternative expression is used for 210 BC or alternatively 29th April 193 BC; unknown purple, ὀστρῖνος (l. 16), which also refers to shell- provenance). A most appropriate modern title was fish-purple and shall be discussed later. Moreover, chosen for the English translation: A shopping list of Tetos requests two κόκκινα hairnets (l. 24). The ad- luxuries.23 jective κόκκινος is translated as scarlet (LSJ), and lit- Tetos to her father greetings. If you are erally implies the use of the scale insect kermes coc- well and things are otherwise according cus (Kermes vermilio P.), i.e., the Polish cochineal or to your wish, it would be as we wish. I the Armenian cochineal, another high-quality dyestuff myself am well, and so are my mother and used.25 The dyestuff of the scale insect is as well con- everyone in our household. When you sail sidered by Pliny (Plin. NH 21.45–46) or even by Di- upriver, please bring …and 2 shuttles, 2 oskurides (Mat. med. 4.48). 22. On Dyer’s and wild madder see: Cardon 2007, 107-124. 23. Bagnall & Cribiore 2006, 106. 24. Cardon 2006, 56. 25. Hofmann-de Keijzer et al. 2007, 214; Cardon 2007, 609-619; Froschauer 2007, 704. Regarding the terminology of insect dyes, two doctrines can be seen amongst scholarship at present: one that denotes all insects from the ancient Old World as ‘kermes’, in other words follows a historic approach; the other doctrine distinguishes coccid insects according to the ratio of their major or mi- nor components, i.e. kermesic acid or carminic acid. As carminic acid is the main component detected in the New World Mexican cochineal, but is also found in other kinds of scale insects from Europe and the Mediterranean, the terminology Polish and Arme- nian ‘cochineal’ is used in analogy. As this paper aims to discuss dyestuffs, I decided to follow the terminology based on chemical composition according to analytical UHPLC-analyses. For further reading see Serrano et al. 2015. 240   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) It cannot be determined if indeed purple-dye was rose-coloured purple.31 The term is well known from meant in BGU VI 1300 = C.Ptol.Sklav. II 237, as it Roman literature: in the famous carmen 64 on the was suggested in the English translation. In experi- marriage of Peleus and Thetis, Catullus describes the ments based on the evidence from archaeological tex- purple coverlet on the marriage couch (Catullus c. tiles, one stater (c. 13.5 g.) of purple-dyed wool proved 64.47–49): to be enough to weave the ornaments of a tunic and Pulvinar vero divae geniale locatur a mantle.26 Hence the question, whether one stater of sedibus in mediis, Indo quod dente purple dyestuff or purple-dyed wool was requested by politum tincta tegit roseo chonchyli Tetos, has to be left unanswered for the time being. purpura fuco.32 As equivalent to θαλασσοπόρφυρος, the adjec- tive ἁλιπόρφυρος is listed in Kretschmer & Locher’s Catullus uses colours and their striking character- Rückläufiges Wörterbuch, “of sea-purple, of true pur- istics for creating his unique dramatic effects, espe- ple dye”.27 It derives from ἁλουργά which is attested cially in this ekphrasis being very important for the in the Byzantine encyclopaedia Suda and is a syno- plot.33 With roseus fucus (φῦκος) a reference to the nym.28 A related expression may possibly be seen in plant orchil, a species of lichen, may be given.34 SPP XX 85.1 by restoring ἁ[λικ]ή.29 In documentary papyri, a kind of purple desig- nated as rose-coloured is attested and clearly dis- Common purple tinguished from other colours, especially other reds. The γνῶσις ἱματίων SPP XX 245, an account The colour purple includes various hues and shades of clothes from the 6th century of unknown prove- depending on the dyestuffs and dyeing recipes used. nance, lists various clothes (Fig. 2). Many are ticked The colour spectrum reaches from reddish to a bluish off, which can be seen by the ‘x’ on the left serv- purple. Such diversity is pictured in different terms, as ing as a checkmark.35 One rose-coloured purple shirt, we have seen already. Sometimes we encounter a spe- καμίσ(ιον) ῥοδινοπόρφ(υρον), is registerd (l. 11). cific kind of purple, but it is impossible to visualize This account, yet difficult to decipher and to under- the actual colour hue. This is the case for a garment stand due to its preservation, names particularly out- of common purple (κοινοπόρφυρος30), which is men- standing garments and textiles. Even three καμίσια tioned in the marriage contract SPP XX 31.17 = CPR βλά̣τ̣τ̣ια were registered, shirts made of a high qual- I 21.17 (AD 13th of August 230; Ptolemais Euergetis). ity purple, which will be discussed below. Yet, Catul- lus and our papyrus are separated by six centuries in Rose-coloured and splendid bright purple chrono­logy. Assuming that orchil lichen as dyestuff was implied by this kind of purple, it seems plausi- A kind of purple, of which we get at least an impres- ble to distinguish it from other purple coloured tex- sion of its hue, may be described as ῥοδινοπόρφυρος, tiles, particularly in an account. 26. See n. 8. 27. Kretschmer & Locker 1944, 480. 28. Sud. s. v. ἁλουργά alpha 1357 Adler (see also: The Suda on Line: http://www.stoa.org/sol-entries/alpha/1357 ; accessed 12.01.2015). 29. As suggested by Worp 1997, 58, n. 3. 30. Following Johannes Diethart all composita end as –πόρφυρος, see Diethart 1991, 234, No. 46. 31. Regarding the form of the adjective see Diethart 1991, 234, no. 46. 32. “But see, the royal marriage bed is being set for the goddess in the midst of the palace, smoothly fashioned of Indian tusk, covered with purple of the shell tinged with rosy stain” (text and translation: Cornish 1988, 101). 33. Clarke 2004. 34. This was not implied by Blümner 1892, 203. Cf. Plin. NH 26.10; on orchil lichens see Cardon 2007, 495-503: It seems likely, that several species of Roccella were used in ancient times, as there are different qualities attested as well. 35. Diethart 1992, 226 (= BL X, 273). 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   241 Fig. 2. SPP XX 245 (6th century; unknown provenance). © Austrian National Library. 242   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) On an ostrakon, a list of dyes is preserved: us valuable information (Plin. NH 9.135-137; e.g., O.Ashm. Shelt 197 = SB I 2251 (4th century AD; Strabo 16.2.22-23). In addition, Pliny links different Oxyrhynchos). The amount of πορφυροῦ ῥοδίνου kinds to their manufacturing centres and lists them λαμπροῦ, a bright rose coloured purple (ll. 7–8), according their qualities: “The best Asiatic purple is is clearly differentiated from of previous colour, at Tyre, the best African at Meninx and on the Gaetu- κοκκίνου (l. 6). The latter implies a red obtained from lian coast of the ocean, the best European in the dis- kermes scale insects, which would have been distin- trict of Sparta” (Plin. NH 9.127).39 guished from any other dyestuff. In his Natural history Pliny the Elder relies on The adjective ὀξυπόρφυρος might refer to a spe- other sources, one is king Juba II, who discovered cial bright variety of purple, a splendid bright pur- the almost legendary Gaetulian islands, where he in- ple.36 In P.Laur. III 82 (late 3rd century AD; unknown stalled dye workshops producing the so-called Gaet- provenance), which is the account of Isidor, λόγ(ος) ulian purple (Plin. NH 6.201). The location of these Ἰσι(δώρου), ὀξυπόρφυρος is listed amongst κόγ’κινα purple-islands remains unclear: some assume that (l. κόκκινα), ῥόδινα, σαντύκινα, ποίξινα and other they lay off the Moroccan coast at Essaouira, c. 350 textile related goods. The editio princeps explains km southwest of Casablanca.40 it as “di color porpora brillante, splendente”. But In the documentary papyri from Egypt there might is ὀξυπόρφυρος a mere hue or is it even a specific be an attestation of ‘Tyrianthine’ purple in P.Hamb. type of purple? I 10.23 (2nd century AD; Theadelphia, Arsinoites;). In order to find an answer, we need to crosscheck It is a submission on stolen goods, amongst which the term with other relevant sources. In Diocletian’s clothes are listed. The adjective used is τυριαντίνην Edict the 4th kind of purple is called ὀξυτυρία, a (l. τυριάνθινον). Greek term which is only attested there. According to Apart from Tyre, we find a shipment of two ounces Gerhard Steigerwald, ὀξυτυρία is the equivalent to the of purple from Berenice, διόνκιον (l. διούγκιον) Latin oxyblatta, a term used in the legislation of the πο̣ρφύρας Βερεν̣ιγ’κησίας, in a private letter P.Oxy. 4th century and obtained by a combination of different XX 2273.10 of the end of the 3rd century AD (Her- purple dyestuffs.37 This can be clearly seen in the mopolites?). The translation of the papyrus according Edict, as the purple ὀξυτυρία is followed by ἁπλίος its editio princips is: πόρφυρος, different types of single-dyed purple. To my lady mother Theonis and to my It seems likely that the term ὀξυπόρφυρος in the lord brother Ascle … greetings. Before all documentary papyri dating from Late Antiquity,38 im- things I pray to the gods with whom I am plies an explicit kind of purple, which is further at- sojourning, that you are well … I sent to tested in the contemporary Imperial legislation. you a cruse of oil, which I had bought for six hundred drachmae, for I have heard Purple from specific origin and local purple that oil is dear with you, also some …, I also have dried figs; and you will give 150 In some cases, the colour purple is specified by topo- of them to my brother Cornelianus — and nyms. Well known is the Tyrian purple, color Tyrius, two ounces of purple wool41 from Beren- on which Pliny the Elder and other authors provides ice in order that you thus make, please, 36. According to Johannes Diethart it is again an adjective: Diethart 1991, 234, No. 47 (= BL X, 93). 37. Cod. Just. 10.21.3 (law of the emperors Gratian, Valentinian II and Theodosius I; promulgated between 383 and 392); Steigerwald 1990, 241-253. 38. Additional attestations of ὀξυπόρφυρος can be found in SB XXVI 16511.7 (6th century AD; Hermopolis). 39. Trans. by Rackham 1956, 249; Steigerwald 1986, 22-24. 40. Roller 2003, 115-116. 41. According to Worp 1997, 59 (= BL XI, 160) two ounces (c. 55 g.) would be rather purple-dye than purple-wool, as translated by the editor. However, we might use some caution in this matter, as already pointed out before (cf. n. 8). 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   243 Table 1. Summary of prices declared by a cooperation of goldsmiths: P.Oxy. LIV 3765 (AD 327; Oxyrhynchos) Νικαϊνῆ[ς] (νικαϊνη[ς] papyrus) λί(τρας) α τάλ(αντα) π Nicaean (purple) 1 lb. tal. 80 ῥιζείν[η]ς (l. ῥιζίνης) λί(τρας) α τάλ(αντα) γ̣ Root (purple) 1 lb. tal. 3 πορφύρα̣[ς ἐ]ντοπ(ίου) λί(τρας) α τάλ(αντα) β Local (purple) 1 lb. tal. 2 κοκκίνου α λί(τρας) α τάλ(αντα) η Scarlet, 1st grade 1 lb. tal. 8 β κοκκίνου̣ λί(τρας) α τάλ(αντα) β 2nd grade scarlet 1 lb. tal. 2 the frocks and two veils… Be pleased Nicaean κοκκηρά as purple achieved by the kermes to send me my raven-black veil and my insects as dyestuff. shawl and shake my other dress without This interpretation of the Imperial Edict, how- fail to prevent it spoiling. I will send you ever, does not apply one-to-one to the previous pa- some money if you send back to me the pyrus text of P.Oxy. LIV 3765, as in ll. 19-20 two linen cloths which you have made. Let me qualities of kermes-dye are recorded. It does not know what you have received from Di- seem plausible, that two kinds of kermes-dye are oscorion, Isidorus, and Castor also called subsequently registered by the name κόκκος, if Ni- Polydeuces, who has once …, in order caean purple was (merely) obtained from kermes in- that I may know. Receive everything that sects. Considering all the evidence, we might won- I send to you …. der, if there is another possible explanation for the term Nicaean purple. The editor of P.Oxy. XX 2273 was unsure, which The third column of this declaration is even more Berenice was actually meant. Indeed, in the Lexicon interesting for our purpose, as – following the Ni- of the Greek and Roman Cities and Place Names in caean purple – the price for so called local purple, Antiquity we find Berenice nine times recorded, four πορφύρα ἐντόπιος, is recorded. This kind is attested of them are located in Egypt alone.42 even from earlier times, i.e. in P.Oxy. VIII 1153 (1st Another kind of purple designated by its origin century AD; Oxyrhynchos). This papyrus is a private name is mentioned in a summary of prices declared letter from the father Apollonius to his son Apollon- by a cooperation of goldsmiths: P.Oxy. LIV 3765 (AD ius, who was — according to the address on the verso 327; Oxyrhynchos). In the 3rd column (ll. 16-20) the — staying at Alexandria at that particular time. With items listed in Table 1 are shown. the letter he attaches some purple as sample for a gar- Nicaean purple is also attested in the marriage con- ment and in the last sentence, he remarks that “We tract P.Strab. III 131.7 = SB V 8013.7 (AD 363; Ars- are going to use local purple” (ll. 26–27: ἐντοπίᾳ δὲ inoites). Unfortunately, the respective textile is lost, πορφύρᾳ | χρήσασθ(αι) μέλλομεν). which is designated as being ἀπὸ νικαεινῆς πορφύρας. The price for local purple is once more given in Besides the papyrological evidence, there is a par- the declaration P.Harr. I 73.40 = SB XVI 12626.40 allel in Diocletian’s Edict, more than 60 years earlier: (AD 329-331; Oxyrhynchos). In the same column, the eighth item is determined as Νεικανή κοκκηρά following local purple, two grades of kermes-dye are (§ 24.8).43 Κοκκηρά from κόκκος means literally recorded, as previously in P.Oxy. LIV 3765. As mere the berry from the kermes oak (Quercus coccifera suggestion, respectively idea, based on dye-analyses L.), but obviously refers to the kermes scale insect, of preserved Roman textiles, local and Nicaean purple from which a scarlet, crimson red colour was ob- may not be dyes derived from kermes insects alone, tained. Therefore, Gerhard Steigerwald interprets the but it could refer to a mixture of dyestuffs.44 Such 42. Zahariade & Bounegru 2013, 1692-1705 s. v. Berenike. 43. Steigerwald 1990, 262–264. 44. The combination of mollusc-purple dyestuff with kermes has been proofed in archaeological textiles from small Roman fortresses, praesidia, in the Eastern Desert of Egypt; cf. Cardon 2006, 55-56. Further Zvi Koren demonstrated the clever use of double dye- ing with red and blue dyes or even spinning together separately dyed red and blue fibres in Roman textiles from ‘En Rahel. As dye- stuffs the combination of madder with indigo, or kermes with indigo has been detected: Koren 1999. 244   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) combination would also be applicable for Νεικανή associated with the image of clotted blood as can be κοκκηρά in Diocletian’s Edict. found in glossaries. Of course, it is not blood, which In brief, the toponyms in connection with purple is obtained from the sea snails, but the hypobranchial may indicate the origin of the colour and the place gland, from which the dyestuff is obtained.49 He iden- where it was manufactured. It also specifies the qual- tifies blatta with the color Tyrius and the dibapha Tyria ity of the colour, as seen in Pliny’s text. of Pliny’s Naturalis historia (Plin. NH 9.135). The an- cient city of Tyros is generally seen as point of origin Further terms with the meaning ‘purple’ for shellfish-purple.50 This does not exclude the use of mollusc-dyestuff elsewhere, and the term Tyrian pur- Besides πορφύρᾳ other terms are clearly connected ple could also refer to the specific quality of the dye. with the highly esteemed colour purple. Some of Considering blatta as equivalent for Tyrian purple them attested in documentary papyri are listed in the we might get a description of the hue from Pliny the following: Elder: Laus ei summa in colore sanguinis concreti, nigricans aspectu idemque suspectu refulgens (Plin. Blatta-purple NH 9.135).51 In his study, Gerhard Steigerwald particularly The Greek βλάττα is a loanword from Latin blatta, draws attention to Cassiodorus’ second letter of The- purple, which is linked with the shellfish-dyestuff. oderic to Theon, a vir sublimis, in his Variae (537/538 Blatta for purple is used in Diocletian’s Edict for the AD), where the matter of the purple-production from first three kinds of purple as μεταξάβλαττα, βλάττα, molluscs is discussed (Cassiod. Var. 1.2).52 There, and ὑποβλάττα (§24.1–3), which are the top qualities clearly the production of blatta-purple is the issue, and the far most expensive dyes. which is obtained from sea snails (“[...] adorandi Μεταξάβλαττα is composed of metaxa and blatta. muricis pretiosissimam qualitatem. [...] conchylia As metaxa in Latin refers from the 2nd century AD on- [...]”). The purple hue is described as obscuritas wards to raw silk,45 it means the purple-dyed raw silk. rubens, blushing obscurity, and nigrendo sanguinea, Βλάττα is distinguished from μεταξάβλαττα by an ensanguined blackness, a description which meets the material used, i.e. wool. The term blatta and its Pliny’s precisely. meaning have led to some confusion in academic un- In the Edict, the third quality of blatta-purple is derstanding.46 Blatta is seen as purple-dyed, unspun ὑποβλάττα, which is specified by its prefix ὑπό. In wool, similar to metaxablatta.47 terms of colours the Greek prefix ὑπό as well as the Gerhard Steigerwald demonstrated that originally Latin sub is used for lighter hues.53 This seems plau- blatta was used as a term for insects.48 But from Late sible as the various kinds of purple are sorted accord- Antiquity onwards, blatta meaning a kind of purple is ing their qualities. 45. Steigerwald 1990, 223-224: μεταξάβλαττη “purple silk”; cf. Aelius Marcianus, Dig. 39.4.16 §7 (c. AD 200); Cod. Theod. 10.20.13 (AD 406); Cod. Theod. 10.20.18 (AD 436). 46. W. A. Schmidt describes it as double-dyed (Schmidt 1842, 128), whereas K. Schneider interprets it as single-dyed purple: RE 23 (1959) 2000-2020, esp. 2013 s. v. purpura (K. Schneider). W. A. Schmidt has written an elaborate commentary on purple dyeing: Schmidt 1842, 96-212. 47. Steigerwald 1990, 232. 48. Steigerwald 1990, 224-237 as βλάττη “purple”. 49. Gerhard Steigerwald refers to the passage in Sidionius Apollinaris’ epistulae (Sid. Apoll. Epist. 9.13.14-19), which shows that pur- ple was obtained from murex and not insects: Steigerwald 1990, 228. 50. Cf., e.g., Sid. Apoll. Carm. 5.48: Tyrus blattam fert; but also Plin. NH 9.135 or Strabo 16.2.22-23. 51. “Its highest glory consists in the colour of congealed blood, blackish at first glance but gleaming when held up to the light” (Text and translation: Rackham 1956, 255-256). 52. Steigerwald 1990, 230-231. 53. Steigerwald 1990, 237-241 as ὑποβλάττη. 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   245 Fig. 3: Detail (left column): account of Damianos (SB XXII 15248); © Austrian National Library Besides Diocletian’s Edict, the term blatta is not ὀθώνι(νον) (l. ὀθόνι(νον)) λ̣[ευκοβ(?)]λ̣άττι(ον) or that often attested in written sources. Much later even λ̣[ευκὸν (καὶ) β]λ̣άττι(ον) can be read.56 we find the term blatta in documentary papyri from So far the papyri confirm clearly the use of the Egypt. In SB XXII 15248.3 (7th century; unknown purple kind blatta in late antique Egypt, however, provenance54), the account of the most magnificent they do not yield any specific information on the lord Damianos (γνῶσις τοῦ μεγα̣λοπρε(πεστάτου) dyeing-process or on the hue of the colour. All three κυρ(ί)ου Δαμιανοῦ), lists 1 ounce 5 ½ grammata of papyrological documents are much later than Di- blatta-purple (Fig. 3). In this case the diminutive of ocletian’s Edict, where the term blatta marks high blatta, blattion (βλαττίον) is used. The account SPP quality-dyes. It has to be noted, that SPP XX 245 XX 245.10 (6th century; unknown provenance) for the and P.Leid.Inst. 13 were only possible to decipher be- already mentioned γνῶσις ἱματίων specifies καμίσια cause of the clear attestation of blattion in SB XXII βλά̣τ̣τ̣ια γ, three shirts with purple decoration55 be- 15248. This has been achieved by Johannes Diethart, sides other cloths. who showed special interest in athesaurista and rarely A possible third attestation for blatta-purple in attested Greek terms.57 Therefore a repeated exam- papyri was suggested for P.Leid.Instr. 13.19 (7th-8th ination of papyri in light of textile production may century; unknown provenance), where σκέπασμ(α) yield further results. 54. Johannes Diethart suggests as provenance either Arsinoites or Herakleopolites based on a handwritten account of Carl Wessely in the Viennese Collection of Papyri (Diethart 1993, 70). 55. Actually it says three purple-coloured shirts, but as we have seen that blatta is a high quality purple obtained by molluscs, I tend to translate it rather as purple-decorated. An idea, how cloths were decorated with purple, might be seen in Fig. 1. 56. Diethart 1993, 73. 57. Diethart 1989, 113-114; Diethart 1993. 246   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) ostrum resp. ὄστρεον and conchylia Hysginum and madder: purple from plant dyestuffs Besides blatta other terms used suggest the use of As already seen above, the colour purple was ob- mollusc-purple as dyestuff. In Vitruvius De Ar- tained from other dyestuffs than molluscs in Antiq- chitectura we hear of ostrum, as seen in the Latin uity. In ancient literature this is described: Fiunt etiam text above. In Greek it is ὄστρεον and its adjective purpurei colores infecta creta rubiae radice et hys- ὀστρῖνος which is used for describing mollusc-pur- gino, non minus et ex floribus alii colores (Vitr. De ple. This is the case in an inventory P.Oxy. I 109 (end arch. 7.14.1).59 of 3rd or early 4th century AD; Oxyrhynchos), where Hysginum (ὕσγινον) is regarded as equivalent with one purple κολόβιον is registered amongst other tex- the biblical tekhelet, a bluish violet obtained mainly tiles and household goods (l. 5). by the species Hexaplex resp. Murex trunculus.60 But This term and its related forms were in use for also the mixture of murex-purple with kermes, two much longer, as it can be seen in the private let- most precious dyestuffs, is identified with the ancient ter from Ptolemaic times (BGU VI 1300 = C.Ptol. term hysginum.61 These two statements show a con- Sklav. II 237). Besides πορφύρα and sea-purple, Te- flict in the hue of hysginum, which could be either a tos used the term ὀστρῖνος in her shopping list of bluish, violet or reddish purple. luxury items. Considering written documents, we may not get Obviously terms deriving from κόγχη, mussel, in- clear evidence either: in a letter of the caring father dicates the use of mollusc-purple as dyestuff. In the Cornelius to his son, P.Oxy. III 531 = W.Chr. 482 = papyri the colour appears in the list PSI Congr. XVII C.Pap. Hengstl 83 (2nd century AD; Oxyrhynchos), 18 (4th century AD; Oxyrhynchites?) where three oz. one topic concerns clothing. Cornelius writes to his of κογχυλίον (FrB l. 26) are recorded.58 A remarka- son that he will send τὸ ἄλλο ζεῦγος τῶν ὑσγείνων (l. ble and outstanding contract regarding the work of ὑσγίνων), “the other pair of scarlet clothes” (l. 17). three κογχισταί, purple-dyers, is preserved as P.Grenf. LSJ seems quite misleading by suggesting a vegetable II 87 = Sel. Pap I 23 (AD 23rd May 602; Hermopo- dye, perhaps kermes, which is apparently contradic- lis). The contract regulates the work of the dyers, the tory.62 If we check our other written sources, we find κογχιστική | τέχνη (ll. 14-15, 19-20), which was car- in Pliny’s Naturalis historia a helpful remark (Plin. ried out in the contractor’s workshop. Such an explicit NH 9.140): quin et terrena miscere coccoque tinctum designation as purple-dyers indicates their specialisa- Tyrio tinquere ut fieret hysginum.63 There we find a tion on this colour, i.e., mollusc-dyestuff. This seems combination of coccus with Tyrius, i.e., kermes scale plausible, as the supply on dyestuffs and its various insects with mollusc-dye. uses become larger, as we also may see from the pa- However, the addition of kermes scale insects pyrological evidence so far. seems less meaningful for the four ἰσγίνη-purples listed in Diocletian’s Edict (§24.9-12). For these items Gerhard Steigerwald suggests the use of plant dye- stuffs, such as sea orchils, as basis for the dyeing.64 58. The dyeing recipe P.Leid. X 94 also refers to the production of the κογχυλίον colour as purple (Halleux 1981, 106). 59. “Purple colours are also made by dyeing chalk with madder and hysginum. Other colours also are obtained from flowers.” (text and translation: Granger 1970, 127-128). 60. Ziderman 2004. 61. Cardon 2006, 56. 62. LSJ 1904, s. v. ὕσγινον. 63. “[...] and also a method to blend minerals, and dye with Tyrian a fabric already dyed with scarlet, to produce hysginue colour” (text and translation: Rackham 1956, 258-259). 64. Steigerwald 1990, 264-274. According to Dominique Cardon, lichens growing by the sea were used in Antiquity; only since the Middle Ages the dyeing “industry” turned more to sea orchils (Cardon 2007, 495). 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   247 Despite these contradictory views, we may at least the papyrological evidence with other written sources, sum up that the term hysginum designates a combi- and by considering preserved textiles from Egypt, we nation of various dyes, in order to obtain purple col- encounter a more sophisticated branch in textile pro- our. Whether kermes or plants were used, may come duction: the dyeing workshops. to light in future research. In a few cases we may be able to identify the Madder, as mentioned by Vitruvius as radix ru- dyestuff(s) used, but in many cases we still remain biae, gives another highly esteemed red colour. The unsure and can only make suggestions. This applies plant either refers to the cultivated madder (Rubia further for the dyeing methods used.66 tinctorum L.) or the wild madder (Rubia peregrina Future research may be able to pursue these issues L.), both species were used in ancient textiles.65 We and thereby demonstrate the skilled labour, the pro- already came across the term in the inventory list of found knowledge as well the highly developed tech- P.Oxy. VII 1051 in connection with ‘false purple’. nology of ancient dyers. Conclusion Abbreviations Purple is generally perceived as luxury item, as status token and as prerogative of royalty. The Greek term Papyri and ostraca are cited according the Checklist of πορφύρα designates several varieties and qualities of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic Papyri, purple. Also the colour purple encompasses various Ostraca and Tablets, Oates, J. F. et al. (2001) Check- hues ranging from bluish to reddish violet. list of Editions of Greek Papyri and Ostraca. BASP As written source papyrological documents reveal Suppl. no. 9, of which the latest edition is found online: http://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/scriptorium/papyrus/ further information. Throughout the centuries we find texts/clist_papyri.html (12.01.2015) several kinds of purple in use: true and false purple, sea-purple, common purple, rose coloured and splen- Other abbreviations used are: did bright purple, purple from specific origins includ- APapyrol Analecta papyrologica. ing local purple etc. Besides πορφύρα other Greek ByzF Byzantinische Forschungen: internationale terms were used for purple, which is not only seen in Zeitschrift für Byzantinistik. literary sources, but also in the documentary papyrus BASP The Bulletin of the American Society texts from Egypt. of Papyrologists: American Society of Papyrus texts, especially documentary papyri, re- Papyrologists. cord the daily life of Egypt and sometimes allow us LSJ Liddell, H. G., Scott, R. & Jones, H. S. insights into private communication viz. relations. (1996) A Greek-English Lexicon. With a re- We learn of a widespread use of the colour purple, vised supplement. Oxford. regardless of gender and even among private per- MBAH Münstersche Beiträge zur antiken sons. At all times purple was constantly and highly Handelsgeschichte. esteemed. Papyrological documents, in particular in- RE Pauly, A., Wissowa, G. & Kroll, W. ventories, show the clear use of Greek terms for col- (1893-) Real-Encyklopädie der klassischen ours. The manifold attestations of purple can also be Altertumswissenschaft. seen in the preserved textiles from Egypt. In other ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. words: the various terms attest the great variety of actual dyed textiles in ancient times. By comparing 65. Cardon 2007, 107-124. 66. See the term πενταβάφος, five times dyed, which appears in connection with πορφύρα: P.Coll. Youtie II 85 (6th-7th century AD; un- known provenance). 248   Ines Bogensperger in Textile Terminologies (2017) Bibliography Diethart, J. (1992) Bermerkungen zu Papyri V. < Korr. Tyche >, Tyche 7, No. 63-69f, No. 75, 225-228, 230. Bagnall, R. & Cribiore, R. (2006) Women’s letters from an- Diethart, J. (1993) Dokumentarische Texte aus dem 5.-7. cient Egypt. 300 BC – AD 800. Ann Arbor. Jahrhundert aus der Wiener Papyrussammlung, APa- Boesken Kanold, I. (2005) The Purple Fermentation Vat: pyrol 5, 69-113. Dyeing or Painting Parchment with Murex trunculus, Froschauer, H. (2007) Farben und Farbbezeichnungen in Dyes in History and Archaeology 20, 150-154. Papyri und Textilien. In N. Bosson & A. Boud’hors Boesken Kanold, I. (2011) Purpurissum: Techniques of (eds.), Actes du huitième congrès international d’études production inspired by Pliny the Elder. In C. Alfaro et coptes. Paris, 28 juin-3 juillet 2004, 697-710. Orienta- al. (eds.), Textiles y tintes en la ciudad antigua. 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(2005) The First Optimal All-Murex All-Nat- from Marine Molluscs in Archaeological Textiles. In C. ural Purple Dyeing in the Eastern Mediterranean in a Alfaro et al. (eds.), Textiles y tintes en la ciudad antigua. Millenium and a Half, Dyes in History and Archaeol- Actas del III Symposium Internacional sobre Textiles y ogy 20 136-149. Tintes del Mediterráneo en el mundo antiguo. Nápoles, Kreuzner, C. (2013) Alkanna Tinctoria (L.) Tausch as Pur- 13 al 15 de noviembre, 2008, 197-214. Purpureae Vestes ple Dye in the Recipes of Papyrus Holmiensis and Pa- III: Archéologie de l’artisanat antique 4. Valencia. pyrus Leidensis X, E-Preservation Science 10, 123-130. Clarke, J. (2004) Colour Sequences in Catullus ‘Long Po- (online: http://www.morana-rtd.com/e-preservation- ems’. In L. Cleland & K. Stears (eds.), Colour in the science/2013/Kreuzner-16-01-2013.pdf). Ancient Mediterranean World, 122-125. BAR Interna- Lauffer, S. (1971) Diokletians Preisedikt. Berlin. tional Series 1267. Oxford. Martínez García, M. J. (2013) Cheapening the Luxury: Cleland, L., Davies, G. & Llewellyn-Jones, L. (2009) Some curious recipes with vegetal dyes. In C. Alfaro Greek and Roman dress from A to Z. London. Giner et al. (eds.), Luxury and Dress. Political Power Cornish, F. W. (1988) Catullus: Carmina, revised by G. P. and Appearance in the Roman Empire and its Provinces, Godd. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge. 151-168. Valencia. Diethart, J. (1989) Corrigenda und Addenda zu Wiener Pa- Meiers, F. (2013) Ars Purpuraria: Neue methodische An- pyri, ZPE 76, 107-114. sätze bei der Anwendung von Küpenverfahren in der Diethart, J. (1991) Bemerkungen zu Papyri IV. <Korr. Purpurfärberei, Experimentelle Archäologie in Europa. Tyche>, Tyche 6, No. 43-51, 233-236. Bilanz 2013, Heft 12, 43-58. 14. Purple and its Various Kinds in Documentary Papyri   249 P. Prunetti, P. (1998) Da plumarius a πλουμάριος: la testi- characterization of cochineal and kermes dyes in his- monianza dei papiri. In L. Del Francia Barocas (ed.), torical textiles. Analytica Chimica Acta 897, 116-127. Antinoe cent’anni dopo: catalogo della mostra. Firenze Steigerwald, G. (1986) Die Antike Purpurfärberei nach Palazzo Medici Riccardi, 10 luglio-1o novembre 1998, dem Bericht Plinius’ des Älteren in seiner ‘Naturalis 145-148. Florence. Historia’, Traditio 42, 1-57. Rackham, H. (1956) Pliny: Natural history. The Loeb Clas- Steigerwald, G. (1990) Die Purpursorten im Preisedikt sical Library. Vol. 3. London. Dioketians vom Jahre 301, ByzF 15, 219-276. Reese, D. S. (2010) Shells from Sarepta (Lebanon) and Worp, K. A. (1997) On the meaning of ΠΟΡΦΥΡΑ/ ΠΟΡ- East Mediterranean Purple-Dye Production, Mediter- ΦΥΡΙΟΝ in Greek documentary papyri, MBAH 16, ranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 10/1, 113-141. 57-66. Reinhold, M. (1970) History of Purple as a Status Symbol Zahariade, M. & Bounegru, O. (2013), Lexicon of the in Antiquity. Brussels. Greek and Roman Cities and Place Names in Antiquity. Roller, D. W. (2003) The world of Juba II and Kleopatra Ca 1500 B.C.-Ca A.D. 500. Fasc. 12: Beneventum-Bo- Selene: Royal Scholarship on Rome’s African Frontier. vianum. Amsterdam. New York. Ziderman, I. I. (2004) Purple Dyeing in the Mediterranean Schmidt, W. A. (1842) Die griechischen Papyrusurkunden World: Characterisation of Biblical Tekhelet. In L. Cle- der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin. Berlin. land & K. Stears (eds.), Colour in the Ancient Mediter- Serrano, A., Van den Doel, A., Van Bommel, M., Hallett, ranean World. 40-45. BAR International Series 1267. J., Joosten, I. & Van den Berg, K. J. (2015) Investiga- Oxford. tion of crimson-dyed fibres for a new approach on the 15 Zur Textilterminologie auf römischen Bleitäfelchen: Probleme der Lesung und Interpretation Herbert Graßl D ie Vorlage und das Studium römischer Blei- Eine bislang nicht verstandene Abkürzung, die tesserae, das in den letzten Jahren einen be- aber in vielen Täfelchen, so aus Flavia Solva,2 Kals- achtlichen Aufschwung erlebt hat,1 lieferte dorf,3 Virunum,4 Iuvavum,5 Aelium Cetium6 in der gerade für die kaiserzeitliche römische Textilwirt- Provinz Noricum, aus Carnuntum7 in Pannonien oder schaft viele neue Einsichten. Dazu zählen neben dem Nemetacum8 (heute Arras in Frankreich) in der Bel- in diesem Wirtschaftszweig tätigen Personenkreis vor gica immer in gleicher Form begegnet, beginnt mit allem die Herstellung, Verarbeitung und Vermarktung den Buchstaben PAS. Eine bisherige Deutung ver- von Textilien, ihre Bezeichnungen und auch Preise in stand dies als Abkürzung von p(aenul)as,9 Akkusativ verschiedenen Provinzen des Imperiums. Trotz aller Plural von paenula, ein Kapuzenmantel. Diese Auf- neuer Erkenntnisse bleibt auf diesem Feld aber noch lösung ist aber sprachlich völlig ausgeschlossen, wie viel zu tun: die Lesung der Texte ist häufig nicht ge- schon öfter moniert wurde.10 Lateinische Abkürzun- sichert, die inhaltliche Deutung auch wegen der häu- gen mit einem Anfangsbuchstaben und folgender En- figen Verwendung von Abkürzungen schwierig, dazu dung (Kontraktionsabkürzungen) begegnen zuerst in kommt noch die verstreute und oft nur schwer er- christlichen Texten des Mittelalters, vornehmlich bei reichbare Publikationsform. Dass sich trotz dieser Heiligennamen.11 Eine alternative, sprachlich und in- Umstände immer wieder neue Erkenntnisse gewin- haltlich befriedigende Deutung liegt bislang nicht vor. nen lassen, soll in folgendem Beitrag sichtbar werden. Ich möchte an dieser Stelle eine solche vorschlagen. 1. Ein Forschungsüberblick über diese Denkmäler und ihren Bezug zur Textilwirtschaft bei Frei-Stolba 2011, 331-344. 2. Martijnse 1993, 30; 374-375. 3. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 217-218; 224. 4. Martijnse 1993, 157; 168-169; 173. 5. Wedenig 2012a, 131-132; Wedenig 2012b, 52-53. 6. Römer-Martijnse 1991a, 93. 7. Martijnse 1993, 362. 8. Jacques & Hoët-van Cauwenberghe 2010, 314-315. 9. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 217-218; Martijnse 1993, 362. 10. Wedenig 2012a, 132. 11. Frenz 2010, 35-41; 93-98. 250 15. Zur Textilterminologie auf römischen Bleitäfelchen   251 Den entscheidenden Schlüssel dazu liefert ein lite- 45 »Jeder von Euch, der will, möge in meine rarischer Text aus dem späteren 4. Jh. n. Chr., der Kleiderkammer kommen, in Oberitalien oder Südgallien entstanden ist, die so- und ich werde euch einzeln ein Speisekleid genannte Cena Cypriani.12 In dieser Bibelparodie geben.« oder besser Parodie der Bibelauslegung werden in Da gingen manche hin und erhielten ein Kleid. Anlehnung an die Hochzeit zu Kana die Gäste des Und so empfing als erster von allen Zacharias Königs, Personen aus dem Alten und Neuen Testa- ein weißes Kleid, ment, für diesen Anlass neu eingekleidet. Katalogar- sodann Abraham ein sperlingsgraues, Lot ein tig werden 37 speziell gefärbte, aus diversen Rohstof- schwefelgelbes, fen hergestellte, besonders zugerichtete oder für eine 50 Lazarzus ein Leinenkleid, Jona ein meerblaues, bestimmte Verwendung vorgesehene Kleider aufge- Thekla ein feuerrotes, Daniel ein listet. Da dieser spätantike Text bislang von der Tex- löwenfarbenes, tilforschung, insbesondere der Textilfarbenkunde, er- Johannes ein Kamelhaarkleid, Adam ein staunlicherweise nicht ausgewertet wurde, soll er in fellenes, seiner vollen Länge vorgestellt werden (Cena 44-66): Judas ein silberfarbenes, Rahab ein scharlachrotes, Tunc rex respiciens invitatos suos sic ait: Herodes ein rotes, Pharao ein meerfarbenes, 45 »Quisque vestrum voluerit, veniat in vestia- 55 Henoch ein himmelblaues, Achar ein buntes, rium meum David ein saitenes, Elija ein luftiges, et dabo singulis singulas cenatorias vestes.« Eva ein baumfarbenes, Ijob ein zweifach Tunc aliqui ierunt et acceperunt. umgeschlagenes, Primus itaque omnium accepit Zacharias Jesaia ein in die Mitte gewendetes, Maria ein albam, langes Frauenkleid, Abraham passerinam, Loth sulphurinam, Susanna ein züchtiges, Moses ein 50 Lazarus lineam, Ionas ceruleam, purpurfarbenes, Tecla flammeam, Danihel leoninam, 60 Abel ein blutrotes, Levi ein rötliches, Iohannes trichinam, Adam pelliceam, Tamar ein farbiges, Asarja ein Battistkleid, Iudas argyrinam, Raab coccineam, Aaron ein gelbbraunes, Judit ein Herodes cardinam, Pharao marinam, hyazinthfarbenes, 55 Enoch celinam, Achar variam, Kain ein rostbraunes, Abiram ein schwarzes, David nervinam, Helias aerinam, Hanna ein dunkelblaues, Isaak ein ungefärbtes, Eva arborinam, Iob biplagiam, 65 Paulus ein strahlend helles, Petrus ein Ysaias mesotropam, Maria stolam, Arbeitsgewand, Susanna castalinam, Moyses conchilinam, Jakob ein rötlich schimmerndes, Jesus ein 60 Abel purpuream, Levi spartacinam, taubengraues. Thamar colorinam, Azarias carbasinam, (Übersetzung nach Modesto) Aron myrrinam, Iudit iacintinam, Cain ferrugineam, Abiron nigram, In unserem Zusammenhang sei auf Zeile 49 hinge- Anna persinam, Isaac nativam, wiesen, wo Abraham eine (vestis) passerina erhielt, 65 Paulus candidam, Petrus operariam, ein sperlingsgraues Kleid (von passer, der Sperling, Iacob pseudoaletinam, Iesus columbinam. Spatz). Zu dieser Kleiderfarbe ist meines Erachtens auch die Abkürzung PAS auf den Bleitesserae zu er- Da blickte der König zu seinen Gästen und gänzen. Auch andere in der Cena erwähnte Kleider- sprach: farben finden sich auf den Tesserae wieder: candidus 12. Modesto 1992; Glei 1993, 153-176; Livini 2011, 279-295. 252   Herbert Grassl in Textile Terminologies (2017) (Zeile 65) in Siscia,13 ceruleus (Zeile 50) in Siscia14 die Bezeichnung (vestis) myrrina (Zeile 63) sei noch und Feltre,15 coccineus (Zeile 53) in Siscia,16 am speziell hingewiesen.31 In den Bleitesserae finden wir Magdalensberg,17 und in Moosham/Lungau,18 conchi- die Abkürzungen MVR in Siscia,32 MOR in Aelium linus (Zeile 59) in Carnuntum, 19 ferrugineus (Zeile Cetium,33 Flavia Solva34 und Kalsdorf,35 MORINVM 63) in Siscia,20 purpureus (Zeile 60) in Siscia,21 Fla- in Virunum36 und MVRIN in Zillingdorf.37 In Con- via Solva,22 Kalsdorf,23 Carnuntum,24 Zillingdorf,25 cordia (Oberitalien) begegnet der Ausdruck MYR(R) sulphurinus (Zeile 49) in Siscia,26 Kalsdorf,27 Flavia INI mit Gewichtsangaben.38 Zur Deutung wurde eine Solva28 und Štrbinci (wohl Certissia in Pannonia In- Verbindung zu morus, der schwarze Maulbeerbaum, ferior).29 Schon diese Liste zeigt, dass der literarische hergestellt,39 dessen abgekochte Blätter in der An- Text aus der Spätantike und die inschriftlichen Ge- tike als Ausgangsstoff für ein Färbemittel, aller- brauchstexte aus dem 1. bis 3. Jh. n. Chr. sich weit- dings ausschließlich für die Haare dienten. Doch die- gehend entsprechen. Wie die Cena Cypriani zeigt, ser Baum wächst in raueren Klimazonen nicht und gehören die abgekürzten Farbbezeichnungen auf den auch sprachlich sind keine davon abgeleiteten Farb- Bleitesserae zum gebräuchlichen sprachlichen Reper- bezeichnungen bekannt. Die Farbe murinus (von toire der Textilterminologie,30 die Fachsprache hat mus, die Maus), also mausgrau, wurde nur bei Tie- somit Eingang in die Literatursprache gefunden. Auf ren (Pferden, Eseln oder Mauleseln) verwendet.40 Als 13. Radman-Livaja 2014, 70. 14. Radman-Livaja 2014, 68. 15. Buchi 2005, 43-44. 16. Radman-Livaja 2014, 70. 17. Martijnse 1993, 291-292. 18. Martijnse 1993, 369. 19. Römer-Martijnse 1992, 113; Martijnse 1993, 368. 20. Radman-Livaja 2014, 72. 21. Radman-Livaja 2014, 75. 22. Martijnse 1993, 365. 23. Römer-Martijnse, 1990, 223. 24. Martijnse 1993, 365. 25. Martijnse 1993, 365. 26. Radman-Livaja 2014, 89. 27. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 36. 28. Martijnse 1993, 368. 29. Radman-Livaja 2013, 167-168. 30. Zu Farbbezeichnungen für Wolle und Kleidung: Pley 1911; Bradley 2009, 178-187; Cleland et al. 2007, 37-39. Der römische Gram- matiker Nonius Marcellus, de comp. 17,30 hat eine Liste de colore vestimentorum zusammengestellt. Davon sind die Farben luteus, ferrugineus und pullus auch in Beiltäfelchen dokumentiert. 31. Einzelne Handschriften bieten die Varianten mirrinam oder murrinam. 32. Radman-Livaja 2014, 73. 33. Römer-Martijnse 1991b, 94-95. 34. Martijnse 1993, 365. 35. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 224. 36. Martijnse 1993, 159, 365. 37. Römer-Martijnse 1991a, 149. Die Lesung LOD MVRRIN auf einem Täfelchen aus Iuvavum, die Wedenig 2012c, 105-108 und 2012b, 53 vorgeschlagen hat, ist wohl zu LOD MVRT(e)VS zu verbessern; vgl. dazu Radman-Livaja 2014, 73. 38. Solin 1977, 155-159; Cresci Marrone & Pettenò 2010, 65-68; Pettenò 2012, 437. 39. Martijnse 1993, 365; Gostenčnik 2014, 97. 40. André 1949, 73-74. 15. Zur Textilterminologie auf römischen Bleitäfelchen   253 bessere Interpretation, auch angesichts der Wortwahl mit Parfümierungstechniken von Kleidern beschäf- der Cena Cypriani, bietet sich ein Zusammenhang tigt und darüber auch geschrieben, was sein berühm- mit murr(h)a (myrrha), der Myrrhe, an; die lautli- terer Berufskollege Galen für ein Thema hielt, das chen Varianten mit U, Y oder O in den verschiede- nicht Gegenstand medizinischer Erörterungen sein nen Textsorten und Zeiten stellen kein linguistisches sollte (Gal. XII 447; 449). Die vestis odorata ge- Problem dar.41 Als murreus, myrrhenfarbig oder ho- hörte in der gesamten Kaiserzeit bis in die Spätan- niggelb werden in literarischen Texten Haare oder tike zum häufig zitierten Lebensaufwand.45 Das Par- Edelsteine angesprochen.42 Neben einer Farbbezeich- füm schützte auch vor Schädlingen und verlieh den nung könnte man aber auch an den Duft der Myrrhe Trägern Ansehen und Glanz. Mit den erwähnten Ab- denken. Der antike Botaniker Dioscurides (1,24) in- kürzungen könnte also auch die Parfümierung von formiert uns darüber, dass die Ägypter Häuser und Kleidungsstücken ausgedrückt worden sein. Diese Kleider mit Myrrhe geräuchert haben. Diese Praxis Leistung wurde wie auch die Reinigung vom fullo war auch im alten Israel bekannt (Exod. 30, 23,30), angeboten, auch Färber konnten dies bewerkstelli- wo Kleider von Myrrhe, Aloe und Cassia dufteten gen. Eine solche Deutung kann auch die hohen Ge- (Psalm 45/9). Die Parfümierung von Kleidungsstü- wichte (z.T. über acht kg!) erklären, wie sie in den cken war auch in der griechisch-römischen Antike Bleitesserae von Concordia begegnen.46 In ähnlichem weit verbreitet. Schon in homerischer Zeit gehörten Sinn wird auch die in einigen Texten auftretende Ab- wohlriechende Kleider zum gehobenen Lebensstan- kürzung NAR, NARDIN, NARDINV (von nardinus, dard (Hom. Od. 5, 264). Die Göttin Aphrodite zeich- mit Narde behandelt) zu verstehen sein, die auf die nete sich durch ihre parfümierten Kleider aus (Cypria wohlriechende Narde zurückgeht.47 Diese Pflanze, im fr. 4,3-8 Allen = fr. 5 West = Athen. 682 d-f). Theo- keltischen Alpenraum als saliunca bekannt,48 wurde phrast berichtet, dass Bettzeug und Kleidung mit tro- nach Ausweis antiker Quellen zur Parfümierung von ckenen Riechstoffen behandelt wurden.43 Auch die Kleidung verwendet und hat sich als Alternative zur Kleidung Alexanders des Großen war mit Aromastof- importierten Myrrhe angeboten. Plinius überliefert fen erfüllt.44 In der Kaiserzeit parfümierten Frauen uns auch Preise, die je nach Herkunftsregion unter- ihre Kleidung, ein Luxus, der einem moralisierenden schiedlich hoch waren.49 Christen wie Clemens von Alexandrien zutiefst zu- Auch die Abkürzung AMAR, z.B. in Kalsdorf,50 wider war (Clem. Alex. paedag II 8,64,5; 109,1). Der dürfte mit dieser Praxis zu tun haben; eine Ergänzung Chronist der Dakerkriege Kaiser Trajans und Leib- zu amaracinus (mit Majoran behandelt) gilt als wahr- arzt der Kaiserin Plotina, Kriton, hat sich speziell scheinlich. Für die Abkürzung MVR wurde auch die 41. Zum Wechsel der Vokale o, u und y Mihăescu 1978, 177-184, zur Verwendung von Myrrhe, Dalby 2000, 117-120. 42. Ov. met. 15, 399; Prop.4,8,22; André 1949, 160; André 1956, 215; Vons 1999, 837. 43. Theophr. de odor. 58; 69; vgl. Alexis F63K. zum Besprenkeln der Kleidung mit Salböl. 44. Plut. symp. 1, 6. 45. Claud. In Eutropium 335; Mart. 8,3,10 mit Kommentar von Schöffel 2002, 107-108. Zur Parfümierung antiker Kleidung: Reuth- ner 2013, 46; Bodiou & Mehl 2008, 26; Wagner-Hasel 2006, 20-25. 46. Bisherige Ergänzungen zu myrrhini (olei) können daher nicht befriedigen. Auch die von allen bisherigen Editoren (zuletzt Pettenò 2012, 439) vertretene Deutung des Personennamens MENANDRI ALLICIVM auf ein sonst sprachlich nirgends bezeugtes Derivat von allec (Fischsauce) kann nicht überzeugen, zumal auf der Rückseite von abgewogenen Wollballen die Rede ist. Ich sehe in AL- LICIVM einen weiblichen (griechischen) Sklavennamen auf –ium, abgeleitet vom Verbum allicere (anlocken, verführen). Zu der- artigen stadtrömischen Sklavennamen Solin 1996, 650 und die Frauennamen der römischen Komödie. 47. Auch hier fallen hohe Gewichte von über vier bis acht kg auf; vgl. dazu Marengo 1989, 44-46; Radman-Livaja 2010, 96; Weiß 1991, 215-217; Pettenò 2012, 438. Hier wird diese Angabe als Gewürz gedeutet. 48. Plin. NH 21,43; zur saliunca Guillaud 1909, 246-252; 364-365; Guillaud 1910, 183-185. 49. Plin. NH 12,43; 12,45; vgl. Diosc. 1,7-8. 50. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 216; 218-219; 224; Zur Verwendung dieses Duftstoffes Theophr. de odor. 28; 31;33; 38; 42; 55; Lucr. 2,847; Edict. Diocl. 78; dazu Reger 2005, 255; 275; Parfums 2008, 296; Squillace 2012, 236. 254   Herbert Grassl in Textile Terminologies (2017) Ergänzung zu murteus oder myrteus vorgeschlagen,51 Cresci Marrone, G. & Pettenò, E. (2010) Supellex ex da myrtenfarbige, grünliche Kleider in der antiken plumbo. Lamine Concordienses. Le laminette commer- Literatur mehrfach bezeugt sind.52 Da aber diese Be- ciali da Iulia Concordia. Atti del istituto Veneto di sci- deutung nur bei einer differenzierenden Ausdrucks- enze, lettere et arti 168, 43-110. weise verständlich war, finden sich in Siscia dafür Dalby, A. (2000) Dangerous Tastes: the story of spices. London. die Abkürzungen MVRT, MVRTIO oder MVRTEO- Feugère, M. (1993) Une étiquette inscrite en plomb. Bul- LUM.53 In Nemausus (Nîmes) findet sich die Angabe letin de l’Ecole Antique de Nîmes, Suppl. 1, 301-305. MVRTA.54 Feugère, M. et al. (2004) Les instruments de l’écriture. Abschließend sei noch die Abkürzung GRV an- Gallia 61, 1-192. gesprochen, so z.B. in Kalsdorf.55 Da der Lautwan- Frei-Stolba, R. (2011) Les étiquettes en plomb: des docu- del von o zu u in provinzialen Texten sehr häufig ments de l‘écriture au quotidien. In M. Corbier & J.-P. ist, kann man darin die Abkürzung für den Termi- Guilhembet (eds.), L‘écriture dans la maison romaine, nus grossus in der Bedeutung von dick sehen. Diese 331-344. Paris. Eigenschaft von Kleidungsstücken ist in der Lite- Frenz, Th. (2010) Abkürzungen. Die Abbreviaturen der La- ratur häufig bezeugt.56 Die vorgestellten Abkürzun- teinischen Schrift von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart. gen und ihr Verständnis vertiefen unsere Informati- Stuttgart. onen zur Farbe, den Geruch und die Qualität antiker Glei, R. F. (1993) Ridebat de facto Sarra. Bemerkungen Kleidung. Nur ein Zusammenführen von epigraphi- zur Cena Cypriani. In W. Ax & R. F. Glei (eds.), Lite- scher und literarischer Dokumentation kann auf die- raturparodie in Antike und Mittelalter, 153-176. Trier. sem Feld der antiken STextilforschung zu neuen Er- Gostenčnik, K. (2014) Textilproduktion in der Austria Ro- mana. In K. Grömer, Römische Textilien in Noricum und gebnissen führen. Westpannonien im Kontext der Archäologischen Gewe- befunde 2000 v. Chr. – 500 n. Chr. in Österreich, 57- 108. Graz. Bibliographie Guillaud, J.-A. (1909) Le nom de plante “Saliunca”. Revue des Etudes Anciennes 11, 246-252; 364-365. André, J. (1949) Étude sur le termes de couleur dans la Guillaud, J.-A. (1910) La “Saliunca” dans Pline le natura- langue latine. Paris. liste et dans Marcel de Bordeaux. Revue des Etudes An- André, J. (1956) Lexique des termes de botanique en la- ciennes 12, 183-185. tin. Paris. Jacques, A. & Hoët-van Cauwenberghe, Ch. (2010) Arti- Buchi, E. (2005) Le etichette plumbee rinvenute a Feltre: sanat et commerce: les étiquettes de plomb inscrites dé- aspetti onomastici, lessicali, economici e tecnici. In G. couvertes à Arras (Nemetacum). Revue des Etudes An- Ciurletti & N. Pisu (eds.), Leben an der Via Claudia Au- ciennes 112, 295-317. gusta: Archäologische Beiträge, 43-44. Trento. Livini, A. (2011) Il caso della Cena Cypriani: riflessioni Bradley, M. (2009) Colour and Meaning in ancient Rome. sulla circolazione altomedievale di un libello tardo-an- Cambridge. tico. Wiener Studien 124, 279-295. Bodiou, L. & Mehl, V. (2008) De Myrrhinè à Marilyn: se Marengo, S. M. (1989) Etichette plumbee ed altro instu- vêtir, se parfumer, se montrer ou le parfum comme pa- mentum iscritto su metallo da varie località del Mace- rure. Mètis N. S. 6, 13-40. ratese. Picus IX, 35-55. Cleland, L., Davies, G., Llewellyn-Jones, L. (2007) Greek Martijnse, E. (1993) Beschriftete Bleietiketten der Römer- and Roman dress from A to Z. London – New York. zeit in Österreich, Diss. Wien. 51. Radman-Livaja 2014, 73. 52. Ov. ars 3, 181; Petron. 21,2; vgl. Colum. 10, 238; dazu André 1949, 190-191. 53. Radman-Livaja 2014, 73. 54. Vgl. Feugère 1993, 301-302; Feugère et al. 2004, 27. 55. Römer-Martijnse 1990, 216; 219; 224. 56. ThLL VI/2 2337 s.v.grossus. 15. Zur Textilterminologie auf römischen Bleitäfelchen   255 Mihăescu, H. (1978) La langue latine dans le sud-est de Schöffel, Ch. (2002) Martial, Buch 8. Stuttgart. l’Europe. Bukarest – Paris. Solin, H. (1977) Tabelle plumbee di Concordia. Aquileia Modesto, Ch. (1992) Studien zur Cena Cypriani und zu de- Nostra 48, 145-164. ren Rezeption. Tübingen. Solin, H. (1996) Die Stadtrömischen Sklavennamen. Ein Parfums (2008) Parfums de l‘ antiquité. La rose et l’ en- Namenbuch. Stuttgart. cens en Méditerranée. Mariemont. Squillace, G. (2012) Nella bottega del profumiere. Segreti Pettenò, E. (2012) Laminette plumbee da Iulia Concor- e trucchi di mestiere nel de odoribus di Teofrasto. In D. dia: Alcune riflessioni sui commerci e sulla lana. In M. Frère & L. Hugot (eds.), Les huiles parfumées en Mé- Stella Busana & P. Basso (eds.), La lana nella cisalpina diterranée occidentale et en Gaule VIIIE s.av.–VIIIEs. Romana. Economia e società. 435-439. Padova. apr.J-C., 231-239. Rennes. Pley, J. (1911) De lanae in antiquorum ritibus usu. Gießen. Vons, J. (1999) „Il est des parfums sauvages comme Radman-Livaja, I. (2014) Tesserae Sisciensiae. Les plombs l’odeur du désert“. Ètude du vocabulaire des parfums inscrits de Siscia. Zagreb. chez Pline l’Ancien. Latomus 58, 820-838. Radman-Livaja, I. (2013) Two Lead Tags from Štrbinci Wagner-Hasel, B. (2006) Duftende Kleider & Gesalbte (Certissia?). Arheol. rad. raspr. 17, 165-180. Körper. In A. Dierichs & A. Viola Siebert (eds.), Duft- Reger, G. (2005) The manufacture and distribution of per- noten. Was Griechen und Römern in die Nase stieg, 20- fume. In Z. H. Archibald, J. K. Davies, V. Gabrielsen 25. Hannover. (eds.), Making, moving and managing. The new world of Wedenig, R. (2012a) Kleininschriften zum Wirtschaftsle- ancient economies, 323-31 BC, 253-297. Oxford. ben im nördlichen Noricum. In F. Lang, St. Traxler, W. Reuthner, R. (2013) Platons Schwestern. Lebenswelten an- Wohlmayr (eds.), Stadt, Land, Fluss/Weg, Aspekte zur tiker Griechinnen. Köln – Weimar – Wien. römischen Wirtschaft im nördlichen Noricum. 127-132. Römer-Martijnse, E. (1990) Römerzeitliche Bleietiketten Salzburg. aus Kalsdorf, Steiermark. Wien. Wedenig, R. (2012b) Kleininschriften auf Keramik- und Römer-Martijnse, E. (1991a) In Instrvmenta inscripta la- Bleifunden vom Makartplatz. In P. Höglinger (ed.) Salz- tina. Das römische Leben im Spiegel der Kleininschrif- burg, Makartplatz 6, Römisches Gewerbe – Stadtpalais ten. Pécs. – Bankhaus Spängler, 50-53. Horn. Römer-Martijnse, E. (1991b) Auf den Spuren des Textil- Wedenig, R. (2012c) Wirtschaftsnotizen auf Instrumentum gewerbes im römischen St. Pölten. In P. Scherrer (ed.), domesticum aus Noricum. In Sylloge Epigraphica Bar- Landeshauptstadt St. Pölten. Archäologische Bausteine, cinonensis X, 101-108. 91-96. Wien. Weiß, P. (1991) Bleietiketten mit Warenangaben aus dem Römer-Martijnse, E. (1992) Fullones ululamque cano Umfeld von Rom. Tyche 6, 211-220. ….(CIL V 9131). Specimina Nova VII, 111-114. Pécs. 16 Observations on the Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani on Maximum Prices Peder Flemestad, Mary Harlow, Berit Hildebrandt, Marie-Louise Nosch The Edictum Diocletiani et collegarum on the edges of the empire; internal unrest; the rise of Christianity and periodic persecutions. Diocletian’s The so-called Edict of Maximum Prices was issued actions were arguably pragmatic responses to the sit- in AD 301 as part of a comprehensive administrative uation he found the empire in on his accession. The and financial reform released in the reign of the Ro- Edict should be seen alongside a number of reforms man emperor Diocletian.1 Diocletian came to power during his reign and is regarded by some scholars in AD 284 after a period in Roman history tradition- as the most important inscription of late antiquity.3 ally understood as a time of ‘crisis’, produced by a Several editions and translations have been published series of inter-related factors:2 a frequent turnover of thus far. In addition to the continuous publication of emperors; problems with the economy in terms of new finds of the text itself, commentaries on differ- production and coinage; incursions by various tribes ent aspects of the Edict abound.4 1. Noethlichs 2010, s. v. Edictum Diocletiani. The term ‘Edict’ is generally thought to have been coined by Theodor Mommsen, who referred to dicunt in the preface of the text; however, it should be noted that W. M. Leake had already used the term in 1826 (Leake 1826). In the text itself lex (law) and statutum are used, demonstrating that we are deal- ing with a law that was supposedly valid and, at least according to its own standard, enforced throughout the empire, in the East as well as the West (Lex: Ed. Diocl. praef.15; statutum: Ed. Diocl. praef. 15, 18, 19, 20). In the case of any violation (including super elevated prices, illegal negotiations between sellers and buyers as well as the hoarding of goods), transgressors were threatened with capital punishment. The Edict was produced in the names of the two Em- perors C. Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus and M. Aurelius Valerius Maximinianus and their intended successors Flavius Valerius Constantius and Galerius Valerius Maximinianus, but is traditionally named after Diocletian alone. The 18th tribunicia potestas of Diocletian mentioned in the text suggests that the Edict was issued between 21 November and 31 December AD 301, according to Corcoran 1996, 206, or between 20 November to 9 December, according to Speidel 2009, 497, note 43. Translations of literary passages are adapted from the relevant Loeb volumes. 2. Recent scholarship questions notions of crisis, recognising that not all of these factors affected all of the empire, all of the time: see e.g. Potter 2013; Hekster 2008. 3. Brandt 2004, 47. 4. Cf. e.g. the bibliography in Kuhoff 2001, 515-564; von Reden 2002. 256 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   257 The main purpose of the Edict, at least according above-mentioned products and services at such ex- to its own preface, was to fix maximum prices for cessive prices.6 The prices mentioned regard trans- a wide range of services and products that had con- portation, food, wages for craftsmen as well as spe- stantly been jeopardized by the avarice of some mer- cial goods such as marble and numerous clothing chants and traders who were known to ask for prices items and textiles. All in all, around 1300 items, up to 8 times the usual amount.5 According to the wages, and services are mentioned.7 In detail, stud- text itself, the main beneficiaries of the Edict were ies on specific materials mentioned in the Edict, like the soldiers of the Roman army with a fixed salary glass and marble, are well covered as are those on that would not have allowed them to purchase the the different areas of production, services, and costs 5. Ed. Diocl. praef. 97. The purpose of the Edict and the question of whether the law and its price regulations was ever understood as binding by the population or whether it should rather be considered a more symbolic demonstration of imperial power, remain a matter of scholarly dispute. It is, however, indisputable that the Edict was accompanied by a fundamental reorganization of the tax system and two further edicts regulating coinage. One of the major problems faced by the emperors of the late principate was the dramatic rise in inflation. The second Coin Edict was probably is- sued on the 1st of September in AD 301, a few months before the Price Edict (Erim 1971). The consequences of this might have been a general increase in prices that demanded quick counteraction. Burkhard Meißner has suggested that there may have been additional factors that made the Edict of Maximum Prices a necessary initiative, in particular the military reforms also undertaken by Diocletian (Meißner 2000, esp. 79-84). As the number of recruits steadily increased and the frontiers of the empire were more intensely fortified, local demand on markets could increase enormously and cause prices to soar. Meißner therefore suggests that the Edict was intended as an ad hoc measure aimed at stabilizing prices, especially in the most militarised regions of the empire (Meißner has been contradicted by Brandt 2004, see be- low). That the Edict could also be perceived as a measure taken for the welfare of all (as frequently stressed in the prae- fatio) is confirmed by an inscription commenting on the purpose of the Edict found in the province of Caria and Phry- gia (Meißner 2000, esp. 91-94). There, the provincial commander, Fulvius Asticus, added an explanation that the Edict was meant to establish adequate prices. He does not explicitly single out the military, as does the praefatio, but claims instead that the Edict was issued for the welfare of the whole provincial population. Meißner has taken this addition as an indication of the different areas of concern of the provincial governors. He still assumes, however, that the province of Caria and Phrygia was affected by inflation caused by the presence of the military. Hartwin Brandt contradicts this by pointing to inscriptions that give proof of soldiers plundering the houses of civilians, especially in Lydia and Caria and Phrygia. In Brandt’s opinion, an edict aimed to maintain the purchasing power of soldiers with a fixed salary could not have satisfied the people that had been their victims, but, quite the contrary, would have aroused resistance and an- ger (Brandt 2004, 50-51). Michael Speidel offered yet another interpretation: he assumed that the Edict was motivated by the Emperors’ concerns regarding their solvency, especially towards the soldiers, and their interest in keeping the soldiers content and supportive of their power (Speidel 2009). 6. Noethlichs 2010 argues that soldiers were especially affected by this because they had to spend a considerable amount of their salary on food, clothing and related items. Some researchers deny the impact of Diocletian’s Edict altogether (Meißner 2000, esp. 79-82). They refer to the contemporary of Diocletian, Lactantius, who states that the Edict had to be abrogated (Lactantius, De mort. pers. 7,6f.). Lactantius claims that the Edict did not succeed and that after a short time goods were said to have disappeared from the market as a direct reaction to it, so that it had to be annulled (Lact. De mort. pers. 7,7). The hypothesis that Diocletian did not succeed is, however, not confirmed by recent scholarship: the Edict appears to have succeeded in slowing down inflation (Noethlichs 2010). In 1989 Alexander Demandt argued that the maximum prices of the Edict were sometimes well above the market price, as shown by comparisons with prices in papyri and other inscriptions (Demandt 1989, 56-57, cit. by Brandt 2004, 47; for a discussion of the papyri see Mick- witz 1932). Therefore, he concluded that the main intention of the Edict was to stabilize prices, because the margin was not always exhausted. Both Bagnall and Corcoran note that transactions would occasionally adhere to prices stipulated of the Edict, even after the Edict itself had been annulled; this is best documented in connection with military clothing (Corcoran 1996, 233; Bagnall 1985, 69, esp. on the three identical sets of prices in 302, 314 and 323). 7. Arnaud 2007. 258   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) for transport.8 Some aspects of ancient textile tech- except in very general terms. This has to be kept in nology and clothing have been treated in greater de- mind when dealing with questions of tool terminology tail, such as the different types of purple mentioned, which might have been influenced by, for instance, wool, clothing and cloth, as well as specific termi- misunderstandings by the copyist, misspellings and nological questions related to clothes.9 Despite this other factors. interest in the range and types of clothing, scholar- ship has not yet focussed on the textile tools men- Textile tools in the Edict tioned in the Edict. This contribution proposes to fill part of this gap. Textile tools as a case study Greek or Latin original This investigation of textile tools provides some in- sights into the use and production of textiles and their The Edict is written in Greek and Latin, and the ques- producers and consumers and thus allows glimpses tion of the original language of the Edict is seemingly at economic implications and the practical applica- straightforward. As a law promulgated by an emperor tion of the Edict in everyday life. It also highlights of the Western part of the empire, it was undoubt- key aspects of ancient technology invisible in liter- edly Latin. The elaborate preface of the inscription is ary sources. Indeed, since the relevant chapters con- so far only known from Latin versions of the Edict, cerning textile tools are preserved in both Greek and not in the Greek versions. The Greek text(s) that sur- Latin, we are offered, in addition, an invaluable bi- vived cannot be traced back to a single official mas- lingual source for textile terminologies for both more ter document. As Giacchero suggested, local author- common as well as more specialised tools. ities seem to have been rather at liberty to translate the Latin text according to need.10 This seems to be The fragments of the Edict related to textile tools corroborated by the observations of E. G. Turner. He argues, based on papyri from the reign of Diocletian, The preserved fragments of the Edict testify to several that Diocletian did not pursue an active language pol- textile tools. Some tools are directly attested by name, icy to enforce the use of Latin in Egypt, and that he others only indirectly through craft terminology and only imposed very narrow measures to limit the use occupational designations. Among the tools explicitly of Greek through the introduction of “a quasi-Roman mentioned are needles, pins, spindles, whorls, combs municipal and taxation system, Roman coinage, and and looms. In this contribution, we focus on the items Roman dating by consuls and by indiction” in order that are mainly attested in two parts of the Edict so to promote the gradual increase in the use of Latin far: chapters 13 and 16. Their translation and interpre- language and terminology.11 While an interest in po- tation varies widely in philological literature and thus litical and administrative terminology is understand- merits a reassessment. The chapters are preserved in able, it is, however, unlikely that one would have stip- both Latin and Greek fragments (Fig. 1). Not all frag- ulated any precise terminology for (items of) trade, ments have their bilingual counterpart nor are fully 8. Glass: Whitehouse 2004; 2005; marble: Corcoran & Delaine 1994; production: Giacchero 1983; services: Polichetti 2001; transport: Arnaud 2007. 9. Purple: Steigerwald 1990; Leadbetter 2003; wool: Reynolds 1981; clothing and cloth: Erim 1970, 132: Note on “cloth- ing and cloth” by J.P. Wild; clothes: Wild 1964; wool: Wild 2014-2015. 10. Giacchero 1974, 98: “La versione in greco della tariffa non sembra sia stata redatta in un testo unico e ufficiale. In- fatti le notevoli varianti lessicali riscontrabili nei frammenti greci inducono a ritenere che la traduzione dell’elenco di merci e servizi sia stata compiuta in maniera autonoma da autorità locali.” Giacchero here follows Mommsen & Blüm- ner 1958, 57 and Bingen 1953, 648. 11. Turner 1961, 168. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   259 Fig. 1. Map of findspots of fragments related to textile tools, adapted from Giacchero 1974. attested in even one language. Some lines are attested (of which one is in Latin and three are in Greek) and only once/in one fragment in each language, others three of chapter 16 (of which two are Latin and one is more than once in several fragments, others again are Greek: see Fig. 2 for an example). Two of these frag- missing in both languages, while others are missing ments (Aezan. IV and Aphr. XXIX) postdate the edi- only in one language and can sometimes be recon- tion of Siegfried Lauffer12 that is still fundamental structed by using their Latin or Greek counterpart. for studies of the Edict, but i.a. change the line num- Of the Latin version we have one fragment of bering of the chapters that are treated in this contri- chapter 13 (ll. 1-10) and two fragments of chapter 16 bution. We therefore in general follow the edition of (ll. 12-14). Of the Greek version three fragments have Marta Giacchero,13 who was able to include the new been found of chapter 13 and one fragment of chap- finds, and have modified our analysis with reference ter 16. We therefore have 4 fragments of chapter 13 to later scholarship.14 12. Lauffer 1971. 13. Giacchero 1974. Additional information in German and Italian in the following footnotes is taken from Lauffer and Giacchero. 14. E.g. Crawford & Reynolds 1977; see also Barańscy et al. 2007; Roueché 1989, 281. 260   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2. The Synnada fragment of chapter 16, adapted from Macpherson 1952, Plate X.1. The attested textile tools in chapters 16 and 13 Chapter 16: 16,1215 [De] Acu 12a Acus sartoria sive subfisclatoria suptilissima Ӿ IV 13 Formae secundae Ӿ II 14 Acus ciliciari sive sagmaria Ӿ II 16,12 [περὶ βελον]ῶ[ν] 12a [βελόνη] ῥαφικὴ ἰσχνοτάτη Ӿ δ’ 13 [δευτέρ]ας φώρμ(ης) βελόνη αʹ Ӿ β’ 14 [βελό]νη σα<κ>κοράφη ἤτοι σαγμα[τ]ική Ӿ β’ The brief chapter 16 is headed De acu and does The chapter starts with an acus sartoria. The liter- not mention any other tools than acus in the pre- ary translation as a sewing needle is unproblematic.17 served fragments. The Greek title is badly damaged, Immediately after the mention of this sewing needle but the restoration [περὶ βελον]ῶ[ν] is unproblem- both the fragment from Synnada and the (slightly atic since in the following lines only the term βελόνη more damaged) one from Aphrodisias give the infor- is mentioned16 which corresponds to the Latin acus. mation sive (acus) subfisclatoria suptilissima, “or a Both terms are commonly translated as ‘needle’, very fine subfisclatoria-type needle”.18 Both cost the which seems to match the meaning of the chapter same, 4 denarii each. However, the meaning of sub- very well. fisclatoria is unclear. It could, analogous to sartoria, 15. = 16, 8-10 Lauffer. 16. Loring (1890, 320) notes that the restoration [περὶ βελον]ῶ[ν] is conjectural, but fairly probable, because “headings are pretty abundant in this part of the inscription”. 17. Sartorius, ῥαφικός ‘für den Schneider’, cf. 7, 48. 18. Suptilis = subtilis, ἰσχνός ‘dünn, fein’, cf. 7, 48. Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum III 181, 5 ἰσχνός stuptilis. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   261 indicate the use of this needle, but it could also in- rougher textile qualities, the Latin adjective cilicia- dicate the material of the object. For the interpre- ris pointing to so-called ‘Cilician’ fabrics that were tation, one has referred to the noun fistula, which originally made of goat hair;20 and the correspond- would refer to a needle in the shape of or (originally) ing Greek word σακκοράφη pointing to bags made of made of a tube or stalk.19 The term acus thus pre- a rough fabric. Second, sagmaria for saddle-cloths, sumably distinguishes here either two different uses confirmed by the Greek σαγματική, with sagma-, ac- of the same needle or two distinct needles, distin- cording to one editor,21 referring to a pack-saddle, guished by use and/or material that were sold for the but which is probably a saddle-cloth.22 With regard same price. The Greek text is fragmentary but gives to σα<κ>κοράφη, Loring notes that the stone clearly ῥαφική for sartoria and ἰσχνοτάτη that matches the reads σαρκοράφη, but that this is a mistake; he adds Latin suptilissima, but there is no Greek term cor- that since it was a large needle, and used for sacking, responding to subfisclatoria. The question remains it was probably a packing-needle.23 open as to whether these needles were similar enough These kinds of acus may be interpreted as nee- to be grouped together for reasons other than their dles in the modern sense of the word, as sharp and identical price. pointed objects made of metal (or another hard ma- A clue to their interpretation may be found in the terial that could be formed into a very thin needle), next line where the needle is termed formae secun- with an eye at one end. They might have been used dae in Latin, δευτέρας φώρμης in Greek, i.e. of ‘sec- to stitch fabric together or to apply decorative objects ond-grade quality’. This type of needle only costs half (including pearls, metal ornaments and thread) on fab- the price of the subfisclatoria-type needles, 2 denarii. rics. This interpretation seems to be corroborated by Needles of the second quality are therefore presum- finds of metal needle hoards in different regions of ably contrasted with those of the subfisclatoria-type the Roman world. One set of 17 “badly rusted” nee- that seem to be of ‘first-grade’ quality (forma prima), dles comes from Dura Europos in modern-day Syria, being finer (suptilissima/ἰσχνοτάτη). dating probably to the middle of the 3rd century AD, In the last line, we meet a similar phrasing as the very close in time to the Price Edict (Fig. 3). Accord- first line, an acus ciliciari sive sagmaria which costs ing to the publication, they were made of iron and 2 denarii, like the second-grade quality needles in the tucked into a fragment of undyed wool cloth. Their previous line. This probably denotes a single type of length varied from 5.2 to 6.0 cm, and the average di- needle that is used for two distinct purposes: first, for ameter is 0.15 cm.24 19. Lauffer: sufisclatorius = suffisculatorius ‘rohrförmig’ (fistula ‚‘Rohr, Halm, Hohlnadel’), cf. Plin. NH 17,100: sutoriae simili fistula; Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum III 10,48 συριστής fisculator. V 248, 14 tenui havena fistula vulgo fiscla dicitur. CIL VI 4444,4 fistlatori. Perhaps we are dealing with a situation similar to English ‘weaver’s reed’. Macpherson (1952, 73), discussing the Synnada fragment, notes that sufisclatoria could be derived from the form fisculus or from fistula; he furthermore adduces Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum II, 580 for the form fisculator, and Plin. NH 17,100 for the word fistula, referring to a shoemaker’s tool (sutoriae simili fistula); and Festus (308-309 Müller) for suffiscus. 20. Laufer: ciliciaris ‘für Decken aus kilikischem Ziegenhaar’ or ‘grobes kilikisches Tuch’ (cilicium), cf. Mart.7,95,13. Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum III 574,22 coactile genus cilicii. P. Lond. III 1164h 10 p. 164 κιλικίῳ. σα(κ)κοράφος ‘zum Sacknähen’, cf. Etym. Magn. 46,31 ἀκέστρα ἡ βελόνη ἡ μείζων, ἣν νῦν σακκοράφιον καλοῦσιν. Cf. also Blüm- ner 1912, 204. 21. Loring (1890, 320) understands the σαγμα[τ]ική in line 14 as another large needle, perhaps a saddler’s needle, σάγμα being a ‘pack-saddle’. 22. Sagmarius, σαγματικός ‘zum Sattelnähen’, cf. 11,4-6. Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum II 429,28 σαγματοποιός sagmarius. 23. Loring 1890, 320. 24. Pfister & Bellinger 1945, 60, cat.no. 293. 262   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) Another set of needles was found in Magdalens- berg in Austria, ‘Old Virunum’, and might have been produced for trade (Fig. 4). The settlement flour- ished in the period 50 BC to 50 AD. The ruler in the photo of the publication shows that some of the nee- dles were actually 14 cm long and probably meant for heavy duty sewing. However, we have to keep in mind that finer needles are presumably less likely to be preserved than thicker ones, which might have dis- torted the statistics of the hoard finds. While chapter 16 is relatively straightforward, Fig. 3. Needles from Dura Europos, from Pfister & Bell- chapter 13 poses several terminological problems. inger 1945, Plate XXXI, 293. These regard both its internal structure that seemingly does not match the headline; the interpretation of the Fig. 4. Needles from Magdalensberg, from Gostenčnik 2010, 83, fig. 13b. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   263 Chapter 13: On pin-beaters25 13, 1 De radiis textoribus 1a Radium buxeum numero vac. I [Ӿ XIIII] 2 Radia promisquae materiae vac. N I[I] [Ӿ XXX] 3 Pectinem textorium buxeum [Ӿ XII] 4 Pectinem textorium promisquae materiae [Ӿ XIIII] 5 Fusum buxeum cum verticillo [Ӿ XII] 6 Fusum cum verticillo alterius materiae [Ӿ XV] 7 Pectinem muliebrem buxeum [Ӿ XIIII] 8 Acus osseas muliebres N IIII [Ӿ XII] 9 Acus testudines I [Ӿ IIII] 10 Acus sucinea I [Ӿ ?] 13,1 περὶ κερκίδων 1a κερκὶς πυξίνη α’ Ӿ ιδ’ 2 κερκίδες βʹ ἐκ διαφ(όρων) ξύλ(ων) Ӿ λ’ 3 κτένα πύξινον  Ӿ ιβ’ 4 κτένα ἐκ διαφόρων ξύλων ἰς πήν(ην) Ӿ ιδ’ 5 ἄτρακτος πύξινος μετὰ σφονδύλου Ӿ ιβ’ 6 ἄτρακτος μετὰ σφονδύλου ἐξ ἑτέρων ξύλων Ӿ ιε’ 7 κτένιον γυναικεῖον πύξινον  Ӿ ιδ’ 8 κνῆστρον ὀστάιν[ον γ]υναικεῖον Ӿ ιβ’ 9 κνῆστρον χελών[ινον] Ӿ δ’ 10 κνηστρον σούκινον Ӿ [—] different items mentioned; and finally the translation 1930s, has at regular intervals noted and stressed that of the terms from Latin to Greek and vice versa. The this is a highly problematic and anachronistic transla- Latin text is only attested in one fragment that was tion. The term textoribus suggests that we are dealing found in Aizanoi, while the Greek version (contain- with weaving tools but the chapter does not limit itself ing the lines corresponding to acus) is preserved in to its own headline (this is not unusual in the Edict).27 two fragments from Geronthrai in Laconia and Aid- Instead, after listing several radia/κερκίδες specified epsos on Euboia.26 according to material, it goes on to list combs; spin- Chapter 13 is headed with De radiis textoribus/περὶ dles with whorls; items specified as “women’s items” κερκίδων. The terms κερκίς and radius are consist- – among which are another small comb and also a dif- ently translated in both literature and dictionaries as ferent kind of needle or pin or tool that has been in- “(weaver’s) shuttle”. However, research since in the terpreted as “scraper”, but which is probably better 25. Cf. Crawford & Reynolds 1977. 26. Aizanoi IV. This fragment was published by F. Naumann, after Lauffer’s edition, but, as noted by Crawford & Reyn- olds (1977, 125), the ed.pr., published with admirable speed, was susceptible to improvement in some places, we there- fore follow the readings of Crawford & Reynolds. Both Greek fragments of the chapter (Aedeps. and Ger. II) are un- fortunately badly preserved. Different interpretations, depending on editorial choices of the texts, have not, however, been the subject of sufficient scholarly discussion. 27. See Doyle 1976, 91: “as often in the Edict, covers only one of the items listed”, although he assumes that “the shut- tles, spindles, combs, and scrapers, (are) all doubtless made traditionally in the same shop”. 264   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) translated as “scratcher” if the function is to be em- περὶ κερκίδων “on pin-beaters”, perhaps because the phasised. Prior to the discovery of the Aizanoi frag- tool’s use for weaving was the predominant sense of ment, Chapter 13 was only known in Greek. the Greek word.31 Crawford and Reynolds note that As already mentioned the headline is usually trans- the form of the adjective textoribus for textoriis is lated as concerning “shuttles”. According to John Pe- “curious”,32 referring to textorium in lines 13,3 and ter Wild, an early advocate against this common inter- 13,4. Naumann even assumes that textoribus is an er- pretation, the shuttle was unknown to the Romans;28 ror for textoriis,33 but there is no fundamental prob- and Elizabeth Barber hypothesises that the shuttle only lem in reading textoribus, i.e. “radia for weavers”, came to the Mediterranean area around the 10th cen- instead of “weaving radia”. It should be noted that34 tury AD.29 Since the instrument is specified as a weav- that radium (13,1a) and radia (13,2) are the uncom- ers’ instrument (textoribus), the solution may be to mon35 neuter form36 of the word. While they may be term it “(weaving) pin”, i.e. a pointed instrument, not in the nominative, the accusative case is of course necessarily with an eye/hole, that was multi-functional equally possible, which would conform to lines 3-7 and could serve as: a “weft-carrier/spool“ to pass the that are in the accusative, making all items listed in weft through the warp threads, and as a weft-beater lines from 13.1a-7 accusative. (and even as a hairpin – see below). This interpreta- After the heading, the chapter starts with a pin- tion also has the advantage that a pin – in contrast to beater of boxwood, which was the cheapest material a shuttle – could be used on different kinds of looms, for textile tools (buxeum, πύξινος),37 presumably due e.g. warp-weighted, ground, and two-beam looms,30 to its prolific and widespread availability. One pin- which might have been useful in an inscription that beater costs 14 denarii. Boxwood textile tools are con- was supposed to regulate the prices of tools in a vast sistently indicated apiece, perhaps as a point of refer- empire with different weaving traditions. ence or default category; conversely it could be due It is interesting to note that the Latin headline to the fact that boxwood is singularly useful for tex- specifies de radiis textoribus “on pin-beaters for tile tools: it is smooth and light, and good for work- weavers”, while the Greek headline merely states ing with raw material such as wool, because it does 28. Wild 1970, 65; cf. Barber 1991, 85, 273-274; Edmunds 2012. Crawford & Reynolds (1977, 149-151) are rare in trans- lating the term radius as pin-beater (once, ad line 13.2, ‘pin-beaters or spools’). At the end of their article they ac- knowledge the assistance of John Peter Wild. Lauffer translates as ‘Weberschiffchen’, while Giacchero translates as ‘spola’. Wild 1967, 154-155. 29. Barber 1991, 85 n.3. 30. Looms: Ciszuk 2000; Wild 2008 (contra Wild 1970) on the horizontal loom; Thompson & Granger-Taylor 1995-1996 on the zilu loom. 31. Cf. Crawford & Reynolds 1977, 149: “That the radii listed here were for weaving was regarded as self-evident by the Greek copyists who use κερκίς unqualified.” 32. Crawford & Reynolds 1977, 150. 33. Naumann 1973, 46, n. 25: “textoribus falsch für textoriis”. 34. Crawford & Reynolds (1977, 150) merely note that its gender is “another grammatical mistake”. 35. The Thesaurus Linguae Latinae is, to our knowledge, the only dictionary to mention the neuter form radium. That the neuter was also in use is, however, clear from the premonition of the grammarian Flavius Caper (GL VII, 102,1): “hic radius, non hoc radium”. Moreover, Charisius (GL 1.71) includes the word in the words that are masculine in Latin, but feminine in Greek. Outside this passage it is attested e.g. in Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum III 195, 53, where it translates certides (=cercides), and in the Vindolanda tablets (II 309,7), where its meaning is ‘spokes’. 36. Of course radium may also be interpreted as a masculine accusative singular, but radia in the subsequent line makes this improbable. 37. For πύξινος cf. 13,1a.3 13,3; forma, φῶρμα cf. 8,1a. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   265 not splinter.38 In the following line the pin-beaters are denarii, then one made of other wood than boxwood, made of other kinds of wood, a category subsumed by also with a whorl, for the price of 15 denarii. While the generic expressions promisquae or alterius mate- spindles were made of wood, spindle whorls could riae and διαφόρων or ἑτέρων ξύλων. The number of be made of many types of material: wood, bone, clay, radia in the Latin text is partly restored, but the Greek stone, lead.41 Even if the price for the spindle also equivalent (that also gives the plural: κερκίδες) speci- covers the cost of the whorl, whose material is not fies two that cost 15 denarii each. That all wood other indicated, the prices of 12 and 14 denarii seem ex- than boxwood could be lumped into one category con- travagant, given the cheap materials presumably em- firms the hypothesis that boxwood was a kind of “de- ployed. All the tools from chapter 16 mentioned so far fault material” for this type of textile tool. conform to one pattern, i.e. were made of boxwood This pattern is repeated in the next two lines that vs. other woods: pin-beater, comb, and spindle (with list weavers’ combs (thus deviating from the pin-beat- whorl). It is curious that pin-beaters of wood other ers in the headline and first two lines). First one made than boxwood are counted in pairs. Otherwise, all are of boxwood for 12 denarii is listed, then one made of textile tools, and even if they do not fit closely under any other wood than boxwood at 14 denarii each. We the headline of ‘pin-beaters’ as a whole, one can com- do not know what these combs looked like, but, with prehend them being listed in this category since they reference to these lines (13,3-4), Reynolds and Craw- are wooden tools belonging to the textile profession. ford note that “[t]he Roman weaving comb had a wide The evidence becomes much more idiosyncratic head and very small teeth (Wild 1970, 67)”. They ob- with the following lines. It is rather intriguing that serve that in this light, it is curious that it has the same after the weavers’ combs in line 13.3 and 13.4 (both price as the above-mentioned radius (or a fusus, spin- textorium), there are two lines which mention spin- dle, see below), as it requires more skill to make it, dles, but line 13.7 again mentions a comb. However, and it would presumably be larger.39 They further note this time it is specified as pectinem muliebrem bux- that in line 13,4 the Greek fragment from Geronthrai eum. Crawford and Reynolds translate it as ‘woman’s adds ἰς πήνην, ‘for weft’, i.e. for beating up the weft – comb of boxwood’, noting that “double-sided box- perhaps a paraphrase of the Latin textorius”. It should wood combs were relatively common in the Roman be noted that ‘combs for raising the nap on woollen world”.42 Both Greek passages confirm this reading cloth’ are mentioned elsewhere in the Edict:40 with κτένιον γυναικεῖον πύξινον. This comb seems to be distinct from the one mentioned in line 13,3 ̣ ̣ṭịnes lanaṛi[i..c. 21.. Ӿ se]ptingentos pẹc since it is explicitly characterized as a ‘woman’s’, and quinquagint[a] termed by the diminutive κτένιον in the Greek text, [pectin]em? ṃ[.. c.28..] Ӿ quadraginta vacat not κτένα like the weaving combs. It is not, how- ever, differentiated as being smaller in the Latin text. In Chapter 13, the following two lines (13,5-6) con- It should also be noted that although both one sort of form to the pattern of the list that was established ‘weaving comb’ and the ‘woman’s comb’ are made for the previous items: They list spindles, first one of (relatively cheap) boxwood, the latter is two dena- made of boxwood with a whorl, for the price of 12 rii more expensive than the boxwood weaving comb 38. Ida Demant, pers. comm. 39. Crawford & Reynolds 1977, 150. 40. Aphrodisias: Aphr. XXIX Col.III, 8-9 (=15.78-9): the editors (Erim & Reynolds 1973, 107) note that: “Pectines lania- rii used for raising the nap on woollen cloth were characteristically made of iron, cf. Juvenal vii, 224 qui docet obli- quo lanam deducere ferro”. 41. Crawford and Reynolds 1977, 150. See Gostenčnik 2010, 76, figure 14.5, for an example of a spindle from Magda- lensberg (1st century BC to 1st century AD). 42. Crawford and Reynolds 1977, 150. 266   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) (or as expensive as a weaving comb made of ‘other’ allow it, but other materials are much more rare than wood). This suggests that, although it was perhaps the Edict would suggest. A crucial discrepancy be- a smaller item, it may have been more elaborately tween chapter 16 and chapter 13 is that the latter em- worked (e.g. with two rows of teeth) or have an alto- phasises the material of the objects rather than their gether different function. Still, we are left without an function, while chapter 16 specified their function and explanation as to why the composer of the list should use and never mentioned their material. We now turn have found it necessary to mention a ‘woman’s comb’ to the question of how to translate κνῆστρον, then under the headline ‘pin-beaters for weavers’. discuss the different materials mentioned, and finally The text goes on with another item that is qualified consider how these items may fit under the headline as muliebris or γυναικεῖον (‘for women’ or ‘wom- of the chapter. en’s’): an acus in line 8. At first glance, acus leads us to believe that we are dealing with a term that has the The text regarding acus/κνῆστρον in 13,8-10 same meaning as the acus that we have already en- The Latin text as preserved on the fragment from countered in chapter 16: needles in the modern sense Aizanoi initially lists 4 acus osseas, i.e. made of bone, of pointed, sharp objects, presumably with an eye for that were used by women (muliebres); the price is un- a thread. The adjective would not affect this interpre- fortunately lost. The next line gives acus testudines, tation, since one could imagine a needle that was, for i.e. made of tortoise shell, and lists a price for one example, used to execute delicate work that was as- piece, but again the price is lost. The final line gives sociated with or carried out by women. On closer ex- acus sucinea, i.e. made of amber, and again indicates amination, this explanation does not stand up to scru- one piece and a price that is not preserved. The Greek tiny. One of the reasons is the Greek translation for term for amber, σούκινος, is a Latin loanword.45 the term acus. Acus is never translated in the Edict by The exact reading of the Greek texts regarding ῥαφίς; however, in contrast to chapter 16 where acus lines 13,8-9 is, however, problematic. Both Greek is consistently translated as βελόνη,43 in chapter 13 it fragments of the chapter (Aedeps. and Ger. II) are is translated as κνῆστρον.44 The root κνη- signifies to unfortunately badly preserved, but from what can scrape, scratch, grate or itch, therefore the most plau- be read and conjectured, the Greek texts differ sible translation would be a “scratcher” rather than a slightly from the Latin. For line 13.8 in the Aidep- needle (see below). The term has thus caused some sos fragment, Doyle reads46 κνῆστρον ὀστάïν[ον, for confusion. The passage could be seen as inconsistent, ὀστέïνον(?), tentatively translating it as “a scraper or the text as flawed, and perhaps the κνῆστρα as un- made of bone or with a bone handle?”. Line 13.10 related to the other textile items, but at closer look at mentions a κνῆστρον σούκινον, but the price is lost. the etymology and inner structure of the chapter pro- Doyle translates this line as “an amber scraper or a vides some clues. scraper with amber handle?” It is noteworthy that the The other reason why a straightforward translation diminutive form κνηστρίον published by Lauffer only as ‘women’s needles (sc. for textile work)’ is difficult, appears in the last line related to amber, and has no is that textile implements made of these materials equivalent in the Latin text that only speaks of acus, (bone, tortoise shell, and amber) are not as frequently not acucula.47 attested as one may expect in the archaeological re- The diminutive form κνηστρίον is, however, found cord. Bone tools are attested where the soil conditions in both lines 13,9 and 13,10 in Geronthrai fragment. A 43. Chapter 16. 12; 12a; 13; 14. 44. Chapter 13. 8; 9; 10. Note that Lauffer has the diminutive κνηστρίον in 13.10. 45. σούκινος “aus Bernstein“ (sucinum), cf. Plin. 22,99 sucinis novaculis; Mart. 4,59,2; 6,15,2. Marcell. Emp. 26,17. Geo- pon. 15,1,29 ὁ ἠλεκτρινὸς λίθος ἤτοι σουχῖνος. Sud. IV.399 σούκινοι καὶ ἐλεφάντινοι δακτύλιοι γυναιξίν εἰσι σύμφοροι. 46. Doyle 1976, 91. 47. Cf. CGL II 351, 31: κνηστρίον acucula scalprum (κνιστριον acucla scalpum). 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   267 further problem is also posed by the adjectives in this βελόναι. Modern scholarship seems still unaware of fragment. Line 8 is badly preserved and the first edi- this issue, for example, Giacchero translates acus with tion was erroneous. As it turned out, the suggestion of ‘ago’ (needle) and does not discuss the problems of Doyle proved to be right (later confirmed by Lauffer the Greek term. Crawford and Reynolds, on the other (app. crit.)): ‘κνῆστρον ὀστάïν[ον, for ὀστέïνον(?)’, hand, consistently translate acus in lines 13,8-10 as since it does in fact read -]ὀστέ…[ινον, followed by pins (bone-pins for women/tortoise-shell pins/am- γυναικεῖον so it matches the muliebres in the Latin ber-pins). They state that: “the nature of the mate- text, and gives a price of 12 denarii, again like the rials quoted suggest that the acus were ladies’ hair- Latin text, but does not provide the information that pins, not another type of weaving implement. They the price is for 4 pieces. Lines 9 and 10 pose another may have been made of a single piece of bone, tor- major problem: they have been read as ‘κνήστριον toise-shell or amber; alternatively, they may have had ἰχθύων’, translated as fish scraper, and as ‘κνήστριον wooden or bone shafts with ornamental heads (...).”50 σκυτῶν’, translated as leather scraper.48 These inter- As noted above, Doyle suggested that they may have pretations were questioned by Bingen who read the been handles.51 Still, the question of how the Latin respective terms as χ…ελώνινον and σούκινον.49 It and the Greek term can be matched terminologically is, however, noteworthy that both tools are specified remains unanswered. There are two main hypotheses as smaller than the bone item in the Geronthrai frag- in trying to determine the potential meaning of the ment, but until this is re-edited, no detailed discussion Greek word and the tool that it designated: of terms can rely on it. Our argument will thus focus 1. to assume that it is closely related to textiles on the fragments from Aidepsos and Aizanoi. since it is listed under the heading of “pin-beat- ers for weavers” and the other items mentioned κνῆστρον and its variants in this chapter are also textile-related52 We now proceed to the question of how to interpret 2. to assume that it is part of the female sphere the Greek name for the tool that matches the Latin since it is characterized as such and follows the acus: the κνῆστρον that is attested in both Greek frag- item “comb for women”, and that the Latin acus ments of chapter 13 and thus cannot be dismissed as might give an idea about its shape which was, a simple mistake of either a modern reading of the presumably, a sort of pin fragments, or an individual misunderstanding on the part of the translator or engraver. As stated above, the Let us begin by considering the first hypothesis. root κνη- signifies to scrape, scratch, grate or itch. Beekes53 (following Chantraine) connects κνῆστρον The mention of these ‘scratchers’ in chapter 13 rather to κνήσων (translated by Beekes as ‘scratcher’) than under the ‘needles’ in chapter 16 also suggests which is found in an inscription from Delos, also in that they should be understood as distinct from the a textile context;54 there is also the Latin loanword 48. Graser 1940, 359. 49. Cf. also Bingen 1965, 176, n.5: “De même, dans le texte, où aux articles 13 9 et 10 (l. 14 et 15 de la 1re colonne), il ne peut être question de lire ni κνήστριον [ἰ]χθύω[ν], ni κνήστριον σκυτῶν, qui ont reçu les honneurs suprêmes du Liddell- Scott-Jones. Je proposerais sous toute réserve d’après ma copie sur place et mon estampage : κνήστριον χ…ελώ[νινον] et κνήστριον σούκ…ιν…ον…, grattoir d’écaille et grattoir d’ambre. Ce qui me ferait suggérer que le OCT du mys- térieux article 13 8 appartient sans doute à un κν…ήσ…τ…ρ…ιον Λ .Λ ὀστ[έïνον].” 50. Crawford & Reynolds 1977, 151. 51. Doyle 1976, 91. 52. We cannot a priori assume that acus and κνῆστρον (vel sim.) can be regarded as textile tools (but neither can we ex- clude it) since their characterization as muliebris/γυναικεῖον might be their main distinguishing element. 53. Beekes 2010, 720-721. 54. ID 1444Aa37: “ἐν τῶι κιβωτίωι κν̣ησῶνας? τρεῖς”. Cf. also an inscription from Attica, mentioning a silver κνηστρὶς in a temple inventory, interpreted by the editors as a variant of κνηστρίον IG II² 4511, 9: .]κνηστρὶν ἀργυροῦ[ν – – – – ] (=IG II/III² 4511). 268   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) cnāsō ‘aiguille pour gratter’ in Paul. ex Fest (cnaso- senses of Latin acus by the use of two terms. nas (acc.pl.): acus, quibus mulieres caput scalpunt55). In 2008, Janet Stephens, a professional hair- Chantraine translates κνηστρίον as ‘instrument qui dresser and researcher into the hairstyles of the sert à racler’,56 while LSJ translates it as ‘scra- Greeks and Romans, reconsidered the nature of Ro- per’. Another thought is that it might have pointed man hairpins and arrived at some differing functions to a certain type of tool material, since κνέωρος / for hairpins and needles that have implications for κνήστωρ57 (both words derive from the same root) interpreting the Edict.59 She argues that commenta- designate a kind of wood, the so-called “stinging tors on the techniques of Roman hairdressing dem- plant”, which was in fact also termed κνῆστρον by onstrate modern biases that lead to anachronistic some. This should, however, be dismissed since the speculation, based on a faulty understanding of the κνῆστρον is already qualified by adjectives denot- technical possibilities of the tools available to Ro- ing their material: bone, tortoise shell, and amber. man hairdressers. According to Stephens, the so- If their main component had been “other wood than called single prong hair-pin (which she terms ‘hair boxwood”, this would probably have been indicated, bodkin’) cannot have been used in many contexts as with other items. and she proposes that Roman women used sewing- needles (with eyes) to stitch together the elements κνηστρίον as hair-pin of a hair-style (e.g. rows of plaits) when they were Joseph Maurer treated pins and needles in an ar- no longer using vittae60 – linen or woollen ribbons ticle in 1951, where he argued that pins and needles used to tie the hair together when arranging it – per- were one and the same to the Greeks and Romans, haps around 50 BC.61 Stephens carefully defines the and that the nouns βελόνη, ῥαφίς, acus, aculea, ac- terms of ancient Roman (and modern) hairdressing, ula signified a needle, when the object had an eye for noting correctly that the Latin acus is often used to a thread, and a pin when it had a knob, small globe, define – in her opinion – three similarly-shaped but or other ornamental termination.58 We would argue distinctly different hairdressing tools: namely the the contrary, that Greek could distinguish between the ‘hair bodkin’,62 the ‘needle-and-thread’,63 and the 55. Paul. ex Fest. p. 52, 17 Müller. 56. Chantraine 2009, 525 (κνηστρίον as read by Lauffer). 57. Cf. Plin. NH 13.114. 58. Maurer 1951, 161. 59. Stephens 2008. 60. She adduces Isid. Etym. 19.30.4; Ov. Am. 3.6.56, Ars. Am. 1.31, Met. 1.477, Pont. 3.351, Rem. Am. 386; Pl. Mil. 792; Prop. 4.11.34; Tib. 1.6.67; Val. Max. 5.2.1; Verg. Aen. 7. 403. According to Stephens (2008, 111, n.5) the vittae can be seen in both Etruscan sculpture and the Hellenistic art of Southern Italy and the nodus hairstyle epitomised by Livia was presumably the most influential in promoting hair-sewing, after which the vittae became associated primarily with ceremonial (i.e. bridal) and hieratic (i.e. Vestal) hairstyle. 61. Stephens 2008, 111. 62. Stephens 2008, 112; their basic design being similar to modern knitting needles and made in various lengths; they are mentioned in ancient sources as made of gold and silver and decorated with precious stones (cf. Ulpian. Dig. 34.2.25.10: acus cum margarita, quam mulieres habere solent “acus set with pearls which women are accustomed to have”), but most surviving Roman hair bodkins are made from bone. Also termed discerniculum, cf. Varro LL 5.29.129. 63. Needle-and-thread: Stephens defines a ‘needle’ as a rod-shaped object “pointed on one or both ends and drilled through with one or more small, circular or elongated holes (eyes)”, designed to carry the thread. Furthermore, a needle must, by Stephens’ definition, “have a hole meant to carry thread, and it cannot have an enlarged head meant to inhibit its passage through the material to be sewn”. This does not accord with current archaeological evidence, where bone sew- ing needles with enlarged heads have been found (E. Andersson Strand, pers. comm.). 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   269 ‘curling iron’.64 According to Stephens, the defini- “But the truth of the matter no one tion in Festus, acus dicitur, qua sarcinatrix vel etiam knows; for it was also said that she ornatrix utitur “acus refers to the tool used by the carried about poison in a hollow hairpin cloth-mender as well as the hairdresser”,65 indicates (κνηστίς) and kept the hairpin hidden in that ‘sewing needle’ is the “default definition of the her hair”. unmodified noun acus.”66 Thus, this is another exam- ple of textile technology used in a non-textile craft. Hesychius (s.v.): κναστήριον· In both textile craft and hairdressing, a needle with ἐνήλατο<ν>. Λάκωνες an eye is used for the same function (sewing). “The Laconians term “something driven The hair bodkin can have an enlarged (and deco- in” κναστήριον.” rative) head in order to maintain adequate isometric tension in the hairstyle.67 They could also add glam- Both texts confirm that a κνηστίς or κναστήριον is our to finished hairstyles, if they were made of pre- an object that was ‘driven into something’, in case of cious metals, gems, ivory, or bone; and the tortoise Plutarch’s text, into the hair. It is noteworthy that He- shell and amber mentioned in the Edict could very sychius speaks of a Laconian word, and that the in- well denote decorative heads on such hair bodkins. scription from Geronthrai is also from Laconia, while To return to the problem of κνῆστρον: Stephens Aidepsos is situated on Euboia where one could per- makes the pertinent and rarely (never?) observed haps rather expect an Ionian term. Regardless of any comment that the hair bodkin would probably also potential Laconian basis for the term, it seems safe have been used as a “genteel head-scratcher, which to claim that ‘pin’ would be an appropriate transla- could reach deep into elaborate styles where fingers tion both for Plutarch and Hesychius, and that the could not reach”, conforming to the statement of Fes- κνῆστρον in the Edict are etymologically related tus: cnasonas acus quibus mulieres caput scalpunt.68 and might refer to pins, which can also be used as As stated above, the cnasonas of Festus reflect the scratchers. same root as κνῆστρον. We also have evidence that If we accept that one of the functions of the the root *kna-/*kne- could also be related to a pin- κνῆστρον/κνηστρίον in Chapter 13 could be as a hair shaped object that was driven into something and that pin (bodkin) which could also act as a scratcher, then was called a κνηστίς.69 The acus of the Edict trans- we need also to add this to the functionality of the lated by κνῆστρον makes perfect sense in compari- Latin acus. Even if in chapter 16 the use of acus and son to the κνηστίς mentioned in a passage of Plutarch its translation as “needle“ (matching Greek βελόνη) and to a gloss in Hesychius: in the modern sense seems to be justified, we have to be aware that there can be also other possibilities of Plutarch (Plut. Ant. 86.4): τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς translation and use of the word. The Thesaurus Lin- οὐδεὶς οἶδεν: ἐπεὶ καὶ φάρμακον αὐτὴν guae Latinae (s.v.) proposes the following distinctions ἐλέχθη φορεῖν ἐν κνηστίδι κοίλῃ, τὴν δὲ in the term acus (noting that it is equivalent to Greek κνηστίδα κρύπτειν τῇ κόμῃ. ῥαφίς70 and βελόνη):71 64. Also termed calamistrum, cf. Varro LL 5.29.129, and discriminalia, cf. Isid. Etym. 19.31.8. Isidorus uses the word acus to describe the shape of the calamistrum, Isid. Etym. 20.13.4. 65. Festus, Glosssaria Latina, s.v. acus. 66. Stephens 2008, 113. 67. Stephens 2008, 116. 68. Stephens 2008, 117, Festus 52.17 (Müller). 69. The term κνῆστις (note the accent) denotes a cheese-grater. 70. ῥαφίς does not occur in the Edict, but so does the adjective ῥαφική in 16.12a, qualifying βελόνη, and translating sar- toria, cf. below. The root is also attested in ῥάπτης/ὑποραφή/ὑπόραψις (7.48-51). 71. Cf. Blümner 1912, 213-215 for sewing. 270   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) Pungendi figendique instrumentum Finally, a bone pin might also have been good Crinium comendorum instrumentum for working with soft threads and tapestry weav- Crinium retinendorum ornandorumve ing since the smooth surface does not damage the instrumentum thread. As Eva Andersson Strand points out, bone Suendi instrumentum needles do not leave a hole in certain types of wo- Varii usus instrumenta ven woollen fabrics when used.73 Thus the “bone pins for women” might indeed refer both to pins used by These all have in common that they are ‘sharp’ or women in textile work, (spindles, distaffs, spools pointed instruments. Acus are also used for putting and pin beaters) or decorative items like hairpins, up and ornamenting the hair. The problem of under- or pins that held clothing in place. In the so-called standing the semantic field is perhaps influenced by/ Tomb of the Embroideress, dating to late 5th-7th cen- connected to the modern sense of the term ‘needle’ tury, a wonderful array of textile tools was found. which indicates a very sharp and pointed pin-like These include weaver’s combs, spindles with whorls metal object. and spun thread attached and a series of spools with linen thread still wound round them, and some simi- Materiality of the acus and archaeological lar shaped ‘pins’ which are identified as wooden and finds ivory rods tentatively identified as weaving imple- ments, but also perhaps as styloi.74 That our “pins” in chapter 13 are of a different qual- ity than the “needles” in chapter 16 might also be Amber confirmed by the materials they are made of. With Archaeological evidence may also attest to the the exception of tortoise-shell objects (which might acus sucinea, amber pin. We know amber distaffs (or be preserved) we have archaeological finds of pin- rather distaffs that were made of metal and had amber shaped objects made of bone and of amber. elements) from Etruscan tombs in Verrucchio. Amber spindle whorls were found in Magdalensberg,75 and Evidence of bone pins Pliny notes the use of such whorls in Syria.76 The “bone pins for women” in chapter 13 might While there are examples of amber tools, they are find a match in the archaeological evidence. A set dated much earlier than the Edict;77 however, they do of bone pins comes from the Roman settlement at attest to the fact that there were pin-shaped textile Magdalensberg in Austria.72 The objects have rounded tools made of amber. Whether the amber pins were and/or decorated heads and are interpreted as spindles merely status symbols that were put into the graves, and distaffs and show, according to the excavators, or whether they were used in life, remains a matter signs of use. These objects are sometimes elaborately of dispute. Their practical use would depend on the decorated. One could well assume that they might task since amber is a very soft material (that would have been multifunctional: perhaps used by women on the other hand also be very gentle with fine textile as a decorative item, e.g. as hair pins, and pins that fibres). This might actually match the characteriza- held garments together. tion of the amber acus as “small” (or: more delicate) 72. Gostenčik 2010, 76. See also Trinkl 2007, 81-86, for a discussion of textile tools from Roman Imperial times in Ephe- sus, including bone needles (fig. 13.4) and finely decorated bone distaffs (fig. 13.7). 73. Eva Andersson Strand, pers. comm. 74. Van Raemdonck et al. 2011, 223-224 (inv. nrs. E 1036 and 1037). 75. Gostenčik 2010, 73. 76. Plin. NH 37, 11, 37. 77. See the Etruscan amber spindle or distaff from Grave 43, Verucchio, in Ræder Knudsen 2007, 110, Fig. 17.14. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   271 in both of the Greek fragments, since a small am- and other types of wood.79 As with pin-beaters, spin- ber pin for e.g. tapestry weaving might have worked dles are subdivided into those of boxwood and those well, but a longer tool fully made of amber might of other kinds of wood, that of boxwood being three have been too soft and fragile for heavier work like denarii cheaper, i.e. 12 den.80 sewing or spinning (not to mention the price for such The same varieties in wood are repeated regarding a piece – unfortunately none of the fragments of the combs, where we have two items that are explicitly Edict have preserved any numbers regarding am- qualified as weaving combs in Latin (pectinem tex- ber so far). torium; only the second one is so termed in Greek: κτένα ἰς πήνην). The last variety is a comb, made of Tortoise shell boxwood, which is termed muliebrem. We cannot be Unfortunately we do not know of any archaeo- sure whether this last item is in fact a textile tool. It logically attested pin-like items made of tortoise may also simply be the first item in a list of female shell, but as already stated, this may also be due to accessories, which brings us to another interpretation the preservation conditions in the Mediterranean ar- of lines 7-10 in chapter 13 of the Edict. eas where fragments of the Edict were found. The use of the tortoise shell pins might have resembled ‘muliebris’ that for amber (also because these acus are men- Concerning the group specified by the adjective tioned in the diminutive in the Greek texts), since muliebris that is used for pecten and acus made of the material seems equally unsuitable for the heav- bone (osseas), it is doubtful whether they were used ier tasks of textile production. But they might have as textile tools. The subsequent acus made of tortoise worked as smaller decorative items like hairpins that shell and of amber are not specified as muliebris, but might as well have been a specifically female form they could well fit into the category anyway, since of adornment. the Edict often lists items of the same kind or differ- ent qualities in subsequent lines.81 An amber or tor- toise shell acus could presumably well be conceived Gold of as a hairpin (especially since, like a bone pin, it Precious metals are not listed among the materials could be worked very smoothly and thus would not in the Edict, but it should be mentioned that accord- hurt the scalp), and the material might also have been ing to literature golden acus were used as adornment specifically connected with female adornment like in for the hair.78 Thus a certain extravagance in hair pins the case of amber, and thus accrue the qualification like amber or tortoise shell ones (or elaborate bone γυναικεῖα.82 pins) fits well into the historical context. The prices of textile tools Wood The price of the textile tools from the most expen- The chapters discussed here refer to at least two sive to the cheapest are shown in Table 1. types of wood: boxwood that seems to have been a The pricing of the different items in the Edict is not kind of standard material for textile tools and that easy to follow. This is to a large degree due to prob- was used both for pin-beaters and other textile tools, lems with the preservation of the inscriptions. 78. Martial 14.24.1-2. 79. See Stauffer 2008, 12, fig. 4, for late antique wooden acus with yarn still wound around them. 80. Whorls are in both cases sold with the spindle (13. 5; 6). 81. Wild 1964, 264; Reynolds 1981, 283. 82. The qualification γυναικεῖος recurs in three further sections of the Edict I.e. 7,54; 9,21; 13,8. γυναικεῖος cf. 13,7. 272   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 1. Prices of textile tools from the Edictum Diocletiani Price Tool Material83 Specification Line Chapter 13 15 den. each Pin-beater Other wood - 13,2 15 den. Spindle Other wood Including whorl 13,6 14 den. Pin-beater Boxwood - 13,1a 14 den. Comb Other wood For weaving 13,4 14 den. Comb Boxwood Women’s 13,7 12 den. Comb Boxwood For weaving 13,3 12 den. Spindle Boxwood Incl. whorl 13,5 4 den. Pin? Tortoise shell Small, (maybe also women’s item) 13,9 3. den. each84 Pin? Bone Women’s item 13,8 No price Pin? Amber Small, (maybe also women’s item) 13,10 Chapter 16 4 den. Needle - sartoria sive subfisclatoria 16,12a suptilissima/ῥαφικὴ ἰσχνοτάτη 2 den. Needle - Second grade 16,13 2 den. Needle - ciliciaria sive sagmaria/σακκοράφη ἤτοι 16,14 σαγματική As Crawford and Reynolds note: “The formula nu- 4) and a boxwood spindle was cheaper than its ordi- mero I, II etc. (lines 2, 8, 785, 10 [in the Latin version nary wood counterpart (lines 5 and 6).” To explain of chapter 13]) is reproduced in the Greek as sim- the price differences of the supposedly cheaper “other ple α’ and β’ in lines 1a and 2, but is missed out else- wood”, they come to the conclusion: “It may be that where.” Crawford and Reynolds’ statement that “the the boxwood tools were smaller than those for ev- pricing policy is hard to interpret” also stems from eryday use.” They do not take into consideration that the fact that they assume certain qualities of mate- boxwood might have been the cheaper material as op- rial to be better than others, without the text corrobo- posed, for example, to walnut wood, which is men- rating it. This is the case, for example, for boxwood. tioned for beds in the Edict.86 Crawford and Reynolds state: “The best sort of ra- Crawford and Reynold’s criticisms of the Greek dius, in boxwood, cost 14 denarii each; but in ordi- version of the prices for pins in chapter 13, however, nary wood they cost 30 denarii for 2, or 15 denarii are justified. In the Latin fragment the numbers of each! Similarly, a weaver’s comb of boxwood was pins that cost a certain price (that is unfortunately cheaper than a comb of ordinary wood (lines 3 and lost) are indicated (4 bone pins, and 1 tortoise shell 83. The materials of the needles in chapter 16 are left unspecified, the only possible exception being sufisclatoria in line 12a which may denote reed. However, it seems cogent, judging from the uses specified in the text itself, to strictly re- late them to sewing, which might, of course, also have implications for the material they were made from. 84. I.e. 4 for 12 den. 85. I.e. 9. 86. Chapter 12.29a. What is the distinction between promisquae (materiae) and alterius (materiae)? It is noteworthy that not only is this distinguished in the Latin fragment, but also both Greek fragments that attest these lines (Aidepsos and Geronthrai) are uniform in using ἐκ διαφόρων ξύλων (of different types of wood) in lines 13,2 and 13,4, but ἐξ ἑτέρων ξύλων (of other types of wood) in line 13,6. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   273 and amber pin respectively). The Greek texts do not the sewing of coarser items such as sacks and pack- mention the numbers of items, only the price: 12 de- saddles (16.14), necessitating a much stronger nee- narii for 4 bone pins, i.e. 3 denarii for each, and 4 dle. Their material is not mentioned, but archaeolog- denarii for one tortoise pin.87 But, as Reynolds and ical finds seem to indicate that they were most likely Crawford observe: “one would expect a tortoise-shell made of metal. acus to cost more, not less, than one of bone [NB: that The most expensive items are pin-beaters, spin- was actually cheaper, but only when one knows that dles and combs, which might have been related due the bone pins came as a set of 4]!”88 to their size. The (probably also smaller) bone, amber With regard to the prices listed in chapter 13 in the and tortoise-shell pins come at the end of the list. We fragment from Aidepsos, Doyle notes that the price have to take into consideration that certain kinds of listed in 13.2, for two κερκίδες, is α…ʹ(1) in this frag- wood may have been much more precious than com- ment, but that the price λ’ (30) of the Geronthrai frag- monly assumed in an Empire that spanned desert re- ment makes better sense; the price in line 13.4 for gions where wood was extremely scarce, but needed combs of wood other than boxwood is η’ (8) in Aidep- for tools of indispensable everyday tasks like textile sos, but ιδ’(14) in Geronthrai; in 13.6, referring to production. spindles with spools made of wood other than box- wood, he states that again the Aidepsos price, α’ (1), Conclusion and further perspectives makes no sense, referring to Geronthrai, which has ιε’ (15); in 13,7 the Aidepsos price for a small comb for A survey of the textile tools in chapters 16 and 13 women made of boxwood is β’ (2), while Geronth- of the Edict has yielded the following with regard rai has ιδ’ (14); in 13.9, referring to the tortoise shell to terminology. Headlines do not always mirror the pin, Doyle states that the price δ’ (4) is too low to be entirety of items listed below them, as already noted credible (also noting that Mommsen-Blümner reads by Doyle. While chapter 16 exclusively deals with κνῆστρον ἰχθύων [i.e. in the very same Geronthrai needles, as it states in its headline, chapter 13 does fragment]).89 not only comprise the pin-beaters of the headline, It should, moreover, be noted that if we leave aside but goes on to other textile tools and even, in lines the amber and tortoise shell acus whose price cannot 7-10, to items that may be only vaguely related to be established with any certainty, at least the bone the above-mentioned tools, because they were made acus are approximately equal in price to the needles in the same or similar workshops. The texts mention mentioned in chapter 16. As already stated, the bone different kinds of textile tools, of which the term acus cost 3 denarii each and they are sold in sets of 4. acus posed the biggest challenge because it was This suggests that they are either used in larger num- translated differently in the two chapters treated bers or that they are more likely to wear and get dis- here. In chapter 16 of the Edict where Latin acus posed of or be lost, a point which is corroborated by is translated into Greek as βελόνη, these tools are: the archaeological evidence of bone pins with traces • qualified by function and by quality of use. They might have been used, for example, for • presumably monofunctional tapestry weaving, or spinning. The needles in chapter 16 range from 4 denarii for a very fine sewing needle • presumably referring to a pointed (metal?) ob- (16.8a) to 2 denarii apiece for so-called second grade ject with an eye that would fit the definition of a needles (16.13),90 and 2 denarii apiece for needles for modern ”needle” 87. It is a problem that the prices here are all supplemented from the Greek; there are no prices attested in the Latin fragment. 88. Crawford & Reynolds 1977, 150. 89. Doyle 1976, 91. 90. They are presumably still fine needles, as they follow immediately after line 13.8a. 274   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) In chapter 13 of the Edict where Latin acus is trans- been embroidery and not tapestry weaving. Of course, lated into Greek as κνῆστρον (vel. sim.), these tools this assumption rests on a consistent use of βελόνη. are: The acus in the sense of a pin was probably, if • qualified by material that varies considerably, used as a textile tool, rather a spool both for tapestry even in textile tools and taquété weaves (in lieu of a “shuttle“).92 Famous • presumably multifunctional (not merely pin-­ passages for tapestry weaving use the terms acu pin- beaters or hairpins etc.) gere,93 e.g. Ovid in his Metamorphoses where he tells • presumably pointed objects without an eye. the story of the famous weaver Arachne, who dared • not to be interpreted as scrapers, but rather as to enter into a weaving contest with the goddess Min- scratchers erva and was turned into a spider: The term acus in the Edict thus denotes two distinct Nec factas solum vestes, spectare iuvabat objects: / tum quoque cum fierent (tantus decor ad- fuit arti), / sive rudem primos lanam glom- • when it is corresponds to Greek as βελόνη, it can erabat in orbes, / seu digitis subigebat be interpreted as a ”needle” in the modern sense, opus repetitaque longo / vellera mollibat i.e. as a pointed pin-like tool made of metal, nebulas aequantia tractu, / sive levi tere- maybe even with an eye tem versabat pollice fusum, / seu pinge- • when it is translated into Greek as κνῆστρον (vel. bat acu: scires a Pallade doctam. (Met. sim.), it can be interpreted as a ”pin” that might 6, 17-23) have served different functions depending on its actual use, ranging from female hair adorn- “And it was a pleasure not alone to see ment, to spindles, distaffs and maybe even tap- her finished work, but to watch her as she estry spools worked; so graceful and deft was she. Whether she was winding the rough yarn Looking into texts on the uses of needles, we can into a new ball, or shaping the stuff with state that an acus in the sense of Greek βελόνη was her fingers, reaching back to the distaff for used for a) sewing and stitching (even repair), and more wool, fleecy as a cloud, to draw into as a needle for a tailor, as indicated by the adjectives long soft threads, or giving a twist with in chapter 16 itself; b) decorating, probably tapestry, practised thumb to the graceful spindle, or taquété and maybe even embroidery, though the latter to paint with her acus: you could know technique was much scarcer in antiquity than the first that Pallas had taught her.” two mentioned.91 There is one passage in the Edict (7,53) where the use of an acus/βελόνη is attested Another technique is that of the work of the plu- to ornate garments, in this case a centuclum, a blan- marii, interpreted as tapestry weavers by Wild and ket. The Latin texts reads: [C]entuclum primum orna- Droß-Krüpe.94 Lucan describes Cleopatra’s splendid tum ab acu ponderis supra script[i], the Greek text: palace furnishings as a backdrop to the seduction of κέντουκλον πρωτεῖον κεκοσμημένον ἀπὸ βελόνης Caesar, but does not mention which tools were used λ(ιτρῶν) γʹ. The crucial terms are ornatus ab acu/κε- to create the stunning effects in the fabric: κοσμημένον ἀπὸ βελόνης. If the Greek term βελόνη is related to a sharper, needle-like tool as in chapter 16, strata micant, Tyrio cuius pars maxima the technique referred to here might very well have fuco / Coctadiu virus non uno duxit aeno, / 91. See also Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014 on terms for and the rare examples of embroidery in antiquity. 92. See Wild & Droß-Krüpe this volume. 93. See also Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014. 94. Wild & Droß-Krüpe 2017. 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   275 pars auro plumata nitet, pars ignea cocco / Barber, E. J. W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles: The Devel- ut mos est Phariis miscendi licia telis (Bel- opment of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with lum civile 10, 123-126) Special Reference to the Aegean. Princeton. Beekes, R. S. P. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Greek. “The coverlets were shining bright, most Leiden – Boston. had long been steeped in Tyrian dye and Bingen, J. (1953) Fragment argien de l’Édit du maximum. took their hue from repeated soakings, BCH 77, 647-659. while others were decorated in the “feather- Bingen, J. (1965) Le fragment de l’Édit du Maximum IG technique” with bright gold(-thread), and V 1, 1359 B. BCH 89, 173-179. others blazed with scarlet, as the Egyptian Blümner, H. (1912) Technologie und Terminologie der Ge- manner is of mingling weft-threads in the werbe und Künste bei Griechen und Römern. Leipzig web.” – Berlin. Brandt, H. (2004) Erneute Überlegungen zum Preisedikt The question arises as to why the Latin text used Diokletians. In A. Demandt, A. Goltz & H. Schlange- only a single seemingly indistinct term like acus. Fu- Schöningen (eds.), Diokletian und die Tetrarchie. As- ture studies may reveal whether we can determine pekte einer Zeitenwende, 47-55. Millenium-Studien 1. a chronological development in the terminology of Berlin – New York. acus, and whether we are dealing with a development Chaniotis, A. & Preuss, G. (1990) Neue Fragmente des that was confined to certain areas and only spread be- Preisedikts von Diokletian und weitere lateinische In- cause the term was used in an imperial inscription. schriften aus Kreta. ZPE 80, 189-193. Finally, the question of regional linguistic and Chantraine, P. (2009) Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. Achevé par J. Taillar- functional variations of terms in the Edict arises. The dat, O. Masson et J.-L. Perpillou. Paris. Latin texts seemed quite standardized, at least in the Ciszuk, M. (2000) Taquetés from Mons Claudianus: Ana- fragments discussed, and can with a good degree of lysis and Reconstruction. In Cardon, D. & M. Feugère probability be traced back to a single document is- (eds.), Archéologie des textiles des origines au Ve siècle, sued by a central imperial authority. The Greek ver- 265-290. Montagnac. sions, however, might have been subjected to several Corcoran, S. (1996) The Empire of the Tetrarchs. Impe- iterations and deviations, depending on the ability of rial Pronouncements and Government A.D. 284-324, copyists(?) and engravers who might have misread Oxford. and misinterpreted the template. Last, but not least, Corcoran, S. (2008) The Heading of Diocletian’s Price it would be interesting to look further into the ques- Edict at Stratonicea. ZPE 166, 295-302. tion of how language and terminology correspond to Corcoran, S. & Delaine, J. (1994) The Unit Measurement the multifunctionality of textile tools in different re- of Marble in Diocletian’s Price Edict. JRA 7, 263-273. gions and epochs. Crawford, M. H. & Reynolds, J. (1977) The Aezani Copy of the Prices Edict. ZPE 26, 125-151. Demandt, A. (1989) Die Spätantike. Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian 284-565 n. Chr. München. Bibliography Doyle, E. J. (1976) Two New Fragments of the Edict of Diocletian on Maximum Prices. Hesperia 45, 77-97. Arnaud, P. (2007) Diocletian’s prices edict: the prices of Droß-Krüpe, K. & A. Paetz gen. Schieck (2014) Unravel- seaborne transport and the average duration of maritime ling the tangled threads of ancient embroidery: a compi- travel. JRA 20, 321-336. lation of written sources and archaeologically preserved Bagnall, R. S. (1985) Currency and Inflation in Fourth textiles. In M. Harlow & M.-L. Nosch (eds), Greek and Century Egypt. Bulletin of the American Society of Pa- Roman Textiles and Dress. An Interdisciplinary Anthol- pyrologists Supplements 5. New York. ogy, 207-235. Ancient Textiles Series 19. Oxford. Barańscy, A., Barańscy, P. & Janiszewski, P. (2007) Edic- Edmunds, S. T. (2012) Picturing Homeric Weaving. In: Do- tum Diocletiani de Pretiis Rerum Venalium. Poznań. num Natalicium Digitaliter Confectum Gregorio Nagy 276   Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt, & Nosch in Textile Terminologies (2017) Septuagenario a Discipulis Collegis Familiaribus Ob- Meiβner, B. (2000) Über Zweck und Anlaβ von Diokleti- latum. Harvard, http://chs.harvard.edu/CHS/article/dis- ans Preisedikt. Historia 49, 79-100. play/4365 (accessed 19/10-2015). Mickwitz, G. (1932) Geld und Wirtschaft im römischen Erim, K. T. & Reynolds, J. (1973) The Aphrodisias Copy of Reich des vierten Jahrhunderts n. Chr.. Helsingfors. Diocletian’s Edict on Maximum Prices. JRS 63, 99-110. Mommsen, T. & Blümner, H. (1958) Der Maximaltarif des Erim, K. T., Reynolds, J., & Crawford, M. H. (1971) Dio- Diokletian, 2. ed., Berlin. cletian’s Currency Reform. A New Inscription. JRS 61, Naumann, F. (1973) Das Edikt des Diokletian in Aezani. In 171-177. Naumann, R. & Naumann, F., Der Rundbau in Aezani, Erim, K. T., Reynolds, J., Wild, J. P. & Balance, M. H. 28-67. Tübingen. (1970) The Copy of Diocletian’s Edict on Maximum Noethlichs, K. L. (2010) Edictum. In Brill’s New Pauly. Prices from Aphrodisias in Caria. JRS 60, 120-141. Antiquity volumes edited by H. Cancik & H. Schneider, Giacchero, M. (1974) Edictum Diocletiani et Collegarum Brill Online, http://www.brillonline.nl (accessed 06 De- de pretiis rerum venalium, in integrum fere restitutum e cember 2010). Latinis Graecisque fragmentis. Vol. 1: Edictum. Vol. 2: Pfister, R. & Bellinger, L. (1945) The Excavations at Dura- Imagines. Genova. Europos conducted by Yale University and the French Giacchero, M. (1983) Commerci e produzioni delle aree fe- Academy of Inscriptions and Letters. 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(1940) The Edict of Diocletian on Maximum Roueché, C. with contributions by J. M. Reynolds (1989) Prices. In T. Frank (ed.), An Economic Survey of An- Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity. JRS Monographs 5. cient Rome vol. V: Rome and Italy of the Empire, 305- London. 321. Baltimore. Ræder Knudsen, L. (2007) ‘Translating‘ Archaeologi- Hekster, O. (2008) Rome and its Empire, AD 193-284. cal Textiles. In Gillis, C. & Nosch, M.-L.B. (eds.), An- Edinburgh. cient Textiles. Production, Craft and Society, 103-111. Kuhoff, W. (2001) Diokletian und die Epoche der Tetrar- Oxford. chie. Das römische Reich zwischen Krisenbewältigung Speidel, M. (2009) Wirtschaft und Moral im Urteil Diokle- und Neuaufbau (284-313 n. Chr.). Frankfurt a. M. et al. tians. Zu den kaiserlichen Argumenten für Höchstpreise. Lauffer, S. (1971) Diokletians Preisedikt. Berlin. Historia 58/4, 486-505. Leadbetter, B. (2003) Diocletian and the purple mile of Stauffer, A. (2008) Antike Musterblätter. Wirkkartons Aperlae. EA 36, 127-136. aus dem spätantiken und frühbyzantinischen Ägypten. Leake, W. M. (1826) An Edict of Diocletian Fixing A Max- Wiesbaden. imum of Prices Throughout the Roman Empire. A.D. Steigerwald, G. (1990) Die Purpursorten im Preisedikt Dio- 303. London. kletians vom Jahre 301. ByzF 15, 219-276. Loring, W. (1890) A New Portion of the Edict of Diocle- Stephens, J. (2008) Ancient Roman hairdressing: on (hair) tian from Megalopolis. JHS 11, 299-342. pins and needles. JRA 21, 110-132. Macpherson, I. W. (1952) A Synnadic Copy of the Edict of Thompson, J. & Granger-Taylor, H. (1995-1996) The Per- Diocletian. JRS 42, 72-75. sian Zilu Loom of Meybod. CIETA Bulletin 73, 27-53. Maurer, J. A. (1951) On Pins and Needles. The Classical Trinkl, E. (2007) Artifacts Related to Preparation of Wool Weekly 44.11, 161-165. and Textile Processing Found Inside the Terrace Houses 16. Terminology of Textile Tools in the Edictum Diocletiani   277 of Ephesus, Turkey. In Gillis, C. & Nosch, M.-L.B. Wild, J. P. (1967) Two technical terms used by Roman tap- (eds.), Ancient Textiles. Production, Craft and Society, estry-weavers. Philologus 111, 151-55. 81-86. Oxford. Wild, J. P. (1970) Textile Manufacture in the Northern Ro- Turner, E.G. (1961) Latin versus Greek as a Universal Lan- man Provinces, Cambridge. guage: the Attitude of Diocletian. In Language and So- Wild, J. P. (2008) Textile production. In J. P. Oleson (ed.), ciety. Essays presented to Arthur M. Jensen on his Sev- The Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology entieth Birthday, 165-168. Copenhagen. in the Classical World, 465-482. Oxford. Van Raemdonck, M., C. Verhecken-Lammens & D. De Wild, J. P. (2014-2015) The Edict of Diocletian, Aria and Jonge (2011) The mummy of the embroideress and the Cashmere, Saitabi. Revista de la facultat de Geografia contents of her grave. In A. De Moor & C. Fluck (eds.) i Història 64-65, 11-23. Dress Accessories of the 1st Millennium AD from Egypt, Wild, J. P. & Droß-Krüpe, K. (2017) Ars polymita, ars plu- 236-258. Tielt. maria: The weaving terminology of taqueté and tap- Whitehouse, D. (2004) Glass in the Price Edict of Diocle- estry. In S. Gaspa, C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), tian. Journal of Glass Studies 46, 189-190. Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterra- Whitehouse, D. (2005) Alexandrinian and Judaean Glass in nean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, 301-320. Lin- the Price Edict. Journal of Glass Studies 47, 184-186. coln, Nebraska. Wild, J. P. (1964) The Textile Term Scutulatus. CQ New Series 14, 263-266. 17 Listening for licia: A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes Magdalena Öhrman T he semantic field of Latin licium and its plu- there is wider agreement that licia is indeed used to ral form licia is undoubtedly wide,1 with the describe heddle-leashes, but scholars have hesitated term applied to thread both generally and in to allow such late evidence influence the interpreta- specific legal, medical and magical usage as well as tion of earlier, poetic passages.4 in relation to weaving,2 and this paper does not aim The readings proposed below credit Latin authors to survey Latin usage of this term comprehensively. with greater technical understanding of weaving than Rather, it focuses on one of the uses of licia in Latin has sometimes been assumed, suggesting that their literary sources, namely those where licia appears to tacit knowledge of textile production has influenced denote heddle-leashes.3 Two much-discussed passages the artistic presentation of their descriptions of such occur in Augustan poetry where licia may be used in work in ways hitherto little considered.5 My read- this sense: Vergil’s Georgics 1.285 and Tibullus el- ings are heavily influenced by observation of weav- egy 1.6.79. Both passages have been subject to con- ing experiments conducted at the Centre for Histori- siderable discussion in the past, and in both cases, cal-Archaeological Research and Communication at ambiguity still remains. In the case of sources from Lejre by staff from the Centre for Textile Research late Antiquity, such as the fifth appendix to Claudi- in Copenhagen and at the Department of Aegean Ar- an’s Carmina minora and Isidorus’ Origines 19.29.7, chaeology in Warsaw, marrying results gained in 1. The work on this paper was made possible by support from the Welsh Strategic Insight Programme (SIP) and the Pasold Research Fund. I am grateful to colleagues at the University of Wales Trinity Saint David (Lampeter) and the Centre for Textile Research (Co- penhagen), who have generously offered feedback on earlier drafts, and to colleagues who have enabled me to observe and make sound recordings during ongoing weaving experiments: my thanks especially to Eva Andersson Strand, Ida Demant, Marie-Lou- ise Nosch, Anna Rosa Tricomi, and Agata Ulanowska. I am also much indebted to Gerassimos Bissas for the drawings illustrating technical details. 2. OLD s.v. licium; ThLL s.v. licium. 3. This has implicit connections with the interpretation of other passages, where licium or related words potentially refer to types of cloth woven with multiple heddle-rods, e.g., Luc. 10.26; Plin. NH 8.196. Cf. Walbank 1940, 101-104. 4. Walbank 1940, 97; Wild 1967, 151. 5. The notion of correlation between work processes of textile production, particularly weaving, and literary expression and form has received more attention in relation to Greek texts. Key investigations touching on sound-play, metre and weaving are Nosch 2014; Tuck 2006; Tuck 2009. 278 17. A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes   279 experimental archaeology to philological analysis. the purpose of this paper to test the usefulness of this I will show that analysis of the rhythm and sound- methodological approach. As we might expect liter- play of the relevant passages suggests that even rela- ary and stylistic artifice of this type to occur more fre- tively short passages in literary sources carefully and quently and in a more pronounced way in poetic texts, knowledgeably reflect (parts of) historical working my discussion focuses on three passages: the fifth ap- processes; this is, as I will indicate, true of early and pendix to Claudian’s Carmina Minora, Vergil’s Geor- late sources alike. gics, and Tibullus’ elegy 1.6. Tibullus’ elegies make a particularly obvious start- ing point for exploring the usefulness of such a meth- Heddling and its soundscape odology, as Tibullus himself explicitly mentions the sounds created by weaving in Tib. 2.1.65-66. There, Interpretations of Verg. Georg. 1.285-286 and Tib. clay loom weights6 are said to sing as they clink and 1.6.79 have centred on two different elements of set- clatter during weaving: ting up a weave on a warp-weighted loom: affixing warp-threads to the loom frame and heddling, that hinc et femineus labor est, hinc pensa is, organising already-suspended warp-threads in al- colusque, ternating sequences so that the weaver can change fusus et adposito pollice uersat opus: between a natural and at least one artificial shed.7 A atque aliqua adsiduae textrix operata brief consideration of what these work elements in- mineruae volve, and their relative complexity, is necessary be- cantat, et a pulso tela sonat latere. fore investigating whether one or the other better cor- “Hence [from the countryside] also responds to the context and sound-play present in the comes the woman’s work, hence the selected texts. daily allotment of wool and the distaff, On the warp-weighted loom (such as explicitly and hence the weaver singing as she bus- mentioned in Tibullus but likely the type of loom ies herself with constant craft, and hence referred to in all three passages under considera- it is that the loom sings as the loom tion),8 warp-threads were affixed to the loom frame weights are struck [together].” by means of being interwoven into a starting border (from which the warp-threads emerge), which is sewn The assumption that Tibullus would seek to mimic onto the cloth-beam of the loom frame.9 While the such sounds in his own descriptions of weaving is preparation of the starting border itself is a multi-step readily made. If we also assume that there is a level operation requiring both technical skill and experi- of accuracy in such literary mimicking of sounds oc- ence in calculating how much warp will be required curring while weaving, we gain another tool to as- for the desired weave and what density of warp- sist us in determining the passage-specific meaning threads is required,10 the task of fastening the starting of a multi-purpose textile term such as licium. It is border to the cloth-beam is relatively uncomplicated. 6. On the poetic use of the singular form for plural, cf. Maltby 1999, 246. Maltby also provides a discussion of the use of later for ‘loom weight’. 7. Walbank 1940; Maltby 1999; Maltby 2002, 278-279. 8. While the use of the two-beam loom is often presumed to spread from the 1st century AD onwards (cf. Ciszuk and Hammarlund 2008, 125; Wild 2009, 471-472, there is archaeological evidence for the continued, parallel use of the warp-weighted loom. On spe- cific locations, e.g.,Trinkl 2007; Gostencnik 2014; Gostencnik 2012; Möller-Wiering and Subbert 2012, 168; more generally, cf. Wild 1987, 460-461; Wild 2002, 10-12. Wernsdorff 1785, 494 in effect argues for a two-beam loom in the case of Claud. Carm. Min. App. 5, but his description of the role of the licia as heddles is equally applicable to the warp-weighted loom, cf. Ciszuk and Hammarlund 2008, 124-125. 9. Ciszuk and Hammarlund 2008, 122; Wild 2009, 471. 10. On the complexity of preparing the warp and the relation of this element to the selection of suitable loom weights, cf. Mårtensson, Nosch, and Strand 2009, 377-378. 280   Magdalena Öhrman in Textile Terminologies (2017) Figure 1. Detail of the heddling process: Heddle leashes are looped around individual warp-threads and attached to the heddle-rod. Drawing by Gerassimos Bissas. Figure 2. Detail of weaving on the warp-weighted loom in progress: Heddles attached to the heddle-rod pull warp- threads forward towards the weaver to create the artificial Loom weights would, in most cases, be attached to shed opening. Drawing by Gerassimos Bissas. the warp-threads only in a subsequent step, once the starting border was fastened and the warp-threads warp-threads suspended behind the shed-rod, so that hanging vertically. these can be pulled forward through the front-most Whether done on a warp-weighted loom or on a part of the warp, thus creating a new opening between vertical two-beam loom, heddling is one of the most the two parts of the warp. Interestingly, this is the el- difficult elements of preparing a weave. On the warp- ement of preparing and setting up the warp that has weighted loom, it is done with the warp suspended the most influence on what type or pattern of weave from the cloth-beam and loom weights attached to will be created; more complex weaves, such as dia- its bottom end. In a tabby, the warp is divided into mond twill, require detailed planning and considera- two parts, hung either in front of or behind a low-set ble attention in order to achieve the correct sequenc- bar (shed-rod) crossing the loom frame. The opening ing of warp-threads. Even for a tabby weave, some thus created between front and back layer of warp- care is needed when separating warp threads and se- threads is the natural shed. A detachable and higher- lecting which ones need to be tied to the heddle-rod; set heddle-rod is used to create one or more artificial any mistakes or imprecisions will be visible as irreg- sheds as loops or leashes are made to connect the ularities in the woven cloth.11 11. Hoffmann 1964, 163. Cf. Wild 1970, 64. For the impact of the arrangement of heddles in relation to the width of the warp, cf. Mårtensson, Nosch, and Strand 2009, 386. 17. A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes   281 more could be said about this passage and its use of textile terminology; I will limit myself to comments on 5.45.13 There is reasonable scholarly consensus that licium is used to denote heddle-leashes.14 Other sources from the same period provide good parallels for this usage.15 compositas tenui suspendis stamine telas, quas cum multiplici frenarint licia gressu traxeris et digitis cum mollia fila gemellis Figure 3. Above, detail of the starting border for a weave serica Arachneo densentur pectine texta on the warp-weighted loom, showing the border sewn subtilisque seges radio stridente resultat. onto the cloth beam. Drawing by Annika Jepson. Copy- right CTR. “You suspend with fine thread the pre- pared warp, and when, as the leashes hold it in multiple course, you have Two differences relevant to my discussion of in- pulled the fine thread [through it] with dividual text passages below emerge: firstly, I argue twin fingers, then the silken weave is that heddling is by far the more complex operation pressed together with a wool-comb like and more likely to be experienced as a demanding Arachne’s and subtle fruit arises from the work element with a risk of errors. Secondly, we may whistling rod.” assume a distinct difference in the sound created by these processes: clattering of loom weights would be The use of freno (lit. ‘bridle’) to describe the func- a regular feature of the heddling process, but only tion of the licia is highly appropriate given how hed- when the starting border is sewn onto the loom.. dle leashes are looped around individual warp-threads and direct them to move forward or fall back when Claud. Carm. Min. App. 5.45 (also known as the heddle-rod is moved. This is similar to how a rider Epithalamium Laurentii) may control the movement of a horse by means of bit, bridle, and reins. The equestrian metaphor is in- The Epithalamium Laurentii contains an eight-line tegral to the line: multiplici gressu, here describing al- long description of the bride’s female virtues illus- ternations of the weaving shed and the shift between trated through her knowledge of textile work: fi- natural and artificial shed(s), is used elsewhere for bre preparation and spinning (5.41-43) and weaving types of gait, step or tread.16 Once the new shed has (5.44-48).12 The passage is complex both syntactically been opened, the weaver pulls the weft-thread through and through its use of specialised terminology. Much the warp (traxeris mollia fila, 46). This passage, 12. The Epithalamium Laurentii is transmitted with Claudian’s Carmina minora but in all likelihood written by a different author. Da- ting suggestions range from the 4th to the 6th century AD; the poem appears to have been known and cited in the 7th century AD. Cf. Horstmann 2004, 251-289 with extensive bibliography. 13. Previously, suspendis compositas telas has been taken as reference to the fixing of the warp to the cloth-beam (Walbank 1940, 98 n. 1, but cf. also Horstmann 2004, 266 with the rather peculiar translation of “hängst du die entworfenen Gewebe an den zarten Grundfäden (des Webstuhls) [i.e. stamine tenui] auf”). I suspect suspendis compositas telas could, perhaps, also be seen as refer- ring to the fixing of the heddle leashes to the heddle-rod, as this involves a lifting movement and results in the warp-thread being suspended between their natural position and the heddle-rod, but there is no need to press this interpretation here. Similarly, the di- stinction between pecten and radius in 5.46-47 would merit further discussion. 14. Walbank 1940, 97. 15. Serv. Andr. 911; Isid. Orig. 19.29.7 5. In Ennod. Carm. 2.2.8, licia is used in a transferred sense which presupposes that the word can be used to describe heddle-leashes. 16. Verg. Georg. 3.117; Plin. NH 18.298. 282   Magdalena Öhrman in Textile Terminologies (2017) therefore, differs from Verg. Georg. 1.285-286 and he had some familiarity with weaving, having seen Tib. 1.6.79 (discussed in detail below) in that it does and heard weavers at work in some setting, whether not only describe the setting up of the weave but also domestic or commercial. This makes his use of a tech- includes the weaving itself. nical term such as licium for ‘heddle-leash’ all the The sound-play of the line I am concerned with more plausible. here corresponds well to sounds produced when changing the shed.17 The lifting and replacing of the Vergil Georg. 1.285-286 heddle-rod against the loom frame makes a distinct clattering noise. The movement of the warp generates At the centre of the discussion on whether licium de- a clattering of the loom weights, which may be re- notes heddle leashes in earlier Latin stands Vergil’s peated if the weaver needs to touch the warp-threads mention of the setting up of a loom in the first book either by hand or by means of a tool in order to adjust of the Georgics (Verg. Georg. 1.285). Just like He- the new opening of the shed. This is mirrored in 5.45 siod, Vergil mentions the start of a weaving project (describing this element of work) by a series of harsh, in the context of a list of days favourable for differ- consonant sounds clustered in two groups, falling in ent activities: either half of the line: quās cūm mūltĭplĭcī| frēnārīnt līcĭă grēssū (which, when the leashes hold it in mul- septima post decimam felix et ponere uitem tiple course…). The initial spondee (quas cum) il- et prensos domitare boues et licia telae lustrates the deliberate clunking noise of the heddle- addere. [...] rod being moved, whereas the dactylic multiplic(i) “The seventeenth day is lucky both for set- resembles the smaller, clattering sounds of individ- ting a vine, ual loom-weights both in terms of rhythm and in roping and breaking steers, and for fixing terms of sound. The weaver’s pause to test the shed the heddle-leashes on a loom.” by hand is mirrored in the two spondees taking up the middle of the line (-īfrēnārīnt). It is tempting to The three activities mentioned here (planting a vine, assume that the r-sounds clustered in this part of the breaking in steers, and – as I hope to show – heddling) line mimic minute sounds of warp-fibres being pulled all represent the start of long-term tasks important apart, with the final dactyl and k-sound of licia mir- to the agricultural economy. Interestingly, the line, roring the sounds made as the loom weights fall into which first mentions licia, involves an increased em- their proper place.18 phasis on the challenges associated with the very start I argue that in this passage, sound-play, metre, and of such work: the oxen need to be reined in (prensos) metaphors contribute to the artistic-literary represen- before they can be broken in (domitare) and subse- tation of weaving, adding a perhaps surprising level quently trained to perform their task. It is worth not- of accuracy. If one accepts that the author of the ep- ing that prensos derives from prenso, the intensivum ithalamium incorporates the soundscape of weaving of the more commonly used prehendo (seize, take into his poetic description, one must also assume that hold of).19 The choice of an intensivum stresses the 17. Though a late and difficult to date text, the use of quantitative verse and high degree of syntactic complexity indicates that the Epi- thalamium has a generally conservative linguistic preference, which may well extend to pronunciation. I therefore tentatively as- sume a pronunciation of licium without palatalization, i.e., with a k- rather than a ts-sound for “ci”, although the latter is otherwise frequently attested in (often non-literary) contexts from the 5th century AD onwards, Clackson and Horrocks 2007, 274. Cf. Ad- ams 2011, 273-274 and Clackson and Horrocks 2007, 294-295 on texts continuing to aspire to standardised Latin when writing hi- ghly literary texts. 18. Even assuming a pronunciation where palatalization has taken place, the harsher, clunking sounds of quas and cum remain in the first half of the line, mirrored in the second half by the g- of gressu, and correspond to the sound of the movement of heddle-rod and loom-weights subsequently falling back into place. The potential ts-sounds in multiplici and licia may then be taken, like fre- narint, to mimic the minute sounds arising when the weaver adjusts warp-threads by hand. 19. ThLL s.v. prenso. 17. A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes   283 difficulty of even this initial element. I will explore complex element of setting up a weave. Instead, Wal- below whether the phrase licia telae / addere may be bank’s reading places an unwarranted emphasis of the thought to increase this emphasis, thus creating a cli- relatively straight-forward procedure of fastening the mactic tricolon. warp-threads to the cloth-beam.26Here, Walbank ap- In a widely influential article, Walbank argues that pears to overlook that an ancient weaver would use Vergil is using licia as meaning ‘warp’ in this pas- a starting-border to organise the warp on the cloth- sage.20 Walbank’s argument is based on a perceived beam.27 This becomes clear as he states that the tech- need to understand tela as ‘warp’ in order to ac- nical term “exordiri (or ordiri) signifies to fasten the commodate the specific meaning of licia as ‘heddle warp-threads to the loom, that is to attach to the beam leashes.’ Finding only few parallels for such a use of at the top of the loom the separate threads of the warp tela, Walbank instead prefers to take telae in Georg. [...].” [My italics].28Admittedly, handling individual 1.285 as referring to the loom itself and licia as warp- warp-threads in this manner would make the fixing of threads.21 He proposes the following translation of the warp to the loom a more painstaking task (and more phraselicia telae / addere: “to attach the warp-threads suitable to be singled out in literary representation), to the loom”.22 but it does not correlate with what we do know of an- While I agree that tela may refer to the loom rather cient weaving practice as far as the warp-weighted than the warp, I find Walbank’s reading of licia as loom is concerned. ‘warp-threads’ problematic for two reasons: first, be- Such a reading also overlooks the fact that mis- cause there is no absolute need to understand tela as takes in the heddling will have effects throughout the warp in order to be able to translate licia with ‘heddle-­ weave. This impact of heddling on the appearance leashes’ here.23 The well-paralleled use of tela as of the finished piece of cloth makes it all the more ‘loom’ fits equally well. As I have indicated above, likely that one would consider undertaking this task heddle-leashes are looped around the warp-threads but on a beneficial day of the month, in the way that Ver- fixed to the heddle-rod before weaving begins. To the gil recommends. weaver, the heddle-rod is an integral – if detachable – If one accepts that licia telae / addere in Verg. part of the loom, without which mechanised weaving Georg. 1.285-286 does indeed refer to the prepara- is not possible.24Furthermore, the heddle-rod may be tion of heddle-leashes, it remains to be seen whether perceived as an integral part of the loom also because sound-play or metre can be used to support such an it does not need to be changed or altered as a different interpretation in a way similar to what I have argued weave is mounted, whereas the heddle leashes are tied for in the case of the Epithalamium Laurentii (Claud. specifically for each, individual set-up.25 Carm. Min. App. 5.45). Vergil’s reference to weaving The second reason for rejecting the reading sug- is admittedly considerably shorter than the other pas- gested by Walbank is that it does not fully take into sages I discuss in this paper and thus leaves less room account the importance of heddling as an initial, for such poetic artistry to come to the fore. However, 20. Wild 1967; Mynors 1969; Maltby 1999; Maltby 2002 all build on Walbank’s interpretations. 21. Walbank 1940, 95-96. 22. Walbank 1940, 101. 23. Thomson 1988, 117 does suggest the translation “to put loops on the warp”. 24. The use of the general ‘loom’ (telae) would be easily understood as a synecdoche, referring to the whole of the loom instead of specifically to the heddle-rod. 25. Cf. Ciszuk and Hammarlund 2008, 122. 26. Maltby 1999, 243 on Tib. 1.6.79 also appears to overlook the element of heddling in preparing a weave, stating that “[attaching the warp-threads to the cloth-beam] was the first task of the weaver before beginning the actual weaving process by passing the hori- zontal weft-threads through them by means of the shuttle.” 27. Cf. e.g.,Wild 2009, 471-472. 28. For exorior and exordium as referring to a starting-border, cf. ThLL s.v. exordium IA1 and (e.g.) Paul. Fest. p. 185 and Non. p. 30.32. 284   Magdalena Öhrman in Textile Terminologies (2017) two points merit attention: first, this passage, too, is In order to deter the narrator’s beloved from infi- rich in consonant sounds: c, t, and d. Secondly, the delity, Tib 1.6.77-80 describes the hard work to which description of heddling is divided into two parts, tak- a – now penniless and elderly – faithless woman must ing up the two final, metrical feet of 1.285 and the recourse to support herself. Commentators have initial foot of 1.286. Enjambment, i.e. the division viewed the passage as reflecting three steps of cloth of a syntactical unit over two or more verses, is by production: first, spinning (78), second, weaving (79), no means uncommon in Vergil, but here, it matches and finally, scouring of wool (80).33 and vocalises the content of the lines concerned in an interesting way. The k-sound of licia and the ini- at quae fida fuit nulli, post uicta senecta tial t of telae in 1.285 might resemble the tinkling of ducit inops tremula stamina torta manu loom weights as the leashes are fastened. As the hex- firmaque conductis adnectit licia telis ameter line ends, a pause ensues. Then follows the tractaque de niueo uellere ducta putat. dull thunk created through the d- and r-sounds in ad- dere, stressed through the word’s initial position. It is “But she who was faithful to none, once tempting to consider this as an auditory representation overcome with age and destitute, draws of the weaver’s first shed-change as weaving begins. out the twisted threads with trembling hand, and ties firm leashes to a rented Tib. 1.6.79 loom, and she scours the teased wool pulled from snow-white fleeces.” The final passage to consider is Tib. 1.6.79 and its snap-shot portrait of an elderly, female textile worker. In the final line of the warning exemplum of the desti- The interpretation of this passage has been signifi- tute old woman and her weaving, Tibullus keeps two cantly influenced by Walbank’s analysis of Verg. different readings in play. One possible interpretation Georg. 1.285f and by his comments on Tibullus’ takes the reader – and the internal addressee, the nar- use of licium in the sense of warp’ in the same arti- rator’s beloved – back to viewing the old woman as a cle.29 Having previously rejected the use of tela for warning against infidelity. This reading draws on the ‘warp’,30 Walbank argues that Tibullus, too, uses it in non-technological meaning of puto, i.e. the far more reference to the loom itself.31 As in the case of Vergil’s mainstream ‘belive’. By this reading, the line leaves passage, however, this does not preclude the use of li- the weaver’s expertise behind and focusses on how cia for ‘heddle-leashes’ as these are in fact tied to the she believes (putat) that the wool that she is working loom, albeit to the heddle-rod, one of the loom’s de- with is drawn and spun from white fleece (de uellere tachable parts. I will propose a simpler reading, where niueo). Given that the earlier emphasis on the weav- licia is taken as ‘heddle-leashes’.32 Once more, I draw er’s old age, the implication is that the old woman’s on analysis of metre and sound-play in the text to sup- eyesight is failing to such a degree that she can no port this reading. longer distinguish the colour of the wool she prepares, 29. Walbank 1940, 97-98 and 101. Walbank’s reasoning has been followed by Maltby both in his recent commentary on Tibullus (cf. Maltby 2002, 278) and in an earlier article dealing specifically with technical language in Tibullus, Maltby 1999. The ThLL also follows Walbank’s classification of Verg. Georg. 1.285f and Tib. 1.6.79. 30. Walbank 1940, 101 rejects the use of tela for warp and licia for heddle-leashes in Tib. 1.6.79 specifically. 31. Walbank 1940, 97-98 furthermore understands the participle construction conductis telis (Tib. 1.6.79) as a reference to the loom having been assembled and thus ready for the warp to be attached to the cloth-beam. To my mind, it is preferable to understand the phrase as referring to a rented loom (cf. Flower Smith 1964, 322; Maltby 2002, 278, thus connecting to the motif of poverty-stri- cken old age. 32. This parallels the translation given by Postgate in the 1912 Loeb edition, Cornish, Postgate, and Mackail 1912. Cf. also Thomson 1988, 117. 33. Maltby 2002, 243-244; Flower Smith 1964, 322; Murgatroyd 1980. 17. A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes   285 thinking it far whiter than it is.34 At the same time, the whole line: firmaque conductis adnectit licia telis. text holds out another possible understanding of the The metrical pattern of the line, too, mirrors the work- final line, drawing on Tibullus’ specific use of tech- ing rhythm of someone heddling: a quick reach into nical terminology in the previous part of this warning the warp for the correct thread is represented by an example, which I will now examine in detail. initial dactyl (firmaque), the slower work element of Throughout, the sound-play of the passage en- looping the thread used to create leashes around the hances the depiction of craft processes. We are in- heddle-rod and the selected warp-thread is described vited to dwell on the trembling grip (tremula manu) in three spondees filling the middle section of the line of the old woman on the spindle by the placement of (conductis adnectit). When the leash is finished and the ablative tremulā just before the diairesis in the the warp-thread, now held in sequence by the leash, pentameter line (78).The pause created by the diaire- is allowed to fall back and rest in its place, this is il- sis furthermore corresponds to the careful pulling- lustrated by a dactyl (licia) followed by a final spon- out of wool from globule or distaff prior to the twist- dee (telis) at the end of the line. ing of the spindle mentioned in the second half of the line. Despite the mention of her hands trembling, the fīrmăque conductis | adnectit licĭă telis organisation of the second half of the line nonethe- less betrays the woman’s skill at her work with a pair As highlighted above, the most specific element of of quick dactyls (stāmĭnă tōrtă mănu).Thus, Tibullus the process, the tying of the leash, is emphasised due successfully marries the typical design of the pentam- to its position immediately following the penthem- eter line, which, like here, normally has a dactyl in imeral caesura. the penultimate foot, with the working rhythm of the In a return to the initial stages of preparing wool spinner described in this line.35 for spinning and weaving, the following line deals Similarly, it is the skill of the old woman as a with scouring wool. Maltby explains this by suggest- weaver that comes to the fore in the following line. ing that the woman is involved only with preparatory On her rented loom, she fastens licia firma, i.e., tasks, rather than with completing the weave, in order heddle-­leashes that are consistent and strong, and will to show clearly her status as hired help rather than a therefore allow her to produce an even weave. Syn- mistress of her own house.36 Here, the distribution of tactically, firma most likely describes the licia used, content across the line is perhaps more illustrative of but its initial placement, in parallel to the two previ- working processes than the sound-play used. A key ous lines, both opening with their focus on the old element of cleaning wool would be to pull it gently woman as the sentence’s subject, also allows its con- apart in order to attempt to shake out dirt and plant notations to be attached to the woman herself. matter stuck in the fleece, either by hand or by comb- The clattering of the loom weights, occurring as ing.37 The light-handedness necessary for this proce- the warp-threads distending them are pulled back and dure may have an expression in the fast pace of the forth to be bound by leashes to the heddle-rod, is rep- line, which contains the maximum number of dactyls resented series of k- and kt-sounds spread across the permissible in the pentameter. The text hints at such 34. For the old woman as able to “exert control only over the loom”, cf. Lee-Stecum 1998, 202. Throughout the passage, Tibullus taps into elegiac descriptions of old women as hags or witches, horror images of what the elegiac mistress herself might become in old age, when she can no longer rely on her beauty to support her desired lifestyle. The implied loss of eyesight affecting the old wea- ver is particularly relevant as the elegists frequently connect the puella’s ability to attract and manipulate her lover(s) with her eyes and gaze. The importance of eyesight and the gaze as a means of communication between lovers in elegy – or indeed a means for the elegiac beloved to exert control – is programmatically stated in Propertius’ first poem: Cynthia prima suis miserum me cepit ocellis (Prop. 1.1.1), e.g. Fredrick 2014. Cf. on old women in elegy, James 2003, 53-65, also Richlin 2014, 73-74. 35. The placement of the reference to the twisting of the spindle and thread in the second and fastest half of the pentameter line is pa- ralleled in Tib. 2.1.64. Cf. Maltby 1999, 243. 36. Maltby 1999, 244. 37. Varro Rust. 2.2.18 distinguishes between washing of the wool (lavare) and cleaning it by hand (putare). Cf. also Col. 12.3.6. 286   Magdalena Öhrman in Textile Terminologies (2017) a pulling motion by placing the word used for wool Bibliography (tracta) at the opening of the line and the participle agreeing with it in the penultimate position (ducta). Adams, J. N. (2011) Late Latin. In J. Clackson (ed.), A Through this hyperbaton, the wool is literally pulled Companion to the Latin Language, 257-283. Malden. apart over the length of the line. Finally, putat (she Ciszuk, M. & L. Hammarlund (2008) Roman Looms - A scours) stands at the end of the line, illustrating the Study of Craftmanship and Technology in the Mons completion of the work element. Claudianus Project. In C. Alfaro & L. Karali (eds.), Ves- tidos, textiles y tintes. Estudios sobre la producción de bienes de consumo en la Antigüedad. Actas del II Sym- Conclusion posium Internacional sobre Textiles y Tintes del Medi- terráneo en el mundo antiguo (Atenas, 24 al 26 de no- Based on the textual interpretations presented above, viembre, 2005), 119-134. Purpureae vestes 2: Textiles I argue for taking licium in Verg. Georg. 1.285 and and Dyes in Antiquity. Valencia. Tib. 1.6.79 as referring to heddle-leashes used on the Clackson, J. & G. Horrocks (2007) The Blackwell History warp-weighted loom. I hope to have shown that an of the Latin Language. Malden. understanding of the reconstruction of ancient textile Cornish, F. W., J. P. Postgate & J. W. Mackail (eds.) (1912) production processes, such as heddling, may contrib- Catullus, Tibullus, and Pervigilium Veneris. The Loeb ute to an improved interpretation of Latin textile ter- Classical Library. London. minology used as well as a more firmly contextual- Flower Smith, K. (ed.) (1964) The Elegies of Albius Tibul- ised appreciation of the passages themselves. lus. Darmstadt. Drawing on results from experimental archaeology, Fredrick, D. (2014) The Gaze and the Elegiac Imaginary. I also argue that the use of sound-play and rhythm In B. K. Gold (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to Ro- may be fully integrated in the stylistic expression of man Love Elegy, 426-439. Oxford. poetic descriptions of textile work.38 Examination of Gostencnik, K. (2012) Austria: Roman Period. In U. Man- such features is of course subject to some limitations: nering & M. Gleba (eds.), Textiles and Textile Produc- our appreciation of the niceties of quantitative po- tion in Europe. From Prehistory to AD 400, 65-88. An- etry is likely to be less finely honed than that of the cient Textiles Series 11. Oxford. ancient audience, and, as noted in the discussion of Gostencnik, K. (2014) Textile production and trade in the Epithalamium Laurentii above, Latin pronuncia- Roman Noricum. In M. Gleba & J. Pásztokái-Szeőke (eds.), Making Textiles in pre-Roman and Roman Times: tion changes substantially over time, at a pace and in People, Places, Identities, 60-86. Ancient Textiles Se- a fashion not always easy to pinpoint conclusively. ries 13. Oxford. Given the tendency of Latin towards multi-purpose Hoffmann, M. (1964) The Warp-Weighted Loom. Studies technical terms, however, I would suggest that such in the History and Technology of an Ancient Implement. readings may prove fruitful. It appears that, at least Studia Norvegica 14. Oslo. in some cases, analysis of such sound-play, in com- Horstmann, S. (2004) Das Epithalamium in der lateini- bination with more traditional philological method- schen Literatur der Spätantike. München. ologies, can help determine specific usages of multi- James, S. L. (2003) Learned Girls and Male Persuasion. purpose textile terms such as licium. Gender and Reading in Roman Love Elegy. Berkley. Lee-Stecum, P. (1998) Powerplay in Tibullus. Reading Elegies Book One. Cambridge. Murgatroyd, P. (ed.) (1980) Tibullus I. A Commentary on the First Book of the Elegies of Albius Tibullus. Pietermaritzburg. 38. Interestingly, such artistic integration of sound-mimicking of textile work processes in poetry suggests a surprising tacit understan- ding of at least some aspects of textile production on the part of Latin poets, something which in turn may contribute to our under- standing of the spread and localisation of textile production in Roman society. 17. A Reconsideration of Latin licia as Heddle-Leashes   287 Maltby, R. (1999) Technical Language in Tibullus, of Ephesus, Turkey. In C. Gillis & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Emerita. Rivista de linguitica y filologia classica 67, Ancient Textiles: Production, Craft and Society, 81-86. 231-249. Ancient Textiles Series 1. Oxford. Maltby, R. (ed.) (2002) Tibullus: Elegies. Text, Introduc- Tuck, A. (2006) Singing the Rug: Patterned Textiles and tion and Commentary. Cambridge. the Origins of Indo-European Metrical Poetry, Ameri- Mårtensson, L., M.-L. Nosch & E. Andersson Strand can Journal of Archaeology 110, 539-550. (2009) Shape of Things: Understanding a Loom Tuck, A. (2009) Stories at the Loom: Patterned Textiles Weight, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 28, 373-398. and the Recitation of Myth in Euripides, Arethusa 42, Möller-Wiering, S. & J. Subbert (2012) Germany: Ro- 151-159. man Iron Age. In M. Gleba & U. Mannering, (eds.) Walbank, F. W. (1940) Licia Telae Addere (Virgil, Georg. Textiles and Textile Production in Europe: From Pre- 1.284-6), Classical Quarterly 34, 93-104. history to AD 400, 153-181. Ancient Textiles Series Wernsdorff, C. (ed.) (1785) Poetae Latini Minores. 11. Oxford. Altenburg. Mynors, R. A. B., (ed.), (1969) Virgil Georgics. Edited Wild, J. P. (1967) Two technical terms used by Roman tap- with a Commentary by R.A.B. Mynors. Oxford. estry-weavers, Philologus 111, 151-155. Nosch, M.-L. (2014) Voicing the Loom: Women, Weav- Wild, J. P. (1970) Textile Manufacture in the North- ing, and Plotting. In D. Nakassis, J. Gulizio & S. A. ern Roman Provinces. Cambridge Classical Studies. James (eds.), KE-RA-ME-JA. Studies presented to Cambridge. Cynthia W. Shelmerdine, 91-102. Prehistory mono- Wild, J. P. (1987) The Roman Horizontal Loom, American graphs 46. Philadelphia. Journal of Archaeology 91, 459-471. Richlin, A. (2014) Arguments with Silence. Writing the Wild, J. P. (2002) The Textile Industries of Roman Britain, History of Roman Women. Michigan. Britannia 33, 1-42. Thomson, R. (ed.) (1988) Virgil: Georgics. Volume I: Books Wild, J. P. (2009) Textile Production. In J. P. Oleson (ed.), I-II. Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics. Cambridge. Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the Trinkl, E. (2007) Artifacts Related to Preparation of Wool Classical World, 465-482. Oxford. and Textile Processing Found Inside the Terrace Houses 18 Textile Terminology in Old High German between Inherited and Loan Words Roland Schuhmann A particular language consists of course not terminology. These borrowings of words in the most only of words inherited from its respective cases took place together with the objects or concepts parent language but contains also a certain themselves.2 The research paradigm that investigates amount of loan words (this amount differs of course these kinds of correlations between words and the un- depending on the respective language). This universal derlying objects or concepts is best summarized un- principle then also holds true for the speakers of the der the term ‘Wörter und Sachen’.3 Germanic languages. The vocabulary of the Germanic One of the fields, where (due to e.g. new techniques, languages includes not only the lexicon inherited materials, temporary fashions) a priori a high amount from Proto‑Indo‑European but a range of languages of borrowings of objects (and concepts) is to be ex- later on heavily influenced it. In the times before the pected, is the lexical field of textiles and the terminol- documentation of the Germanic languages, the two ogy used for textile production. A detailed analysis of most important sources that influenced the Germanic the vocabulary used for textiles and the technique in lexicon were Celtic and (prolonged) Latin.1 Influence the older Germanic languages is largely missing.4 In in the lexicon is found in nearly every part of the the following, a survey of the vocabulary that denotes daily life vocabulary, ranging from words for food textiles in the Old High German language will be car- and beverages via commercial products to Christian ried out in order to answer the following questions: 1. It is not the place here to discuss if there was also an influence on the Germanic lexicon by one (or more) unkown substrate language as often is suggested. According to the advocators, about one third of the Germanic lexicon is of non-Indo-European origin and therefore stems from one or more substrate languages (cp. the examples given in Vennemann 2003, 1-7). 2. Exceptions are words like Old High German koufo ‘merchant, trader’, Old English cȳpa, cēpa ‘merchant’, Old Icelandic kaupi ‘buyer, customer’, Runic Swedish (personal name) Kaubi, Old Swedish (personal name) Køpe borrowed from Latin caupō ‘publican’ (cp. EWA 5, 727). Of course, merchants were known in the Germanic world. 3. Cp. Heller 1998. 4. An exception is the outdated volume three of Heyne 1899-1908. Recently Hofmann 2013 published a study on the Old Frisian tex- tile vocabulary. 288 18. Textile T erminology in Old High German Inherited and Loan Words   289 • What is the proportion between inherited and are in fact based less on the information that can be borrowed terms for clothes and fabric in Old extracted from the Old High German words and their High German and in which areas are the respec- context. Rather they rely more on the analyses of the tive groups mostly concentrated? underlying Latin words they translate. Their inclu- • In what time can the highest influence be found sion into the list of textile words was even more un- and from which origin is this influence? problematic, because in the end they did not seem to • In what lexical fields are the loanwords found? change the overall picture. • Can the integration of different loanwords in Old This unstructured, merely alphabetical list was af- High German be determined? terwards sorted according to different aspects that • Are there examples of several inherited and bor- were relevant for this study: inherited versus loan- rowed words for the same concepts and how do words, first occurrence of the single words, semantic they compete? fields and derivational affiliations. Working steps Difficulties in determining borrowed words In order to answer the aforementioned questions, In this list of 511 words, 154 potential loanwords it was necessary to go through the Old High Ger- can be detected, which would result in a proportion man dictionaries5 because specialised lists that com- of 30.1% of loanwords in the textile terminology of prise the terms denoting textiles (both the under- Old High German. However, the exact determination lying material and the final products) do not exist. of what is a loanword is not exactly easy. Obviously Since a sufficiently large word group was needed words like humerāle ‘humeral veil’, kussi ‘cushion, for this investigation, a fairly wide textile concept pillow’, purpura ‘purple (robe)’ or tunihha ‘tunic, was applied, including the materials and all objects garment’ can without any further problems be classi- that could have been made out of them. However, fied as loanwords but there are more difficult cases, some types of words were not included: Neither ver- cp. e.g. the following three examples: bal expressions for the material production or fabri- a. Old High German kozzo ‘blanket, dress, skirt, cazation were taken in (like nāen ‘to sew’), nor were coat, cowl’ has its only counterpart in Old Saxon adjectives derived from attested nouns (like filzīn kott (also Latin‑Old Saxon cottus, cottis), seem- ‘felt…’ to filz ‘felt’); in contrast, a word like bissīn ingly continuing a Proto‑Germanic *kutta(n)‑. Old ‘linen’ was integrated in the list because no under- French cot(t)e, Old Provençal cota ‘small garment lying noun is present. This resulted in a list of in to- with sleeves’ are often thought to be borrowed tal 511 words denoting textile material and their po- from an unattested Old Dutch *kotto that is as- tential products. Included in this list were thus also sumed to be also the basis of Middle Latin cottus products that could have been made out of textile ‘cloak, coat’. However, it cannot be ruled out that material although that is not in every case clear (like the Germanic words are borrowed from Middle bīgurtil ‘purse’ or būtil ‘bag, purse’ – they could of Latin cottus as was also proposed.6 course also have been made out of leather or another material). They were taken in because in most cases b. Old High German līn ‘linen garmen, wick’ has a deepgoing semantic analysis is not possible for counterparts in all Germanic languages, cp. Ru- the simple fact that many words are transmitted in nic lina‑, Gothic lein, Old Saxon, Old English glosses, thus without any further Old High German līn, Old Dutch, Old Frisian līn‑, Old Icelandic lín, context. To state it clearly, the very detailed semantic continuing Proto‑Germanic *līna‑ ‘wick’. From analyses found in, e.g., Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch Germanic the word was apparently already quite 5. For that purpose the following dictionaries were used: Schützeichel 2012; Köbler 1993; Splett 1993. 6. Cp. EWA 5, 731-732. 290   Roland Schuhmann in Textile Terminologies (2017) early borrowed into the Finnic languages as liina. derivations of these three words. In this case there A comparable form is found in Latin līnum and would be a total number of one hundred and twenty- Old Irish lín ‘flax, wick’. Besides these forms one loanwords, so a percentage of 23.7%. with a long stem vowel also words with a short stem vowel are found having the same meaning: Inherited vs. borrowed words Greek Mycenaean ri‑no‑ /lino‑/, Greek λίνον, Old Church Slavonic *lьnъ (deduced from the adjec- This uncertainty in determining what is a loanword tive lьněnъ), Lithuanian linaĩ, Latvian lini and and what can be a loanword should be kept in mind Old Prussian lynno. These words reflect the ab- when answering the question of the distribution of lauting forms Proto‑Indo‑European *leyno‑ and loanwords through time. For this analysis, the Old *lino‑. It is sure that the Albanian word lî was bor- High German period was divided into the respective rowed from Latin. However, it is unclear whether centuries. It should be noted that only the first attes- the Celtic and the Germanic words also represent tation of a word was taken into account as being rel- borrowings from Latin, as it is often assumed evant. That means that when a word has two or more based on general historico-cultural reasons. From attestations, only the first one is counted. The others a purely linguistic point of view, this matter must are neglected. This is done for each word, regardless rest undecided, even more because the cultivation if it is inherited or borrowed. However, every lexi- of flax reaches back into the Neolithic.7 con entry is listed. So, when for example mantal oc- curs for the first time in the 11th century and the com- c. Old High German rok ‘garment, cowl’ has corre- pound fēhmantel ‘coat’ in the 13th century, of course spondences in Middle Low German, Old Dutch both are listed separately. rok, Old English rocc and Old Frisian rock (Old It is perhaps important to say something about the Icelandic rokkr was borrowed either from Old later centuries mentioned here. It is true that accord- English or Middle Low German), all continu- ing to the standard view – which is not doubted here ing Proto‑Germanic *rukka‑. Besides this there – Middle High German displaces Old High German is an apparently related, however unexplained somewhat in the midst of the 11th century.9 There- form Proto‑Germanic *χrukka‑ ‘garment’ that is fore, in fact it would be necessary to stop at that time. continued in Old High German hrok, Old Saxon However, there is a lot of Old High German or bet- hroc and Old Frisian hrock; this was borrowed ter Old High German like material from later times, into Middle Latin (pl.) hrocci that developed namely material consisting out of copies from older into Old French froc ‘monk’s habit’. It is gener- material or manuscripts that are assumed to stand ally compared with Old Irish rucht ‘tunica’ from in an Old High German tradition.10 Of course, this Proto‑Celtic *ruktu‑ and Middle Welsh rhuch(en) means that a part of the later material is overlapping ‘coat’ from Proto‑Celtic *rowkkā. These could with words also found in Middle High German. point to a common ancestor Late Proto‑Indo‑Eu- The results of this analysis are displayed in Table ropean *ruk(k)‑, *rowk(k)-. However, it is often ar- 1. Of course, the percentage in the last line must be gued that because of the differences *r‑ and *χr‑ taken with a pinch of salt. Nevertheless, an increase these are all rather loanwords from an unknown through the centuries can definitely be detected. This (substrate) source.8 tendency is also confirmed by what is known from If these three examples would turn out to be in- Middle High German; here quite an enormous influ- herited words and not loanwords, the overall num- ence from Old and Middle French can be seen.11 bers would be decreasing dramatically because of the 7. Cp. EWA 5, 1299-1302. 8. Cp. Sijs 2010 s.v. rok (kledingstuk); http://www.dwds.de/?view=1&qu=Rock. 9. Cp. Braune & Reiffenstein 2004, 1. 10. Cp. Stricker 2009. 18. Textile T erminology in Old High German Inherited and Loan Words   291 Table 1. ‘id.’. This replacement can be seen in the Romance total (presumably) percentage languages too, where the masculine form cucullus is number number of of only continued in Italian cocollo, Sardinian cucudhu, century of words loanwords loanwords cugudhu13 and Rumanian cucuiu, whereas continu- ants of the feminine cuculla are far more widespread, < 8th 2 0 0.0% cp. Italian cocolla, French coule, Provençal cogolla, 8th 66 16 24.2% 9th 137 38 27.7% Spanish cogulla and Portugese cogula. The Middle 10th 80 21 27.5% Latin feminine form is also underlying the loans in 11th 101 30 29.7% the other Germanic languages, cp. Old Saxon kugula, 12th 100 35 35.0% Middle Dutch kogele and Old English cugele.14 The 13th 23 12 52.2% 14th 2 1 50.0% Old French influence on Old High German starts in the 11th century and is found in only three loanwords, namely in bōnit ‘tiara, diadem’ from Old French Donor language(s) of the loanwords bon(n)et ‘material for headgears’, in kussīn ‘cushion’ borrowed from Old French co(i)ssin ‘id.’ and in zindāl The question of the donor language or languages on ‘silk’ coming from Old French cendal ‘id.’. the Old High German textile terminology can be an- So apparently textile terminology entered the Old swered quite easily. Only two can be identified: on High German language area only from the West and the one hand Latin (ranging from Classical Latin via perhaps South. Vulgar to Middle Latin), and on the other hand Old French. In the vocabulary for textiles and their prod- Semantic fields of the loandwords ucts, no Slavonic words can be detected, differing for example from the lexical field of animal skin pro- The semantic fields of the Old High German loan- cessing. In this field Old High German kursin(na), words concerning textile terminologies are in some krusina ‘coat made of pelt’ is found from the end of parts well defined: the 10th century (cp. also Old Saxon kursina, Middle 1. A first group represents specific materials and the Low German körsen[e], Middle Dutch corsene, Old products made out of them. It comprises words Frisian kersne, Old English crūs[e]ne). It was bor- like bambas ‘cotton dress’, bissīn ‘linen’, bokkerat rowed from Proto‑Slavic *kъrzьno ‘coat made of pelt’ ‘rough linen’, bōnit ‘tiara, diadem’, ?līn ‘linen gar- (continued e.g. in Old Russian kъrzьno).12 ment, wick’, pfelli and pfellōl ‘garment made of From Classical Latin comes for example the words silk’, pflūmlīh ‘brocaded’, polomid ‘colourful gar- līn ‘linen garment, wick’ (if it is really borrowed from ment made of damask’, purpura ‘purple (robe)’, Latin līnum), pfuluwi ‘pillow’ from pulvīnus ‘little saban, sabano and sabo ‘cloth, linen, linen‑cloth’, cushion, small pillow’ or pflūmāri ‘weaver of dam- serih ‘silk’, sīda ‘silk’, zindāl ‘silk’. ask’ from plūmārius ‘id.’. From Vulgar Latin words like oral ‘cloth’ and orare ‘veil’ were derived. The 2. A second group comes from the special clothes worn Middle Latin influence is the strongest during the Old by clerics. In this category fall amongst others: alba High German period. One example may suffice here: ‘alb, cassock, headband’, fezitraga ‘altar‑cloth’, the word Old High German kugulla ‘hood, cowl’ was finkūn ‘monk’s shoes’, humerāl and humerāle ‘hu- borrowed from Middle Latin cuculla ‘id.’ In Middle meral veil’, kasul ‘chasuble’, rāginna and rezina Latin the feminine form nearly completely replaced ‘garment of a monk’, stōla ‘priestly stole’, umbrāl the older, Classical Latin, masculine form cucullus ‘humeral veil’, zistella ‘pilgrim’s bag’. 11. Cp. Suolahti 1929. 12. Cp. EWA 5, 923-924. 13. The Sardinian words were kindly pointed out to me by Dr. Salvatore Gaspa. 14. Cp. EWA 5, 852-853. 292   Roland Schuhmann in Textile Terminologies (2017) 3. A third group covers the semantic field of cush- integrated at all because they do not take part in ions. This group comprises in fact only two words, derivations and compounding. Examples for them namely kussīn and pfuluwi. These two will be are alba ‘alb, cassock, headband’, amit ‘shawl’, balz treated into more detail below. ‘belt, baldric’ or polomid ‘colourful garment made of damask’. 4. A last disperse group contains words for all kind However, also the complete opposite is found. The sof garments. Cp. e.g. fāska and fāski ‘wrap’, ka- two words for ‘cushion, pillow’ can serve as an exam- pfa/kappa ‘cap, hat, hood, cloak’, kelisa ‘boot, ple for that. In Old High German the words pfuluwi shoe’, kemis ‘dress’, kozza and kozzo ‘blanket, ‘pillow’ borrowed from Classical Latin pulvīnus ‘little dress, skirt, coat, cowl’, kugula ‘hood, cowl’, man- cushion, small pillow’ and kussīn ‘cushion’ borrowed tal ‘coat, wrap’, menihha ‘sleeve’, pfeit ‘jacket’, from Old French co(i)ssin ‘id.’ exist. As is shown by rok ‘garment, cowl’, rosa ‘rough coat’, sok ‘shoe’, the donor language the time of the borrowing lies far suftelari ‘winged shoe’, tunihha ‘tunic, garment’, apart from each other. witta ‘band’, ziklāt ‘round skirt for ladies’. The word pfuluwi is attested in the 8th century and Finally, some words remain that do not fall into a shows in Old High German three different deriva- homogenous category. tions: pfuluwīn attested in the 9th century, pfuluwilīn in the 10th century and pfuluwo in the 12th century Integration of the loanwords (all three with the meaning ‘pillow’). So during the whole Old High German period it is possible to cre- The question how well loanwords in the lexical field ate new derivations to pfuluwi. The word pfuluwi is of textiles were integrated in Old High German can- also found in the compound houbitpfuluwi ‘pillow’ in not be answered on the basis of which words pro- the 9th century. The later derivation pfuluwīn is pre- longued in Middle or even New High German be- sent in the compounds houbitpfuluwīn ‘pillow’ in the cause this procedure would lead to wrong results. Cp. 10th century and stuolpfuluwīn ‘stool pillow’ in the e.g. a case like Old High German armilo ‘sleeve, fet- 11th century. ter’ that was not a productive word but survived into Therefore, it is clear that the word group around German.15 In the following, the adopted approach will pfuluwi was quite well integrated in the Old High rather rely on the productivity in Old High German German language. The rate of productivity is not that itself. In other words, the answer to the question of high but it is in fact constant. how ‘alive’ loanwords in the language were, is based Even if pfuluwi seems to have been quite well inte- on derivational patterns and the possibility to be cho- grated in Old High German this is even more the case sen as parts of compounds. with the later borrowed kussīn ‘cushion’. The word For comparison the group around inherited Old was adopted on the turn of 10th to the 11th century and High German wāt ‘garment’ can be taken. From wāt is first attested in the compound wangkussīn ‘pillow’. two derivations do exist, namele giwāti and the as a In the 11th century it becomes very productive. There simplex unattested *wāti. Whereas wāt itself is only are two derivations: kussi ‘cushion’ and the dimin- attested as a simplex, the derivation *wāti is attested utive kussilī/kussilīn ‘small cushion’. The word ap- in three compounds: bettiwāti, dingwāti and līnwāti. pears also in two further compounds, houbitkussīn The attested simplex giwāti is even attested in eight and wangkussilīn ‘pillow’. In the 12th century two fur- compounds: beingiwāti, bettigiwāti, dinggiwāti, ther compounds are found, namely ōrkussilīn ‘little ingiwāti, mūzgiwāti, sīdgiwāti, wantalgiwāti and pillow’ and ōrkussīn ‘pillow’ showing that the deri- wībgiwāti. So all in all, the wordgroup around Old vation was still in use. High German wāt seems to be quite productive. So the integratedness of kussīn ‘cushion’ seems Under the loanwords for textiles there are of to have passed off much more quickly than it was course several that under this definition were not the case with pfuluwi ‘cushion’. This may have 15. Cp. EWA 1, 338. 18. Textile T erminology in Old High German Inherited and Loan Words  293 been the reason why the latter one was replaced by language stages. However, lahhan stopped to be kussīn ‘cushion’ later on in the history of the Ger- used as a word that could designate coats, which man language. is not astonishing because more apt words were available. Kozza/kozzo, mantal and rok contin- Inherited and borrowed words denoting the ued to be existent in later language stages. Of same concept these, only mantal is the word for ‘coat’ in the standard language, whereas kozza/kozzo and rok To round up this short overview on textile terminolo- are used dialectally. gies a look may be taken at some cases where in Old c. ‘sleeve’: In Old High German there is one inher- High German both inherited and borrowed words are ited word for the sleeve, namely armilo that has transmitted for the same concept: no productivity whatsoever. There are also two a. ‘belt’: There are some inherited words denot- borrowed words, menihha and menihhilo that ing belts: bruohhah, fazilo, gurt (together with come from Latin manica and probably manicula the derivations gurtil, gurtila and gurtilīn; also ‘sleeve’. The unproductive armilo could only widespread in compounds), umbisweif and win- hold up well because the connection with the dica. In the 10th century the word balz ‘belt, bal- derivational basis arm ‘arm’ was at no time lost. dric’ appears that is borrowed from Latin bal- Against this connection the loanwords stood no teus ‘belt, girdle’.16 This word is not attested in chance. derivations or compounds, was in other words d. ‘hair-lace’: One of the most surprising semantic not integrated in Old High German. It disap- wordgroups in Old High German is that for the peared in the further history of German where hair‑lace. There are quite many inherited words the already in Old High German most wide- to denote this object: Besides the simplex rīsil, spread word gurtil asserted itself.17 The situa- that is more commonly used in the meaning tion is opposite to the one in English, where belt ‘veil’, compounds are found, which have as first is nowadays the most common word while gir- member either fahs or hār ‘hair’: With fahs the dle was driven back. compunds fahsreidī, fahsreita, fahsreitī, fahss- b. ‘coat’: The semantic field of ‘coat’ is already in nuor, fahswalko and fahswinta are found, with Old High German beginning to be dominated by hār the words hārskeida and hārsnuor. There is borrowed words. Inherited words are hulla, lah- also one compound found that has a borrowed han, ludilo, skekko and trembil. Of these, hulla element in it, namely fahswitta with witta ‘band’ is used for every kind of wrap, lahhan is used to from Latin vitta ‘band, ribbon’. The borrowed denote every kind of floating garment and ludilo word did not stand a chance – perhaps not so refers in fact to the material the coat is made of, much, because ‑witta did not make it, but rather so only skekko and trembil truly denote coats. because fahs got out of use.18 For ‘hair’ only Old Only lahhan is productive in the sense men- High German hār was continued19 but also these tioned above. The borrowed words are kozza/ compounds came into disuse (German *Haar- kozzo, mantal, rok and rosa. Of these four, the schnur would perhaps still be understandable). first three are very productive in Old High Ger- German Haarband replaced these words, al- man, both in derivations and compounds. It does though interestingely no corresponding com- in fact not astonish that of these nine words pound with ‑band is found in Old High German. only the productive ones are continued in later 16. Cp. EWA 1, 447-449. 17. Cp. EWA 4, 705-706. 18. Cp. EWA 3, 15-17. 19. Cp. EWA 4, 826-828. 294   Roland Schuhmann in Textile Terminologies (2017) Conclusion Braune, W. & Reiffenstein, I. (2004) Althochdeut- sche Grammatik I. Laut- und Formenlehre. 15. Aufl. This short overview of textile terminologies showed Tübingen. that quite a large amount of the Old High German Heller, D. (1998) Wörter und Sachen. Grundlagen ei- words in this lexical field is borrowed. The borrow- ner Historiographie der Fachsprachenforschung. ings only come from the West (or South) into Old Tübingen. High German, so from Latin and its continuant Old Hofmann, G. (2013) Herstellung und Gebrauch von Klei- dung und anderen Textilien im alten Friesland, Us Wurk French. Between the 8th and 12th century there is a 62, 87-160. gradually rising amount of loanwords. Three seman- Heyne, M. (1899-1908) Fünf Bücher deutscher Hausal- tic fields can clearly be distinguished, namely spe- tertümer von den ältesten geschichtlichen Zeiten bis cial, unknown materials and their products, garments zum 16. Jahrhundert. Ein Lehrbuch. 1. Bd.: Wohnung. for clerics and cushions. The integration of the loand- 2. Bd.: Das deutsche Nahrungswesen von den ältesten words reaches from ‘not at all’ to ‘very good’. Al- geschichtlichen Zeiten bis zum 16. Jahrhundert. 3. Bd.: though integration is an important element for the Körperpflege und Kleidung. 4. Bd.: Das altdeutsche continuing use of borrowed words, it is definitively Handwerk. Aus dem Nachlaß. Leipzig (Nachdruck: not the only reason. 1985. Meerbusch bei Düsseldorf). It is obvious that this study here is only a first small Köbler, G. (1993) Wörterbuch des althochdeutschen step towards a detailed analysis of the textile termi- Sprach­schatzes. Paderborn [u.a.]. nology in Old High German. The latter must not only Schützeichel, R. (2012) Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. 7., deepen the type of analysis presented here but also durchges. und verb. Aufl. Berlin [u.a.]. include a semantic study of the words used as well Sijs, N. van der (samensteller) (2010), Etymologiebank, op as the verbs and all derivations. In a second step, http://etymologiebank.nl/. the historical and archaeological evidence should be Splett, J. (1993) Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Analyse der subjoined. Wortfamilienstrukturen des Althochdeutschen, zugleich Grundlegung einer zukünftigen Strukturgeschichte des deutschen Wortschatzes. Bd. 1 und 2. Berlin. Abbreviations Stricker, St. (2009) Die Abgrenzugsproblematik Althoch- deutsch – Mittelhochdeutsch. In Bergmann, R. & St. Stricker (eds.), Die althochdeutsche und altsächsische Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch = Karg‑Gasterstädt, E. & Th. Glossographie. Ein Handbuch, Bd. 2, 1574-1600. Frings et al. (eds.) (1959ff.), Althochdeutsches Wör- Berlin. terbuch, Bd. 1 ff. Berlin. EWA = Lloyd, A., O. Springer & R. Lühr (eds.). (1988ff.), Suolahti, H. (1929) Der französische Einfluss auf die deut- Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Althochdeutschen, sche Sprache im dreizehnten Jahrhundert. Helsingfors Bd. 1ff. Göttingen. [u.a.]. Vennemann gen. Nierfeld, Th. (2003) Europa Vasconica Bibliography – Europa Semitica. Aziz Hanna, P. N. (ed.), Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 138. Berlin-New York. Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch = Althochdeutsches Wörter- buch (1959ff.). Karg‑Gasterstädt, E. & Th. Frings et al. (eds.). Bd. 1 ff. Berlin. 19 Χιτών – δαλματική – μαφόρτης – σύνθεσις: Common and Uncommon Garment Terms in Dowry Arrangements from Roman Egypt Kerstin Droß-Krüpe W ith regard to ancient textile terms, diction- The present contribution derives from a research aries could potentially generate a false project made possible by the Pasold Research Fund.1 sense of security. Their formal accuracy It focuses on ancient marriage documents from the might let us think that we are, without doubt, pro- province of Egypt with its abundance of papyrolog- vided with the term that corresponds perfectly with ical evidence as a case study on the terminology of a particular expression from an ancient Greek and/or everyday dress in Roman Imperial times. Latin document. However, translations in dictionar- ies are almost exclusively based on reading and in- Source material: Dowry contracts from Roman terpreting ancient literary sources and tend to neglect Egypt documentary evidence. But documentary sources, such as papyri, are a valuable and unique resource Before paper and parchment were common writ- for research, referring to manifold aspects of social ing materials, people used wooden tablets, papyri and economic history. Above all, they offer an in- or potsherds (ostraca) for private correspondence as sight into the minutae of individual lives, an aspect well as for official documents. Especially the abun- of ancient history that is rarely available to current re- dance of papyri and ostraca broadens our perspec- search. These kinds of sources significantly deepen tive on antiquity from literary sources. Mainly origi- the understanding of the ancient world – compared nating from Egypt, these documents provide a direct to information retrieved only from literary sources. and unfiltered view of real life circumstances for 1. ‘Everyday dress in Graeco-Roman Egypt (1st-6th century AD) according to papyri – an analysis of dowry contracts’ (carried out with Yvonne Wagner/Salzburg). I am very grateful to the Pasold Research Fund for enabling our research. I also wish to thank the conference organisers, Marie-Louise Nosch, Cécile Michel and Salvatore Gaspa, for their invita- tion, and the participants for providing a very stimulating climate of debate. I am indebted to Andrea Jördens/Heidelberg and Deborah Weisselberg-Cassuto/Ramat Gan for valuable comments on linguistic details of this paper and to Virginia Geisel/Marburg and Jane Parsons-Sauer/Kassel for correcting my English. All papyrological editions as well as corre- sponding literature for papyri, ostraca and tablets are listed in the ‘Checklist of Editions’ (5th edition) which is available online: http://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/scriptorium/papyrus/texts/clist_papyri.html (last accessed December 2014). 295 296   Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) all classes of population in this region.2 After Al- dowry from the first three centuries AD in Roman exander III (‘the Great’) had conquered Egypt and Egypt usually includes clothing, along with cash in- introduced the Greek language in this part of the stalments, jewellery and household implements. The Mediterranean in 332 BC, it was used for official typically high level of detail offers a unique chance documents. Until the Arab invasion in 640-642 AD, to learn about women’s garments which were actu- the Greek language also played an important role in ally worn in everyday life in this part of the Roman private correspondence. Thus most papyri and os- Empire. We can discover details about the terminol- traca were written in Greek. The majority of Greek ogy of female garments, their colours and sometimes papyri and ostraca date back to the first three cen- even the value of an actual garment. turies AD, when Egypt was a province of the Ro- It is necessary to keep in mind that marriage was man Empire. They consist of a variety of documents important and common in ancient times. Analysing – works of literature, letters, horoscopes, accounts, census declarations, Roger Bagnall and Bruce Frier receipts, tax registers, declarations, contracts, and could prove that in Roman Egypt at least 93% of more. Making the individual tangible, they let us ex- the women aged between 26 and 35 years were mar- plore an ‘individual micro-history’ and bring admin- ried, already divorced, or widowed.4 Thus marriage istrative trading records to life. Their evidence pro- was a very common phenomenon in Imperial Egypt. vides an unfiltered view of real-life circumstances of Nevertheless it must be borne in mind that, although all population classes. With regard to the economic dowries were common, dowry contracts were not procedures of Roman textile production, they allow obligatory. Especially in earlier times, this written for a more detailed analysis. form of arrangement was often composed without Marriage and dowry arrangements are of particular any official supervision by a public organ. The con- value for research on female dress of the Roman pe- tract served to create security for bride and groom in riod. “One of the main purposes for the composition the – not unlikely – case of a later divorce and to se- of a marriage document was to record the delivery of cure the women’s financial resources, but for a valid a dowry, its value and contents, and to regulate its po- marriage arrangement, the dowry contract was not sition both in the course of the marriage and after its by all means necessary.5 dissolution.”3 The detailed description of every item Because the contracts come from varied socio-eco- of the dowry was very important because, in case of nomic backgrounds, the overall value of documented divorce, it enabled the woman to enforce her right of dowries varies a lot – which is not surprising, con- regaining this dowry within a short time. However, sidering the high percentage of married women. The some contracts record the overall value of the dowry type and number of items often indicate the socio- rather than its original components. In these cases, economic status of the bride’s family. By analysing which mostly date back to Augustean times, the hus- the garments these women possessed and wore in eve- band could possibly dispose of dowry components ryday life we are able to explore the links between without any special restraints as long as he was still clothing and wealth, fashion and status – not just of capable of returning the total value. upper class women but of brides from very different However, in later marriage documents the com- social strata of the multicultural society in the Roman ponents are usually listed in great detail. A typical province of Egypt. 2. Challenging the paradigm of Egypt as a special region of the Roman Empire, which circumstances are contrary to all other regions, consequently encourages the study of the available documents of this province. This backdrop moves the significance of papyri into the focus of ancient economic history research. 3. Yiftach-Firanko 2003, 105. 4. Bagnall & Frier 1994, 117. 5. For a general introduction in this source material see Yiftach-Firanko 2003. 19. Garment Terms in Dowry Arrangements from Roman Egypt   297 Textiles in Roman dowries sandalwood red, chrysanth yellow, sulphur yellow, safflower yellow to milk white and white, but inter- Of the approx. 100 surviving (and edited) dowries estingly never any shades of blue or green. Another dating back to Roman Imperial Times, 46 mention very common garment, the πάλλιον is most often said textiles.6 This shows the importance of textiles as part to be χρωματισμός, colourful, without giving any de- of a woman’s belongings and highlights the connec- tails about individual colours. These mantles could tion between garments, gender, and social status. In have had several colours, probably in patterns. Striped contrast to mummy portraits, painted shrouds, stat- and checked textiles are indeed documented in the ar- ues, reliefs or archaeological textiles obtained from chaeological records.7 Although we often cannot re- graves, the dowries represent a portrait of actual life. construct the design of a certain garment, these textile It rather depicts the way a woman was seen on the fragments may represent mantles. In summary: χιτών street than how she wanted to be remembered after and πάλλιον are to be considered the most common her death. Idealisation is insignificant for this kind of female dresses to be found in almost each and every source material: we are not facing the ideal concept of wardrobe in all parts of Egypt during the entire Im- a local elite, but everyday dress of women from very perial period. Obviously, these terms were part of a different social strata. widespread ‘standard dress terminology’ of that time. This is of particular importance for analysing the Besides these two very common and clearly de- terminology used for the garments in dowries. The fined garments we are presented with others, for ex- documented name for an individual garment was the ample the στολή: This type of garment appears ex- name which was actually given to this very garment clusively in dowries dating to the 1st and 2nd century by its female wearer, the adjectives used to describe AD and seems to be uncommon during later times.8 its colour correspond with the woman’s own colour The σουβρικοπάλλιον is very likely a typo for impressions. The combination of name and colour en- σουρικοπάλλιον, a Syrian πάλλιον.9 It does not ap- abled her to identify that very garment in case of di- pear in the early marriage documents, but from the vorce. This explains quite well why we are rarely fac- 2nd century onwards. We also learn about garments ing general terms like “female garments” (ἱμάτια / called δαλματική and μαφόρτης / μαφόριον. These ἱμάτια γυναικεῖα) but usually detailed descriptions. two terms are particularly interesting as they are listed individually and combined, most likely meaning an Common garments entire female costume. They only appear in dowries dating from the late 2nd and the 3rd century AD. A closer inspection of dowries and their garment terms suggests that women in Graeco-Roman Egypt δαλματική and μαφόρτης / μαφόριον did not possess a very broad range of garments. 11 different types of garments appear in the entirety Handbooks and dictionaries offer descriptions and of all dowries from Imperial times. A χιτών (or tu- definitions for garments. Whereas the most common nic) is listed in a vast number of dowries. Its colours dictionary of ancient Greek, Liddell-Scott-Jones, are manifold and range from purple, mulberry red, calls the δαλματική just a “robe” without any further 6. Droß-Krüpe & Wagner 2014, 163-166. 7. E.g. Grömer 2010, 166-168, cf. Diod. 5,30,1; Droß-Krüpe 2015. 8. P. Mich. 2/121r, 42 AD, Tebtynis; P.Mich 5/343, before 54 AD, Tebtynis; P.Ryl. 2/154, 66 AD, Bakchias; P.Oxy. 2/265, 81-96 AD, Oxyrhynchos; Pap. Choix. 10, 162 AD, Tebtynis; P.Strasb. 4/225, 2nd half 2nd cent. AD, place unknown; P. Tebt. 2/514, 2nd cent. AD, Tebtynis. 9. CPR 1/27, 158 AD, place unknown; P.Oxy. 6/905, 170 AD, Oxyrhynchos; SPP 20/41v, 2nd cent. AD, Hermopolite nome?; CPR 1/21, 230 AD, Ptolemais Euergetis; P. Tebt. 2/405, 3rd cent. AD, Tebtynis. 298   Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) specification,10 we are informed elsewhere that a dal- and generally inappropriate rulers. Every other detail matic / δαλματική is “[a] T-shaped tunic with wrist- regarding this type of garment is either assumed from length tight sleeves cut separately from the main part considerably later Christian sources or is based on the of the tunic and sewn on, popular in the later Roman iconographic record. The question remains: If the ap- Empire, especially the 3rd and 4th centuries AD. Orig- pearance of the garment named δαλματική has not inating in the Illyrian provinces or further east, it was changed at all over the centuries – are we really in a worn by men and women: men’s versions could have position to identify a visual representation of a dal- coloured and patterned bands and roundels – espe- matic or δαλματική, if the only definite information cially on the shoulders; women’s – shown on many fe- we have is the one mentioned by Isidore and the His- male figures in catacomb paintings – were longer (just toria Augusta? This is highly questionable. above the ankles), worn unbelted and often had con- In the dowries, this type of garment is mentioned trasting stripes and borders.”11 A deeper insight into five times in three arrangements, all dating from Dura the source material for this precise assumption shows Europos in Syria or the Arsinoite nome in the 3rd that the most detailed description can be found in an century AD.15 When specified, its colour is κόκκινος etymological encyclopaedia compiled by the Chris- (scarlett), λευκός (white) or σαπιρίνη (l. σαπφείρινος tian bishop Isidore of Seville in the 7th century AD. [sapphire]). It says that a δαλματική / dalmatic is a bright white As a second example a mafortium / μαφόρτης is tunic for priests with a purple border (clavus).12 Ac- presented in the dictionaries to be a “veil, head-dress cording to the Liber Pontificalis, the dalmatic was in- of women and priests”.16 Elsewhere it is described troduced as a priest’s garment by Pope Silvester in as “[a] short palla, worn by women, found in later the 4th century AD.13 We also learn that its use at- Latin sources”.17 Again, it is interesting to note the tracted attention, for example when worn by Roman discrepancies in the definitions that indicate a seman- Emperors suchas Commodus and Heliogabalus dur- tic change of the term.18 It is of semitic origin, most ing the high Empire.14 However this information de- likely deriving from the Hebrew ‫( תרופעמ‬ma‘aforet), rives from the Historia Augusta, is a late Roman col- meaning vestis lintea or mantum. It is mentioned as lection of biographies of Roman Emperors – a source both a female garment19 and an element of a male in which fictional or inaccurate information is delib- priest’s dress20. Considering this, we ought to admit erately combined with historical material and which that we do not know what these garments actually is therefore considered unreliable. The same Historia looked like. We maintain an illusion of knowledge Augusta characterises the above-named emperors, al- without questioning these persistent and self-ampli- legedly wearing a dalmatic, as effeminate, extravagant fying definitions. 10. LSJ, s.v., 368. 11. Cleland et al. 2007, 46. Cf. also Schrenk 2012, 197-200. See also Mossakowska in this volume. 12. Isid. orig. 19,22,9: Dalmatica vestis primum in Dalmatia, provincia Graeciae, texta est, tunica sacerdotalis candida cum clavis ex purpura. 13. Lib. Pont. 34,7: [Silvester] constituit ut diacones dalmaticas in ecclesia uterentur et pallae linostema leva eorum te- gerentur. Until today the dalmatic is the outer liturgical vestment of the deacon. 14. HA Comm. 8; HA Pertinax 8 (again referring to Commodus’ garments); HA Heliog. 26. 15. CPR 1/21 [= SPP 20/31], 230 AD, Ptolemais Euergetis; P.Dura 30, 232 AD, Dura Europos; P.Tebt. 2/405, 3rd cent. AD, Tebtynis. 16. LSJ, s.v., 1085. 17. Cleland et al. 2007, 119. 18. Its etymology is discussed in detail in Mossakowska 1996, 27-28. 19. Isid. orig. 19,25,4 and Non. p. 542,1. 20. Cassianus, de institutis coenobiorum 1,7. 19. Garment Terms in Dowry Arrangements from Roman Egypt   299 This type of female dress appears in four impe- Edict only lists production sites in the Eastern prov- rial dowry contracts – one of them mentions two gar- inces of the Roman Empire, a fact which is supported ments of that kind.21 Its colour is usually described as by its appearance in Egyptian and Syrian papyri. πορφύρεος (purple; twice), σαπιρίνη (l. σαπφείρινος The fact that the term σύνθεσις appears in several [sapphire]) and κόκκινος (scarlet).22 dowries,24 but never concurrently with μαφόρτης or Three of the dowries containing a δαλματική δαλματική, might lead to the assumption that it repre- also list a μαφόρτης. According to P.Dura 30, orig- sents the very same ensemble of garments.25 Accord- inating from the vicinity of Dura Europos in Syria ing to LSJ, σύνθεσις means “putting together, com- and dating to the 3rd century AD, Aurelia Marcelli- bination; combination of parts so as to form a whole; na’s dowry contained a combination of a δελματ̣ίκιν set (e.g. collection of clothes)”.26 Other textile dic- κ[οκκινὸν] and a μ[α]φόριν πορ̣φ̣υ̣ρ̣ο̣ῦ̣ν, thus a scar- tionaries define a σύνθεσις as a dinner robe for men let dalmatic and a purple mafortium. We can clearly and a religious dress for (male) priests,27 a concept detect that both garments were considered as an en- which derives from Roman literary sources like Sue- semble, as they are connected by the use of the word tonius and Martial. A closer look into these sources καί (and) and share a common value. P.Tebt. 2/405 reveals that a σύνθεσις was apparently worn during lists a purple and a scarlet μαφόρτης as well as a dinner (which does not define it as a dinner dress per sapphire δαλματική. Other dowries, such as P.Oxy. se) and was not regarded as appropriate for a Roman 10/1273 from the 3rd century AD, even join both emperor in public28 (possibly because the garment, or terms into a new phrase which represents the en- rather combination of garments, could also be worn semble: δελματικομαφόρτης. This dowry also con- by women.29). On the other hand, according to Mar- tains, among other items, a silver δελματικομαφόρτης tial, the σύνθεσις seemed to be an attribute of Roman (besides, the most valuable garment documented in elites such as senators and knights (equites)30 as well all marriage contracts [260 drachmai]), a turquoise as priests31. Here the σύνθεσις is described as a decent δελματικομαφόρτης as well as a white and a purple and probably rather luxurious garment. δελματικομαφόρτης. Overall, based on these contradictory statements The fact that μαφόρτης and δαλματική form a com- from sources with little reliability, we cannot get a pound word suggests that these garments were usu- clear picture as to how a certain dress actually looked ally two parts of an entire female costume. The term like. The question is: Was there a common under- also appears in the Price Edict of Emperor Diocletian, standing for a certain type of garment at all, or were dating from the early 4th century AD.23 This type of some literary sources simply not interested in pre- costume is most likely of eastern origin, as the Price cisely specifying the textile terms? In any case, 21. CPR 1/21 [= SPP 20/31], 230 AD, Ptolemais Euergetis; P.Hamb. 3/220, 223/4 AD, Ptolemais Euergetis?; P.Dura 30, 232 AD, Dura Europos; P. Tebt. 2/405, 3rd cent. AD, Tebtynis. 22. For further evidence of this term cf. Mossakowska 1996, 27-37. 23. Ed. Diocl. 19. 24. P.Oxy. 3/496, 127 AD, Oxyrhynchos; PSI 10/1117, after 138 AD, Tebtynis; SB 5/7535, 198/9 AD, Ptolemais Euerge- tis; SB 6/9372, 2nd half 2nd cent. AD, Oxyrhynchos; SPP 20/41, 2nd cent. AD, Hermopolite nome?. 25. P.Oxy. 3/496, 127 AD, Oxyrhynchos; PSI 10/1117, after 138 AD, Tebtynis; SB 5/7535, 198/9 AD, Ptolemais Euerge- tis; SB 6/9372, 2nd half 2nd cent. AD, Oxyrhynchos; SPP 20/41, 2nd cent. AD, Hermopolite nome?. 26. LSJ, s.v., 1716. 27. Cleland et al. 2007, 185. 28. Suet. Nero 51. 29. Dig. 34,2,38,1. 30. Mart. 14,1. 31. Mart. 5,79. 300   Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) although documentary sources provide valuable de- List of abbreviations tails like names, colours and value of individual gar- ments, acquiring an impression of their common de- LSJ = Liddel, H. G. & Scott, R. (1940), A Greek-English sign still proves to be difficult. Lexicon. Revised and augmented throughout by Sir H.S. Jones. Oxford. Conclusion Bibliography Roman marriage documents from Imperial Egypt Bagnall, R. S. & Frier, B. W. (1994) The Demography of provide a unique possibility to detect the character- Roman Egypt, Cambridge. istics of clothes within social reality ­— as they were Cleland, L. et al. (2007) Greek and Roman Dress from A actually worn. They enable us to learn about textile to Z, London. tastes and visualize the wardrobes of women in their Droß-Krüpe, K. (2015) Textile Tools in Papyri From Im- time. They provide detailed descriptions as to design perial Egypt. In C. Fluck & A. de Moor & P. Linscheid and colours and give insights into the everyday life (eds.), Textiles, Tools and Techniques of the 1st Millen- of women. Thus, these documentary sources signifi- nium AD from Egypt and Neighbouring Countries. Pro- cantly broaden the perspective presented by literary ceedings of the 8th Textiles from the Nile Valley Confer- sources or the iconographic record. Combined with ence, Antwerp, October 2013. 147-149. Tielt. the values of textiles which is often additionally pro- Droß-Krüpe, K. & Wagner, Y. (2014) Kleidung als Mitgift im kaiserzeitlichen Ägypten. Eine Bestandsaufnahme, vided, we get a better understanding of the taste of Marburger Beiträge zu antiken Wirtschafts-, Handels- Roman women – at least in the parts of the Roman und Sozialgeschichte (MBAH) 31, 153-173. Empire that provide us with papyrological evidence. Grömer, K. (2010) Prähistorische Textilkunst in Mit- Their analysis gives insight into the commonness teleuropa. Geschichte des Handwerkes und der Klei- of garments and their owner’s taste in colour. The dung vor den Römern, Wien. dominance of reddish and yellowish shades is over- Mossakowska, M. (1996) ΜΑΦΟΡΙΟΝ dans l’habit mo- whelming. A garment which is described as ‘colour- nastique en Égypte. In Aspects de l’artisanat du textile ful’ (especially in the case of tunics) might be inter- dans le Monde Méditerranéen (Égypte, Grèce, monde preted as ‘patterned’– or maybe in some cases being Romain). 27-37. Lyon. at taqueté decoration or tapestry weave.32 δαλματική Schrenk, S. (2012) Die Dalmatika zwischen funerärer Selb- stdarstellung und kirchlichem Ornat. In S. Schrenk et and μαφόρτης appear independently from one another al. (eds.), Kleidung und Identität in religiösen Kon- or together, are connected with καί, or form a joint texten der römischen Kaiserzeit, 196-218. Mannhei- term which describes a complete female costume. It is mer Geschichtsblätter Sonderveröffentlichung 4. conceivable that the term σύνθεσις which – at least in Regensburg. the dowries — occurs rarely, but never together with Yiftach-Firanko, U. (2003) Marriage and Marital Arran- either δαλματική or μαφόρτης, was probably used as gements. A History of the Greek Marriage Document a synonym for this costume. in Egypt. 4th century BCE-4th century CE. Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsge- schichte, 93. München. 32. Cf. Wild & Droß-Krüpe in this volume. 20 Ars polymita, ars plumaria: The Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry John Peter Wild and Kerstin Droß-Krüpe I n Roman Egypt papyrologists and archaeologists terms rather similar to one another;4 but the textile in sometimes seem to inhabit two different, if paral- Figure 1 is in taqueté — vestis polymita, we argue — lel, worlds, each apparently unaware of the treas- mechanically woven — while the piece in Figure 2 is ures to be found in the other.1 This paper, however, is in tapestry weave, vestis plumaria, and hand-woven. a co-operative venture between an ancient historian The structures of the two weaves can be charac- with papyrological interests – Kerstin Droß-Krüpe – terised as follows: and an archaeologist – John Peter Wild. In the re- Tapestry weave, made famous by the Gobelin search field of textiles we overlap, and we want to of- workshops in Paris, is essentially a mosaic in col- fer you insights from each of our worlds. oured wool yarns, constructed free-hand, and con- At some point in the later 2nd century AD an un- cealing the underlying warp.5 The weaver has avail- named magnate in the territory of the Lingones in able on individual spools a selection of dyed yarns central Gaul dictated a will in which he stipulated which he or she interlaces with the warp threads that a number of his prized possessions should be cre- according to the requirements of the pattern. A mated with him on his funeral pyre.2 Among those distinctive feature of tapestry is the oblique lines listed are vestes polymitae et plumariae.3 What do or even vertical slits where weft yarns in differ- these two textile terms mean? And what did the tex- ent colours meet one another and turn back (Fig. tiles themselves look like? The images in Figures 1 3). Across an area, an accomplished weaver can and 2 are our provisional suggestions. The two items achieve the subtle, gradual, changes in colour vis- shown here are of wool – they are actually from Ro- ible in the highest-quality floor and wall-mosaics man Egypt – and at first glance they look in decorative and in wall painting. 1. For a welcome recent exception see Palme & Zdiarsky 2012. 2. CIL XIII, 5708; Le Bohec 1991, 46 for dating; Le Bohec 2003. The inscription is only recorded in a 10th-century manuscript now in Basel. 3. The relevant part of the text as established by P. Sage ap. Le Bohec 2003, 354 reads: volo autem omne instrumentum ... mecum cremari ... et vestis polymit(ae) et plumari[ae ?] ... quidquid reliquero. 4. Fig.0.1: Wild & Wild 1998, 223, Fig. 10-1; Fig.0.2: Schrenk 2004, 447; compare Trilling 1982, 98 no. 108, Pl. 8 (taqueté) with ibid. 31 no.1, Pl. 1 (tapestry). 5. Seiler-Baldinger 1973, 44-48. 301 302   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 1. Detail of a Late Roman wool textile in taqueté from the Roman port of Berenike on the Red Sea coast of Egypt (BE96 0227). On-site photo: J.P. Wild. Fig. 2. Detail of a wool textile in tapestry weave from Egypt, now in the collection of the Abegg-Stiftung, Bern, showing a bunch of lotus flowers (Inv. Nr. 5345). Photo by courtesy of the Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   303 Fig. 3. Diagram of the meeting and reversal of weft yarns Fig. 4. Diagram of the structure of taqueté. Drawing by in tapestry weave. After Seagroatt (1979), 14. courtesy of D. De Jonghe. Taqueté, also known as ‘weft-faced compound source, the late Roman and early medieval encyclo- tabby’ and in German Leinwandschusskompositbil- paedists and glossators like Hesychius and Isidore, are dung, aims for a similar decorative effect, but rarely well advised to exercise caution: for such compilers in more than two colours. It is created mechanically may simply be guessing. by means of a complex planned sequence of differ- Ancient art, particularly funerary art, is a rich ent sheds on the loom, which the weaver memo- source of textile images, but, taken alone, the latter rises.6 The overall decorative scheme is constructed usually lack the necessary detail for precise technical by repeating a single pattern unit, sometime in mir- identification. Surviving archaeological textiles are a ror image. The weave structure can be recognised by relatively new and growing resource, and one might the fact that a weft thread in one colour disappears expect to find examples of vestis polymita and plu- to the reverse side of the cloth behind an adjacent maria somewhere in the extant textile corpus. Both thread in a different colour as the pattern changes, techniques are described explicitly as woven-in, and only to re-appear on the obverse again later when it not decoration added afterwards, so that narrows the is required (Fig. 4). range of possibilities.7 A variety of ancient sources can be deployed to in- form discussion and argument about textile structure Vestis polymita and terminology. Roman inscriptions and papyri in Greek and Latin I (JPW) need to start by revisiting, and recanting, are crucial documents, but tend to be laconic: both the what I wrote in 1967 about the ars polymita.8 I ar- writer and the reader knew exactly what was meant gued then that it meant ‘tapestry weaving’; but I now by a given technical expression, but we are left in the accept that it refers to weaving taqueté, weft-faced dark. Authors of classical literature write at greater compound tabby, as Grace Crowfoot, Donald King length, and at first sight more helpfully; but their re- and others suggested long ago.9 liability is variable and often difficult to check. Poets, Commentators often begin with the passage in for example, treat of technical matters with artistic Pliny’s Natural History where he claims that Alexan- licence, especially when the vocabulary does not fit dria invented the weaving of polymita, with plurima the metre. Scholars who consult another much-quoted licia, ‘multiple threads’.10 The Greek mitos and the 6. Ciszuk 2000; Verhecken-Lammens 2007. 7. polymita: Martial, Epigrammata XIV, 50; plumaria: Lucan, Bellum Civile X, 125-126; Jerome, Epistulae 29, 6 (ed. Labourt 1953). 8. Wild 1967; partial recantation; Wild 1991. 9. Crowfoot & Griffiths 1939, 47; King 1981. 10. Naturalis Historia VIII, 196 (c.AD 77-79). 304   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Latin licium, however, are generic terms, and their warp.14 The existence of a tubular form of taqueté specific sense depends on the context in which they therefore cannot be ruled out. On the other hand Je- are used. They could refer to warp or weft threads, rome’s phraseology echoes the Latin of his transla- for instance, or to the heddle cords for opening sheds tion of the Hebrew text of the Book of Exodus; he on the loom.11 may have been unaware (or chose to ignore) that In 1967 I was misled, I now think, by a key pas- taqueté was not known in Old Testament times. It sage in a letter (of about AD 395-397) from Jerome would probably be unwise to place too much weight to Fabiola in which he is describing the sash of the on his words.15 High Priest in Jewish ceremonial.12 He says that it Petronius,16 Pliny17 and Martial18 mention polymita was woven in the form of a tube, 4 digits (c. 7.4 cm) in the 1st century AD. A dearth of archaeological finds wide, like a cast-off snake-skin. It had scarlet, purple of taquetés at that early date, which seemed to me an and blue weft, but linen (or at any rate plant-fibre) obstacle in the 1960s, has recently been alleviated by warp, with flowers and gem motifs ‘woven in the ars finds of early Roman taquetés at Berenike (Fig. 5),19 polymita that you would think were not woven by a Mons Claudianus,20 Maximianon and Krokodilō21 and craftsman’s hand but added’, i.e. embroidered. Linen Masada.22 There are today several hundred Late Ro- warp with polychrome patterned weft in a tubular for- man wool taquetés from Egypt.23 mat sounded to me in 1967 much more likely to be Polymita was used for covering beds, couches tapestry weave than mechanically woven taqueté, and and pillows according to both Martial and documen- I opted for tapestry, noting some flat-woven tapestry tary papyri.24 In Roman Egypt there are several finds sashes in the archaeological record.13 of feathers still adhering to taqueté upholstery cov- So far, however, no direct archaeological evidence ers,25 and we have noted at Berenike that wool tex- has been found for either taqueté or tapestry in tubu- tiles in taqueté have had only one side exposed to lar form; but Dominique Cardon has published from strong daylight. Maximianon and Krokodilō in the Eastern Desert of Another recent development is the recognition Egypt a group of early Roman tubular textiles in 2/1 and recording of the zilu loom still in use today in herringbone twill weave with multi-coloured plied parts of Iran for weaving taqueté.26 It is vertical and 11. LSJ 1968 s.v. μίτος; TLC s.v. μίτος; Beekes 2010, 958 s.v. μίτος. Multicia in Latin is not necessarily a synonym for polymita: SHA, Aurelian 12; Juvenal, II, 66, 76; Tertullian, de Pallio IV, 4. 12. Jerome, Epistulae 64, 12 (ed. Labourt 1953). 13. For a flat-woven sash from Nubia see Mayer Thurman & Williams 1979, 62 no.16 (B213, 4) (colour plate p.15); 64 no.21 (B251, 2); narrow ‘pyjama cords’ from Quseir: Eastwood 1982, 286, 302 nos. 26-28. The πολύμιται ζῶναι of the Periplus Maris Eryth- raei 49 is probably a copyist’s error for πολυμίτα ζῶναι, two separate items, not one. We are grateful to Eleanor Dickey for ad- vice on this point. 14. Cardon 2003, 631, 645 (Z.25008-2), Fig. 326,b; Fig. 343; Pl. IV, 1 (lower centre). 15. In the Vulgate Exodus 29, 39 (39, 29) Jerome translates or paraphrases the Hebrew description of a similar sash as opus plumarii. 16. Cena Trimalchionis 40, 5 (c.AD 40-50). 17. Naturalis Historia VIII, 196. 18. Epigrammata XIV, 150. 19. Wild & Wild 2000, 256, Fig.11-12, Pl.11-13. 20. Ciszuk 2000. 21. Cardon 2003, 635. 22. Sheffer & Granger-Taylor 1994, 212-215. 23. Vogelsang-Eastwood 1988a. 24. Martial, Epigrammata XIV, 150; SB III, 7033, 37 (AD 481); P.Ital.I,8,II,6 (AD 564). 25. Schrenk 2004, 139-140 Nr. 47; Vogelsang-Eastwood 1988a, Vol. III, 592-596. 26. Vogelsang-Eastwood 1988b; Thompson & Granger-Taylor 1995; Ciszuk 2000; Thompson 2003, 207-209. A very wide, wide- sleeved, one-piece silk tunic in the Abegg-Stiftung’s collection at Riggisberg (the “Erotentunika”) (Schrenk 2004, 180-184 Nr.61), 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   305 Fig. 5. An Early Roman wool taqueté from Berenike (BE97 0118) (compare Fig. 1). On-site photo: J.P.Wild. very large, and features two types of shed: the one Vestis plumaria is opened in plain tabby weave with heddle rods, the other type, the pattern-making sheds, is opened The lexica are almost unanimous in translating ves- by draw-cords in various hierarchies – pulled out tis plumaria as ‘embroidered textile’ and they have horizontally. These cords are good candidates to been followed faithfully by most editors of papyri.28 be the mitoi of polymita. Pliny could well be right Indeed, at first reading, ‘embroidery’ seems to fit about invention in Alexandria: the shedding mecha- in all 95 instances of the use in Latin and Greek of nism of the ancient ancestor of the zilu loom could, terms based on the root plum-. But on closer inspec- like the water mill, be another brainwave emanat- tion there are some broader issues. ing from the circle attached to the Museum in Ptole- Kerstin Droß-Krüpe has pointed out elsewhere maic Alexandria.27 that most classical references relating unambiguously So, if vestis polymita is taqueté, what is vestis to embroidery and using phrases like acu pingere, plumaria? ‘decorate with a needle’, refer to foreign exotica dated iconographically to the first half of the 4th century AD, is identical in outline to the earlier one-piece cruciform wool tunics woven on the standard Roman wide vertical loom; but it was woven in weft-faced compound twill, more advanced than taqueté. It may point to a link between the zilu loom and an ancient vertical prototype. 27. Wilson 2002, 8, 10; Wilson 2008, 355; Greene 2008, 804-809. 28. LS 1955 s.v. plumarius; OLD s.v. plumarius (“brocaded with a feather pattern”); LSJ 1968 s.v. πλουμαρικός; Lampe 1961 s.v. πλουμαρικός; Pruneti 1988-1999, passim. 306   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 1. The Latin text of Chapter XX of the Edict of Diocletian. XX 1 [De mercedi]bus plumariorum et sericarioru[m] 1a [plumari]o in strictoria subserica pro uncia [una x ducentos] 2 in strictoria holoserica per singulas unc[ias x trecen]tos 3 in chlamyde Mutinensi in uncia una x viginti quinque 4 in chlamyde Ladicena ut s(upra) in uncia una x vigi[n]ti quinque 5 barbaricario ex a[u]ro facient<i> operis primi in uncia una x mille 6 operis secundi x septingentos quinquaginta 7 barbaricari[o i]n holos[eri]ca in uncia una x quingentos 8 operis secundi in uncia una x quadringentos 9 sericario in subserica pasto diurnos x viginti quinque 10 in holoserica pura pasto diurnos x viginti quinque 11 in holoserica scutlata x quadraginta 12 gerdiae pastae in tunica pexa indictionali x duodecim 13 in tunicis Mutinensibus vel ceteris pastae x sedecim rather than Mediterranean fashion.29 But there was and services by promulgating an Edict on Maximum a Mediterranean tradition of embroidery of consid- Prices, intended to be applied across the Empire, and erable sophistication, exemplified by a well-known probably respected particularly in the eastern prov- panel from Achmîm where chain stitch and couched inces which he ruled directly. The archetype was in wool thread has been deployed to represent the per- Latin, but Greek translations were posted in the East. sonification of Autumn (Fig. 6), one of an original The compilers took an empire-wide view of the most quartet.30 Nonetheless the corpus of surviving em- significant merchandise to be included, along with its broideries from the Roman world discussed recently prices in notional denarii. There has been argument by Annette Schieck is relatively small and – one has about the artificiality of the pricing structure, but for to admit – not very inspiring.31 us it is the relative costs that reveal the relative qual- I argued very briefly in 1999 that the ars plumaria ities of the goods that matter most.34 was not embroidery, but tapestry weaving,32 and Ker- In Edict Chapter XX on pay in the textile industry stin Droß-Krüpe came to the same conclusion in her the plumarius is paid per ounce of yarn for working study just mentioned.33 What is the evidence? on long-sleeved silk tunics (strictoriae), half-silk tu- In AD 301 the Emperor Diocletian made a forlorn nics and two of the most expensive half-moon cloaks attempt to control rising prices for consumer goods (chlamydes) in wool (Table 1).35 His lowest rate of 29. Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014, 211. For specifically Greek terminology see Patera 2012. 30. Pritchard 2006, 30-31, Fig.3.3. 31. Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014, 214-227. 32. Wild 2000, 210. 33. Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014, 212; Rea (1996, 191) suspected a connection with “tapestry work”. 34. For text and commentary see Lauffer 1971; for text incorporating later finds: Giacchero 1974; Reynolds 1989; for the wider con- text: Corcoran 1996, 205-233; Meissner 2000; for the Edict’s nominal empire-wide validity: Kuhoff 2001, 544-550; for actual limited observance: Crawford 2002; for pricing structure: Meissner 2000, 99; Böhnke 1994, 482; Demandt 2008, 29. A new edi- tion of the Edict is in preparation by M.H.Crawford. 35. EdD XX, 1-4. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   307 Fig. 6. Late Roman embroidered panel in wool on a linen ground from Egypt, now in the Whitworth Art Gallery, Man- chester (inv. no.T.1968.252). It shows the personification of a season, probably Autumn. Photo by courtesy of the Whit- worth Art Gallery, Manchester. 308   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) pay, 25 denarii per ounce, is twice what a specialist its neighbours, such as the Palmyrenes and Sasani- (female) wool weaver could earn for a day’s work.36 ans, further East.43 In Chapter XIX on wool textiles reference is con- If the dominant decorative form according to the stantly made to the value of the purple wool embodied Edict is plumatura, and the dominant technique in the in the decorative features. In the entries for two sorts archaeological record is tapestry weave, it is hard not of expensive bed covering (rachana and stragula),37 to identify the one with the other. This is juxtaposi- for high-quality long-sleeved tunics in wool (stricto- tion of evidence, however, not proof. But at present riae)38 and probably for the higher class of chlamys it has to be the basis of our hypothesis. on which the plumarius worked,39 it is prescribed that Some supporting amplification is to be found in the textiles should be sold according to the weight of comparing the range of textile goods for which the plumatura (πλουμάρισις in the Greek texts); but no use of tapestry weave for decoration is archaeologi- upper price limit is set. For the less valuable and elab- cally attested with the textile spectrum of which the orate items, the jargon used in Chapter XIX is ‘cla- written sources give us a glimpse. vans purpurae libras x’, ‘with clavus bands contain- Only a handful of types of textile were created en- ing x pounds of purple yarn’.40 tirely in tapestry weave, notably couch furnishings, The compilers had no need to clarify their termi- curtains and wall-hangings.44 More commonly, indi- nology. A glance through the catalogues of some of vidual tapestry-woven inserts are found in garments the principal collections of so-called ‘Coptic’ tex- of wool, linen and silk which are otherwise una- tiles in European museums – effectively the clothing dorned. On (long-sleeved) tunics (Fig. 7) the tech- of the well-to-do of Late Roman Egypt, often sal- nique was employed for weaving figured and plain vaged from their burial grounds with minimal or no bands (clavi) down front and back, roundels and pan- archaeological record – leaves no doubt that tapes- els at the shoulder, pairs of short bands at the wrist, try weave is the dominant, almost exclusive, mode and sometimes halters at the neck and horizontal of Roman textile decoration.41 Egypt, thanks to lo- bands at knee level.45 Cloaks are embellished with cal climatic conditions ideal for the preservation of roundels and panels and other simpler motifs, placed organic materials, offers a snapshot of a phenome- in the corners, depending on garment shape.46 Fur- non which is reflected in contemporary iconogra- nishing fabrics also feature corner decoration, and phy across the whole Roman Empire,42 and among bands marking the start and finish of the web.47 36. EdD XX, 12-13 for wages of a gerdia, ‘female weaver’. 37. EdD XIX, 6; XX, 36. 38. EdD XIX, 20: this is a lacunose entry and there is some doubt about the items listed. 39. EdD XIX, 22. 40. EdD XIX, 8-13, 15-16, 18-19, 21, 23-24, 27. 41. For example Trilling 1982; Lorquin 1992; Schrenk 2004; Pritchard 2006. 42. For example in the mosaics of the Late Roman villa near Piazza Armerina in Sicily (Carandini et al. 1982, passim; Wilson 1983) and mosaics in the North African provinces (Dunbabin 1978). The Late Roman mosaics at Noheda (Spain) depict a riot of exuber- antly decorated costumes, many theatrical, but others more everyday (Tévar 2013). 43. Schmidt-Colinet 1995. 44. Trilling 1982, Pls. 1, 2; Schrenk 2004, 26-45; Willers & Niekamp 2015; von Falke & Lichtwark 1996, 344-345 Nr. 394. Theocritus (Epigrammata XV, 78-83) refers to large (tapestry-woven ?) hangings in Ptolemaic Alexandria (3rd century BC) and an epigram in the Anthologia Graeca (IX, 778) was originally attached to a tapestry map of the world. 45. Long-sleeved tunics: von Falck & Lichtwark 1996, 272-273, Nr. 312; Schrenk 2004, 152-164; wide-sleeved tunics: Pritchard 2006, 52-59. 46. Maciej Szymaszek is currently preparing a corpus of all Roman-period textiles, mostly cloaks, carrying decoration of tapestry-wo- ven gamma-motifs. 47. Cushions: Paetz gen. Schieck 2009; curtain: Gervers 1977; spreads with loops: von Falck & Lichtwark 1996, 301-302 Nr. 341a-b; Verhecken-Lammens 2009, 132 Fig. 6; sabana (?): Carroll 1988, 94 no. 9. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   309 Fig. 7. Long-sleeved tunic in linen from Panopolis (Achmim), Egypt, now in the Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf (Inv. Nr. 12746). Photo by courtesy of the Stiftung Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf (Artothek). References to long-sleeved shirts (strictoriae, more modest tapestry decoration. Under this head- στιχάρια) with plumatura abound in the papyri,48 and ing we find a (wool) blanket,51 ‘spread’ (rachana, Diocletian’s Edict adds the wide-fitting dalmaticae to stragula),52 and cushion cover.53 Most items, how- the list, together with half-moon cloaks (chlamydes) ever, were anonymous linen sheets and towels with and rectangular cloaks (fibulatoria).49 Papyri mention a touch of colour:54 Late Roman church inventories veils and head-coverings with tapestry decoration (de- mention altar cloths and curtains.55 scribed as πλουμαρικὰ).50 Household furnishings had 48. P.Oxy. XIV, 1741, 16; P.Fouad 74, 6; SB XVI, 12940, 12; SPP XX, 245, 6; SPP XX, 275, 3-4; P.L.Bat. 25, 28; compare EdD XIX, 18, 20, 40; XXVII, 8-10 (ed. Giacchero 1974). 49. EdD XIX, 9; XXVII, 12-22 (ed. Giacchero 1974); XIX, 21, 24. 50. PSI IX, 1082, 14-15; compare EdD XXVII, 29-33 (ed. Giacchero 1974). 51. P.Cair.Masp. I, 6 v. 85, 88. 52. EdD XIX, 6, 36. 53. P.Berol. 25405, 7-8. 54. faciale, ‘face cloth’: SB III, 7033, 45; EdD XXVII, 23-28 (ed. Giacchero 1974); sabanum, ‘hand towel’; P.Oxy. XVI, 2054, 8; ‘linens’: SPP III, 83, 4; SB XVIII, 13965; SB XX, 14202, 5, 6; Diethart 1983, 13, doc. 3, 10; P.Ant. I, 44, 8-9, 13; SPP XX, 245, 13, 14. 55. P.L.Bat. 25, 13, 20, 27-29, 31. 310   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 8. Outline drawing of a sleeved tunic as woven in one piece on the loom. After Carroll (1988), 38. The craft of the plumarius and clavus-bands was integrated into the weaving on the loom as the appropriate stages were reached, and Some 40 plumarii (and two plumariae56) are known this is when the plumarius would be called upon to to us from a span of seven centuries (see Appendix exercise his skills. But it was no simple matter. 1). Vitruvius in Augustus’ reign and the compilers of To intensify the effect of the areas of dyed weft, Diocletian’s Edict 300 years later both make special the warp within the chosen ornament – band, panel or provision for the work of the plumarius.57 A late Ro- roundel – was often grouped and crossed (so-called man contract of apprenticeship provides for a girl, croisage) (Figs. 9, 10), so that the weft yarn could be Evangeleia, to be trained as a πλουμαρίσσα by ‘ex- beaten up tighter.60 The precise configuration of the perienced πλουμαρίοι’.58 But what did plumarii ac- warp crossing varied greatly.61 Common to all, how- tually do? ever, was that the warp re-arrangement started and Garments of wool and most linen textiles in antiq- ended within the flanking ground weave, a diagnostic uity were woven to shape on the loom as a single web feature most clearly seen along the edges of tapestry- of cloth (Fig. 8): they required little subsequent tailor- woven bands. This means that the weaver, before and ing.59 Tapestry-woven decoration in panels, roundels after inserting the coloured weft yarn, passed a few 56. For plumariae: P.Oxy. LIX, 4001, 19-20; P.Aberd. I, 59. (In P.Coll.Youtie II, 95, 6 A. Delattre reads πλου[μ]αρισσ(ης) in prefe- rence to the original editor’s τα<ρ>σι[κ]αρισσης; but the sense of the context militates against this reading.) For a general survey of specialists see Ruffing 2008, 722, plumarii. 57. Vitruvius, de Architectura VI, 4, 2; EdD XIX, XX passim. 58. P.Aberd. I, 59. 59. Burnham 1973, 2-5; Granger-Taylor 1982; for an example see Pritchard 2006, Figs. 4.4a, 4.4b. 60. De Jonghe & Tavernier 1983; Granger-Taylor 1992. 61. Schrenk 2004, 489-491. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   311 Fig. 9. Drawing showing the grouping of warp yarns on the loom for croisage (warp crossing). Drawing by courtesy of D. De Jonghe. Fig. 10. Diagram of a typical example of the structure of croisage. After Schrenk (2004), 489, with permission. 312   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Another enhancement, easily mistaken for embroi- dery, is the so-called ‘flying thread’ technique (Fig. 12).66 On an otherwise plain tapestry background white linen thread carried on spools is wrapped around warp threads and passed obliquely over the weft to create a network pattern in silhouette, all care- fully counted out. Finds of inked and/or painted cartoons on papyrus (ἐντύπα, χαρτάρια67) (Fig. 13) indicate that the plu- marius might have a repertoire of design motifs from which a customer could choose, as has been argued for mosaics and wall paintings.68 The cartoons may have served as a general guide rather than being cop- ied at 1:1 as is modern practice.69 Diocletian’s Edict hints that the plumarius may have chosen and provided his own dyed yarn, an ex- Fig. 11. The shadow effect of croisage on the ground pensive business. The complexity of Roman dyers’ weave adjacent to a tapestry-woven band on an Early Ro- practices being revealed by modern dyestuff analy- man wool textile from Mons Claudianus in the Eastern De- sis may reflect the pressure which the plumarius ex- sert of Egypt. Photo: J.P. Wild. erted on dyers to achieve a particular fashionable col- our nuance.70 yarns of ground weft through the new shed, and thus The ταβλία πλουμαρικὰ, tapestry-woven panels, created a shadow effect (Fig. 11). In some cases – per- on tunics, cloaks and bedspreads in late antiquity haps on particular loom types62 – some of the warp were sophisticated works of art in their own right.71 was eliminated from the weaving by being pushed to Ever more elaborate textile decoration was being the back and ultimately cut or worn off. In some tex- demanded at every level in society as time went on. tiles, warp crossing and elimination appear in com- The huge ‘Dionysus Hanging’ in the Abegg-Stif- bination.63 In some independent tapestry motifs the tung, Bern, recently published, is a monument to ground weft also floated on the back.64 It is notewor- the skills and dexterity of late Roman tapestry-weav- thy in some cases that in successive bands on a single ers72 The plumarius must have had a pivotal rather textile the same warp threads were grouped or elimi- than an ancillary role in the weaving profession. nated, so some sort of mechanical device was used to Wealthy patrons might employ him on piecework store and repeat the shed.65 in their domestic workshops; but the plumarius in 62. Granger-Taylor 1992. 63. E.g. Pritchard 2006, 50 (T.1996.92). 64. Bogensperger 2012, 93 Abb. 34; Pritchard & Verhecken-Lammens 2001, 23-24 Fig. 3.2. 65. De Jonghe & Tavernier 1983, 182 Fig. 3, 174-175; Ciszuk & Hammarlund 2008, 127-129. 66. Verhecken-Lammens 2013. ‘Flying thread’ might be implied in SB XX, 14214, 10 which lists a garment ‘decorated with tapestry and by needle and ‘point’(?)’. 67. Nauerth 2009. 68. For a corpus of tapestry weavers’ cartoons on papyrus see Stauffer 2008; for wall painters’ copy-books see Ling 1991, 217-220. 69. Nutz & Ottino 2013, 56-57. 70. Cardon et al. 2004; Wouters et al. 2008. 71. P.Mich. XIV, 684, 12; Iohannes Lydus, de Magistratibus Populi Romani II, 13 (ed. Wünsch 1967, 68-69). 72. Willers & Niekamp 2015. Around the time of the Arab conquest of Egypt and thereafter tapestry-woven ornament seems to have been woven separately from the garments to which it was later sewn: Pritchard 2006, 83. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   313 Fig. 12. The ‘flying thread’ technique on a Late Roman tapestry-woven panel from Egypt in the Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels (inv. no. ACO Tx.183). Photo by courtesy of C. Verhecken-Lammens. turn probably employed humbler weavers to do the two hundred years earlier Plautus includes ‘pluma- basic ground-weaving. tile’ in a catalogue of new-fangled clothing designa- tions.75 Some sort of visual likeness between a bright The etymology of plumarius and its congeners multi-coloured feather and tapestry weaving might have been in their minds and given rise to the neolo- There is a final intriguing question to ask: what was gism plumarius. the connection (if any) between plumarius, ‘tapestry Be that as it may, the profession of plumarius was weaver’, and pluma, ‘feather’? Kerstin Dross-Krüpe established in Italy at least by the close of the Repub- has already considered this problem, but the sources lican period.76 It occurs for the first time in Greek as shed little direct light on it.73 Petronius alludes to the a loanword in a papyrus dated no earlier than the late variegated shimmer of a peacock’s plumage in tex- 3rd century AD.77 Tapestry weaving, however, was tile-metaphorical language (‘aureo Babylonico’)74 and already known in Classical and Hellenistic Greece;78 73. Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014, 211-212. 74. Cena Trimalchionis 55, 2-4; compare Lucan, Bellum Civile X, 122. 75. Epidicus 233 (ed. Goetz & Schoell 1895). 76. Varro, Frag. 33, in Nonius Marcellus 162, 27 (ed. Lindsay 1903). 77. P.Oslo III, 161, 14-15. 78. Wace 1934, 110; Wace 1948; Wace 1952; Spantidaki & Moulherat 2012, 195-196. 314   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 13. Papyrus from Egypt with a cartoon for tapestry-woven textile decoration, now in the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Inv. Nr. P9926). Photo: Sandra Steiss. Copyright: Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   315 but the practitioner was known simply by the port- 3rd century AD: P.Oslo III, 161, 14-15 [late C3 manteau term ποικίλτης, ‘decorator’.79 One might or very early C4 (Pruneti 1998-1999, 152)]; 4th suggest that as the craft of tapestry weaving became century: P.Oxy XXIV, 2421, ii, 32 [AD 312 - 323]; ever more demanding and sophisticated, a new term P.Dub. I, 20, 3 [AD 329]; PSI IX, 1082,14-15: P.Oxy was coined to give the operative a more distinctive ti- LIX, 4001,19-20 [late C4]; P.Oxy XIV, 1741,16; PSI tle.80 As a loanword plumarius (presumably through VIII, 959, 33 [end C4]; 4th/5th century: P. et O. El- Greek) is found in Coptic writings,81 as one might eph. DAIK 324, 2-4; P.Aberd I, 59, i, 6-7; iii, 2 [C5/6 expect, and once in Syriac.82 But, more surprisingly, Turner]; SB XXIV, 16204 = P.Ant. I, 44, 9, 13 (cf. pflūmāri occurs in Old High German, borrowed (be- Rea 1996); SB XII, 11077, 26; 5th century: SB XVI, fore the second Lautverschiebung of c. AD 400) from 12838 [ostrakon] [mid C5]; SB XVI, 12839 [ostra- the Latin vocabulary of the northern Roman frontier kon] [mid C5]; SB XVI, 12840 [ostrakon] [mid C5]; provinces.83 SB XII, 11075,11 [c. AD 400-450]; SB III, 7033, 39, 45 [AD 481]; P.Fouad 74, 6 [end C5 Diethart]; Concluding comments 5th/6th century: P.Berol. 25405, 8; 6th century: P.Cair.Masp. II, 67163, 7, 12 [AD 569]; SB XVI, Already at the beginning of this paper we revealed the 12940,12 [= P.Vindob. G.23204]; SPP XX, 245.6, conclusion we had reached: vestis polymita is taqueté, 8, 13, 14; P.Mich. XIV, 684, 12; SB XII, 10935, 21; vestis plumaria is tapestry. Such a premature reve- SPP XX, 275, 1, 3-4; P.Cair.Masp. I, 6 v 85, 88; lation may seem unwissenschaftlich. But we would 6th/7th century: SPP III, 83, 4; P.Vindob. G.25737 plead that trying to match textile with text is like play- (Diethart 1986, 75-77, 12-13); SB XX, 14214, 10 ing a game of football on shifting sands. The players (P.Vindob. G.10740: Diethart 1990, 108, doc.12, 10); move, the ball moves, and so do the goalposts. Scor- SB XX, 14105, 5; P.Vindob.G.25737, 13 (Diethart ing a goal is more a matter of luck than fine judge- 1986, 75-77); 7th century: SB XIV, 11543, 6 [AD ment. But it is fun to try. 616/617]; P.Oxy XVI, 2054, 8; SB XX, 14202, 5, 6 (P.Vindob. G.4993 + 23239: Diethart 1990, 82 doc.1, 5-6); P.Prag. II, 153, 1; Diethart 1983, 13, Appendix 1: Sources for textile terms based on doc 3.10; P.Heid. IV, 95, iv, 64; P.Heid. IV, 97, 26; the root -plum-/-πλουμ- 7th/8th century: P.L.Bat. 25, 13, 20, 27-31; 8th cen- tury: P.Lond. IV, 1433, 247 [AD 706-707]; P.Apoll. 1. Papyri and Ostraka I, 75, 3 [AD 703-715]; P.Apoll. I, 38, 6-7 [c. AD 708-709]; P.Apoll. I, 65, 9 [AD 710-711]; P.Apoll. Note: Abbreviations for papyrological publications I, 83 [AD 712-713]; P.Apoll. I, 49, 5; Coptic: P.Ryl. used below are cited according to the standard set Copt. 238, 15 [= *ἐμπλουμαριος]. out in J. F.Oates et al. (2001) Checklist of editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic papyri, ostraca 2. Inscriptions and tablets (fifth edition), Oxford, and in later edi- tions online at www.scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papy- CIL VI, 7411 (Vicari 2001, no. 50) (Rome) [Augus- rus/texts/clist.html. tan]; CIL VI, 9814 (Rome ‘outside gate of St John’) 79. Droß-Krüpe & Paetz gen. Schieck 2014, 213. In P.Cair.Masp. II, 67163, 7, 12 the same craftsman describes himself as both ποικλτής (l.7) and πλουμάριος (l.12). 80. For a discussion of the implications of loanwords for archaeology see Wild 1976. 81. P.Ryl.Copt. 238, 15. We are grateful to C. MacMahon for the information that the term is also used by Shenute in his (Coptic) writings. 82. As plumia: Ioannes Ephesius, Historia Ecclesiastica II, 6 (Scriptores Syri (Paris 1935), Vol. III, iii, 105-106). We are grateful to Sebastian Brock for advice on this term. 83. We owe this reference to Roland Schumacher (see his article in this volume). 316   John Peter Wild and Kerstin Dross-Krüpe in Textile Terminologies (2017) [1st century AD]; CIL VI, 9813 (Vicari 2001, no.51) Appendix 2: Word forms built on the root (Rome) [1st/2nd century AD]; CIL XIII, 5708 (ILS -plum-/-πλουμ 8379) (Le Bohec 1991) [AD 150-200]; Edictum Di- * not attested in Greek ocletiani, passim (Lauffer 1971; Giacchero 1974) [AD 301]; CIL VI, 31898 (Rome) [4th century?]; Latin: SEG XXVII, 1977, no. 995 (Tyre); SEG LIV, 2004, plumarius no. 1512 (Pompeiopolis, Cilicia) [5th/6th century]; plumare (?) [SHA, Carus XX, 5] CIG 4434 (b) (Cilicia); SEG LVIII, 2008 [p. 336] (IG- plumatus [Lucan, de Bello Civili X, 122; Caesar- CVO, 153A) (Sicily) [late Roman]; SEG XXXVII, ius Arelatensis, Regula ad Virgines XLII] 1987, no. 1345 (Tarsus, Cilicia) [5th/6th century]; plumatura [Edict of Diocletian passim] MAMA III, 496 (Korykos) [5th/6th century]; MAMA III, 685 (Korykos) [5th/6th century]; MAMA III, 441 Greek: (Korykos) [5th/6th century]; MAMA III, 285,b (Ko- πλουμάριος rykos) [5th/6th century]; MAMA III, 403 (Korykos) φλουμάρης [P.Oxy. XXIV, 2421, ii, 32; SB XII, [5th/6th century]; MAMA III, 364 (Korykos) [5th/6th 10935] century]. πλουμαρία [P.Oxy. LIX, 400, 19-20] πλουμαρίσσα [P.Aberd. I, 59] 3. Literature *πλουμαριζω [restored from Coptic: Riedel & Crum (1904), 55] 1st century BC: Varro (Frag. 33) in Nonius Marcel- πλουμαρικός [P.Dub. I, 20; PSI VIII, 959, 33] lus, p.162, 27 [c. 44 BC]; Vitruvius, de Architectura πλουμάρισις [Edict of Diocletian passim] VI, 4, 2 [under Augustus]; 1st century AD: Lucan, πλουμίον [Procopius, de Aedificiis III, 247] de Bello Civili X, 123-126 [AD 62 or 63]; 2nd cen- πλουμ(ία) [SPP XX, 245, 6] tury AD: (vacat); 3rd century AD: (vacat); 4th cen- πλουμαρία [= πλουμία] [P.Oxy. XVI, 2054] tury AD: Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis III, 6, 4 [fl.c. πλουμαρισίμος [= πλουμαρι<ο>σήμος] [P.Ant. I, AD 340]; Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus XX, 44, 9] 5; Jerome [Hieronymus], Epistulae 29, 4 Ad Marcel- lam [AD 384]; Jerome, Epistulae 29, 6; Jerome, Epis- Adjectival forms: tulae 64, 12 Ad Fabiolam [AD 395-397]; 5th cen- ἔμπλουμος [P.Fouad. 74, 6; SB XX, 245, 13] tury AD: Prudentius, Hamartigenia, 294-295 [c.AD εὔπλουμος [P.Ant. I, 44, 13] 405]; Caesarius Arelatensis, Regula ad Virgines XLII ὀρθόπλουμος [SB III, 7033, 39; P.Apoll. I, 49, 5] [AD 503-543]; Liber Pontificalis I, cxlvi, cxlvii [AD ὀθονεμλ(ουμάριος ?) [SB XII, 11077, 26] 471]; 6th century AD: Procopius, de Aedificiis III, 247 *ἐμπλουμάριος ? [P.Ryl.Copt. 238, 15] [AD 553-555]; Johannes Malalas, Chronicographia 17, 9, 20 [c. AD 565-570]; Gregory of Tours, de Glo- ria Martyrum 97 (S. Sergius) [AD 583-594]; 7th cen- tury AD: Aldhelm, de Laudibus Virginitatis 15. The decoration of the textiles associated with the Jewish Tabernacle is repeatedly mentioned in the Vul- gate text of Exodus, chapters 26-39, where a variety of terms are employed, presumably on the authority of Jerome (Epistulae 29, 4). This terminology, and the corresponding Greek of the Septuagint, is discussed by Mossakowska-Gaubert (2000), 305. 20. Ars polymita, ars plumaria: Weaving Terminology of Taqueté and Tapestry   317 Abbreviations Bibliography Abbreviations for papyrological publications are cited ac- Beekes, R. (2000) Etymological dictionary of Greek. cording to J. F. Oates et al. 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(1998-1999) ΠΛΟΥΜΑΡΙΟΣ e ΒΑΡΒΑΡΙ­ Verhecken-Lammens, C. (2006) Weft-Faced Compound ΚΑΡΙΟΣ: Osservazioni Lessicali in Margine all’Edic- Tabby with Complementary Wefts (taqueté), Archaeo- tum Diocletiani e alla Testimonianza dei Papyri, Ana- logical Textiles Newsletter 42, 6-12. lecta Papyrologica 10-11, 149-159. Verhecken-Lammens, C. (2007) Technology of Dated Rea, J. R. (1996) P.Ant.I, 44 revised, Tyche 11, 187-193. Woollen Weft-Faced Compound Tabby Textiles. In A. Reynolds, J. M. (1989) The Prices Edict. In C. Roueché, De Moor & C. Fluck (eds.), Methods of dating ancient Aphrodisias in late antiquity, 265-318. Journal of Ro- textiles of the 1st millennium AD from Egypt and neigh- man Studies Monograph 5. London. bouring countries: proceedings of the 4th meeting of Riedel, W. & Crum, W. E. (1904) The Canons of Atha- the study group “Textiles from the Nile Valley”, Ant- nasius of Alexandria: the Arabic and Coptic versions. werp, 16-17 April 2005, 194-205. Tielt. London. 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Cardon & M. 21 Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times: The Greek Vocabulary 1 Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert T he principal element of the fashion in cloth- the sleeveless tunics, they were also woven in only ing introduced in Egypt with the arrival of the one piece (fig. 2). In the 6th-7th century AD Egypt, Romans was a tunic made of two rectangu- one could see a certain influence of the style prob- lar pieces of fabric sewn together. Such a tunic ei- ably coming from Sassanid Persia.5 Amongst other ther would leave the arms naked, or cover the arms things, this tendency was expressed in tunics with to the elbow (fig. 1). This fashion changed with the long sleeves, sewn in several pieces (fig. 5). turn of the 2nd and 3rd century AD. At this time, in These changes in fashion are reflected in the vo- addition to the tunics without sleeves, the inhabitants cabulary concerning the tunics, as attested in the pa- of Egypt started to wear tunics with ‘true’ sleeves – pyrological documents and in the literary texts. Sev- long or short, wide or tight – inspired by the Eastern eral Greek terms are employed to indicate tunics in fashion: the manner of making the tunics changed and the texts written in Egypt at this time: δελματική, the decorative motifs became richer.2 The tunics were καμίσιον, κολόβιον, λεβίτων, στιχάριον, χιτών. Stud- woven to shape, either in one piece (fig. 3)3 or, prob- ies focussing on Egyptian tunics and their vocabu- ably starting from the 5th century AD,4 were made lary are dispersed in isolated comments and lexico- up of three pieces stitched together (fig. 4). As for graphical articles, as well as in the publications of 1. I am grateful to Vivienne Callender who translated my paper into English. 2. Regarding the changes in the fashion of tunics, see Croom 2000, 30-40 and 76-85; Mossakowska-Gaubert 2006, 170-173; Pritchard 2006. On the technical details of constructing the tunics, see also Verhecken-Lammens 1997. 3. Up until now, the most ancient fragments of tunics woven to shape, for which the interpretation leaves no doubt, comes from Dura Europos: they are dated c. 256 AD (cf. Pfister, Bellinger 1945, nos 1-3, pl. V-VII, 14-15 and 17) and from Palmyre – c. 273 AD (Pfis- ter 1934, no. T 20, 19, fig. 2; pl. VI and pp. 24-28). 4. Regarding this date and this phenomenon, see Pritchard 2006, 60 and 68. 5. See, for example, Calament 1996; Martiniani-Reber 1997; Lorquin 2002. 321 322   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) Figure 1. Tunic without sleeves, sewn from two pieces. Drawing: Mahmoud Bakhit © Ifao, after Granger Taylor, Sheffer 1994, fig. 28 and 29. Figure 4. Tunic with long sleeves, woven to shape, in three pieces. Drawing: Mahmoud Bakhit © Ifao, after Lafon- taine-Dosogne, De Jonghe 1988, fig. 137 and 138. Figure 2. Tunic without sleeves, woven to shape, in one piece. Drawing: Mahmoud Bakhit © Ifao, after Wild 1994, fig. 31b. Figure 5. Tunic sewn from several pieces. Drawing © Ma- ria Mossakowska-Gaubert, after Tilke 1923, fig. 28. Figure 3. Tunic with long sleeves, woven to shape, in one piece. Drawing: Mahmoud Bakhit © Ifao, after Car- roll 1988, fig. 12 A. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   323 objects coming from excavations or collections, and The first notification of the word δαλματική in the they do not exhaust the subject. It is the aim of this Greek language seems to be in a register of cloth- paper to present the evolution of the significance of ing written on an papyrus found in Egypt and going these terms and their employment in the texts com- back to the end of the 2nd - beginning of the 3rd cen- ing from Egypt.6 tury, undoubtedly before the year 222 AD.12 The word δελματική/ δαλματική/ δελματικίον is then frequently δαλματική / δελματική / δελματικίον7 mentioned in the Egyptian papyri until the 5th cen- tury.13 We note that this term is almost absent in other Dalamatica is a term having a geographical character, Greek texts written in Antiquity, except for the Greek suggesting that the source of this clothing would be version of the Edict on Maximum Prices of Diocletian from Dalmatia,8 but we do not have any archaeological and the Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis.14 Those or iconographic evidence confirming this etymology.9 two texts are from the 4th century AD. The oldest known mention of the Latin word dal- The dalmatica is associated with the liturgical para- matica is attested in an inscription containing the ments used in the Roman Church at the end of the Em- copy of a letter written by Claudius Paulinus,10 gov- pire.15 Textual testimonies regarding a possible use of ernor of Britannia Inferior, dating from 220 AD.11 the dalmatica in a non-liturgical context in the western 6. One section of the studies presented in this article, especially concerning the tunics without sleeves, has been published in Mos- sakowska-Gaubert 2004. My studies on the tunics were conducted as part of the PhD dissertation entitled Le costume monastique en Égypte à la lumière des textes grecs et latins et des sources archéologiques (ive- début du viie siècle), prepared under the direc- tion of Włodzimierz Godlewski, and defended in 2006 at Warsaw University. My research on the vocabulary of clothing continues, since 2012 in the collective program “Contexts et mobiliers” directed by Pascale Ballet, Jean-Luc Fournet and myself, hosted by the French Institut of Oriental Archaeology in Cairo – IFAO, and since 2017 in my Marie Skłodowska-Curie fellowship program MONTEX, hosted by the University of Copenhagen’s Centre for Textile Research – CTR. 7. On this term see, for example, Bayet 1892; Murri 1943, 121-127; Wild 1968, 222-223; O’Callaghan 1982-83; Granger Taylor 1983, 139, and Dross-Krüpe in this volume. 8. Cf. Isidor of Seville, Etym. XIX 22, 9. 9. See Wild 1968, 222. 10. This letter enumerates the gifts offered by Claudius Paulinus to Sennius Sollemnis, a high diginitary from Roman Gaul. Among the gifts is found a dalmatica from Laodicea in Syria. The edition of the text: CIL XIII, I,1, 3162, col. II 10. For a reedited text, with translation and detailed commentary, see Pflaum 1948. For the dalmatica see particularly p. 25. Cf. also Wild 1968, 222. 11. Despite a clear comment on this subject, made by Wild 1968, 222, n. 250, one still finds in several scientific publications indica- tions concerning the use of the term dalmatica / delamtica and of the tunic thus named already about the middle of the 2nd century. This opinion is founded on testimony in the Historia Augusta, according to which Commodus wore this garment (8.8). However, that work had been written towards the end of the 4th century and the term delamtica used there reflects the vocabulary of its au- thor, rather than the realia of the time of Commodus. 12. SB XXIV 15922, I 22, IV 5. In addition, from the year 230 AD comes another papyrus found in Egypt containing the term δαλματική (CPR I 21, 16). Furthermore, P. Harr. I 105, containing the word δαλματικαί (l. 8), is dated by its editor to the 2nd century, howe- ver, this dating has been questioned and was taken back to the 3rd century (see BL XI, p. 90). One other text, the P. Oxy. XII 1583, has been dated in an imprecise manner to the ‘second century’, and it may be that it was written towards the end of the 2nd century. In the thirties and forties of the 3rd century, the δαλματική term also appears in some papyri found at Dura Europos: P. Dura 30, 16- 18 (232 AD) and P. Dura 33, 8 (240-250 AD) and in a grafitto: Baur, Rostovtzeff & Bellinger 1933, 153, no. 300, L. 15 – non vid. 13. One isolated attestation of the word δαλματική, in a made up word: δαλματικομαφόριον, is found in a text from the 7th-8th cen- tury: SB VI 9594, 4, 5. 14. Ed. Diocl. (301 AD) XXVI, 39, 49, 59 and 72; (315-403 AD), Panarion I, 1 XV (PG 41, col. 245A). 15. It is not clear in which period exactly the dalmatica became the official costume of the Roman deacons. The citations coming from the Liber Pontificalis and Vita Silvestrii on this use of the dalmatica as a sacerdotal vestment in the 4th century, at the time of Pope Silvester, do not seem to be reliable (on this subject to see Bayet 1892, 20). However, evidence concerning the 6th century (e.g., Life of Caesarius of Arles, I, 42; Gregory the Great, Dialogues, IV, 42, 2) and much later (e.g., Isidore of Seville, Etym. XIX, 22) does seem to be reliable. 324   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) part of the Empire are extremely rare.16 However, dalmatica as a tunic with broad sleeves appears only this term is usually associated with representations in the later glossaries.22 of roomy tunics, with long and wide sleeves, known According to the papyrological documents, the from Roman art dating to the end of the Empire: they δαλματική was worn above all by women,23 but also range in style either without a belt,17 or girdled under by men, especially in the 3rd and 4th century AD.24 the chest (among women)18 or, more rarely, fastened However, one does not find in the Egyptian texts any around the lower part of the hips (among men).19 One mention of a δαλματική like liturgical vestment. In one finds tunics of this type in the archaeological material of the documents, a δελματική is mentioned among the coming in particular from the eastern part of the Med- vestis militaris.25 This clothing is not attested in the iterranean (fig. 6),20 but not exclusively.21 Moreover, texts and documents concerning the monks. one is unaware whether from the beginning this term The δαλματικαί mentioned in the papyrological indicated a tunic with long sleeves, and what the width texts are made in linen26 or wool,27 sometimes dec- of these sleeves would have been. A clearly described orated with bands of colors: apparently, the clavi.28 16. It should be noted that this term is absent in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. One of the rare examples of the wearing of the dalmatica in the context which does not seem to be sacerdotal is found in the description of the martyrdom of Cyprian, the bishop of Carthage (Acta proconsularia S. Cypriani, V, ed. Th. Ruinart, Acta Primorum Martyrum Sincera and Selecta, Amsterdam 1713, 218, and Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 3, 3, CXIII, 5): clothing that Cyprian removed before his execution, amongst which is found a dalmatica, were probably that type of garment usually worn and not liturgical – on this subject, see the comment by Bayet 1892, 20. 17. See the following examples: Rome: Deckers et al.1991, colour plate 4: orante (second decennial of the 4th century). Sicily: Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, 332. fig. 200: mosaic, mistress of the house, Piazza Armerina (4th century AD). North Africa: Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria 2003, fig. 377: mosaic, young woman, Sfax, coll. Brado Mueum, Tunis (4th century AD). 18. See the following examples: Sicily: Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, 332. fig. 200: mosaic, one of the maidservants of the mistress, Piazza Armerina (4th century AD); Egypt: von Falck & Lichtwark 1996, 118-119, no. 66: stele of a Rhodia, Fayoum (5th century AD). 19. See the following examples: North Africa: Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria 2003, fig. 196: mosaic, combats in the amphitheatre, – cen- tral figure Suirat (Amira), coll. Susa Museum (3rd century AD); Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria fig. 229: gymnastic show and boxing, – the men preparing decorations, Talh, coll. Gafsa Museum (4th century AD). 20. See, for example, Kendrick 1920, pl. I, no. 1: Egypt – Panopolis (late 3rd to early 4th century AD); Pritchard & Verhecken-Lam- mens 2001: Egypt – Panopolis? (3rd to early 4th century AD). 21. See, for example, Granger Taylor 1983: two ‘dalmatics of St. Ambrose’, Milan (4th-6th century AD?). 22. See Corpus glossariorum Latinorum, ed. G. Goetz, Vol. V, Leipzig 1894, 356, 72: 91 dalamtica: tunica latas manicas habens. In addition, in two Greek texts of the 4th century, already quoted here, one δαλματική was associated with a tunic having short slee- ves or without sleeves, called a κολόβιον, either as a garment of the same value, or identical (Ed. Diocl. XXVI, 39, 49, 59 and 72; Epiphanius of Salamis I, 1 XV: PG 41, col. 245A). The question one would like to answer is whether in this period the δαλματική indicated a tunic with short sleeves, or if a κολόβιον had long sleeves? One can advance the hypothesis that in the case of these texts it concerns a tunic with short and perhaps wide sleeves, however there is no indication on this last aspect. Moreover, in the scientific literature one finds the opinion that the term dalmatica relates to all kinds of tunics with long sleeves (e.g., Carroll 1988, 39), which seems incorrect to us, because each type of tunic with sleeves had its own designation (see below the terms καμίσιον and στιχάριον). 23. See, for example, P. Oxy. XX 2273, 12 (late 3rd century AD): δ. destined for a girl; P. Oxy. LIV 3765, 12-13 (c. 327 AD): δ. ταρσικῶν γυναικ(είων); P. Stras. III 131, 7 (363 AD) – marriage contract; BGU XIII 2328, 10 (middle of the 5th century AD?) – marriage con- tract; SB XII 11075, 9 (middle of the 5th century AD): given to a bride. 24. See, for example, P. Oxy VII 1051 (3rd century AD): δ. of one Cyrillous; P. Kell. I 7, 11 (c. 350 AD): δ. for a Harpokration. 25. P. Coll. IX 247, 247 (324/25 or 325/26 AD). 26. P. Oxy. VII 1051, 2-3 and 16 (3rd century AD): δ. λι[νοῦν] ῥιζόσημον, δ. λινᾶ; P. Oxy. LIV 3764, 12-13 (c. 359 AD): δ. ταρσικῶν γυναικ(είων). 27. P. Oxy. XIV 1741, 5 (early 4th century AD) and P. Oxy. VII 1026, 10-11 (5th century AD): δ. ξοΐτιον – ‘of the wool of Xois’. On this expression see Mossakowska-Gaubert 2006, 178-179. 28. P. Oxy. VII 1051, 2-3 (3rd century AD): δ. λι[νοῦν] ῥιζόσημον. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   325 Figure 6. Roomy tunic, with wide sleeves (Panopolis; late 3rd-early 4th century AD). After Kendrick 1920, pl. I, no. 1, photo © Victoria and Albert Museum. καμίσιον, ὑποκαμίσιον (καμάσον, καμάσιον, makes its appearance. The words καμίσιον and camisa, camisia)29 ὑποκαμίσιον passed into the Coptic language (ⲕⲁⲙⲓⲥⲓⲟⲛ, ⲕⲁⲙⲓⲥⲓⲁ,33 ϩⲩⲡⲟⲕⲁⲙⲓⲥⲓⲟⲛ34). Later, the It is not established from which language this term καμίσιον term would be adopted, probably via the Ar- comes: certain linguists have tried to find its origins amaic, by the Arabic: qamīṣ.35 in the Germanic languages via the Celtic languages.30 The meaning of the camisia / καμίσιον term is It seems that this term appears simultaneously in also not clear. In a letter to Fabiola written in 395- the Latin31 and Greek32 literature towards the end of 397 AD, Jerome compares a sacerdotal tunic, very 4th century. In the 6th century, the term ὑποκαμίσιον close-fitting, with a camisa in linen worn by soldiers 29. Regarding this term, see, for example, Wild 1968, 221-222; Kramer 1994; O’Callaghan 1996; Schmelz 2002, 118-119. I thank Adel Sidarous for his remarks on this subject. 30. Walde & Hofmann 1938, s.v.; Chantraine 1968, s.v.; Ernout & Meillet 2001, s.v. 31. Jerome, Letter to Fabiola (395-397 AD), 64, 11. Regarding the date cf. Jérôme, Lettres, ed. J. Labourt, vol. III, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 1953, 227. 32. Firstly, under the form of καμάσιον: see, for example, Gregory of Nazianze (381 AD), ‘Testamentum’ in Iuris ecclesiastici Grae- corum historia et monumenta, ed. J. B. Pitra, vol. 2, Rome 1868, 158, l. 7, 9, 11. In the 5th century, this word had taken the form καμίσιον (see Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 65,4). 33. Regarding the other forms, cf. Förster 2002, s.v. καμίσιον. Also see Boud’hors 1997, 24-25. 34. Förster 2002, s.v. ὑποκαμίσιον. 35. Frankel 1886, 44-45 – non vid. 326   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) – which was a garment with sleeves, moulded to καμίσιον – as suggested by the prefix ὑπο-? Or else, the body.36 In Historia Lausiaca of Palladius (sec- was this a garment of the same form as the καμίσιον, ond decade of the 5th century) this term indicates a but worn under the καμίσια as well as other clothing, kind of tunic or an ‘undergarment’ worn by an im- and thus an ‘undergarment’? The word ὑποκαμίσιον perial civil servant.37 According to the texts of the is used in papyrological documents to the early 8th 5th–6th century AD, a ‘hair shirt’ called a καμίσιον century.45 was sometimes worn by the monks.38 In the Chroni- With regard to the Greek papyrological documents, con Paschale of the 7th century AD, the καμίσιον is the καμίσιον term, sometimes in the form καμάσιον46 a military garment.39 Finally, Isidore of Seville ex- or καμάσον,47 appears in the Greek papyri at the be- plains in his Etymologiae, that a camisia is a gar- ginning of the 4th century and it is attested until the ment for sleeping, as well as a liturgical vestment.40 beginning of 8th century. However, an abbreviation We recall that Paul the Deacon (8th century AD) in καμι() exists in a document dated from the end of the his epitome of the text De significatione verborum, 2nd–beginning of the 3rd century AD and has been written by Festus Grammaticus (end of the 2nd cen- interpreted by editors as καμί(σια).48 As with other tury AD), identifies the camisia41 with the suppa- evidence of this term found in the papyri are dated rus42 – a female linen garment, identified in its turn from the 4th century AD and later, it either concerns with the subucula43 – a garment worn under another the first mention of this term in the Greek language, piece of clothing. or this reading must be called into question. The In the 6th century, the term ὑποκαμίσιον44 ap- καμάσια quoted in the papyri were made in linen,49 pears in the Greek texts, but the relation between the perhaps in cotton,50 and in wool or with decorative καμίσιον and the ὑποκαμίσιον remains obscure. Was motifs executed in wool.51 Some documents contain the ὐποκαμίσιον a garment which one put under a other indications about this clothing: the attestations 36. 64, 11: [...] solent militantes habere lineas, quas camisas vocant, sic aptas membris et adstrictas corporibus ut expediti sint vel ad cursum vel ad proellia [...]. Ergo et sacerdotes parati in ministerium utuntur hac tunica [...]. 37. HL 65, 4. 38. Egyptian monks: Apoph. 80 (Ars. 42 = Sys. XV 11/10); Moschus, Pratum spirituale,126 (PG 87, 3, col. 2988 B). 39. 394 (PG 92, 1012A). 40. Isidore of Seville, Etym. XIX 21, 1; 22, 29. 41. See the edition of Festus in J. W. Pirie & W. M. Lindsay (eds.) Glossaria Latina, IV: Placidus, Festus. Paris 1930, F 310 (p. 407): Supparus vestimentum puellare lineum quod et subucula, id est camisia, dicitur. Regarding the epitome of Festus made by Paul the Deacon, see for example Woods 2007. 42. With regard to the term supparus cf. for example, Wilson 1938, 164-165; Potthoff 1992, 186-190. 43. On the word subucula cf. for example, Wilson 1938, 164-165; Potthoff 1992, 184-185. 44. See, for example, Moschus, Pratum spirituale 186 (PG 87, 3064B); Leontius of Neapolis, Life of John the Almsgiver, XIX, 67. 45. See, for example, SPP XX 245, 21 (6th century AD); P. Apol. 104, 2 (end of the 6th century or second half of the 7th century); P. Wash. Univ. II 104, 16 and 19 (6th-7th century AD); P. Berl. Sarisch. 22, 1 (7th century). 46. P. Iand. VI 125, 2 (4th century AD); P. Heid. VII 406, 4, 47 (4th-5th century AD); P. Princ. II 82, 41 (481 AD). 47. See, for example, P. Gen. I 80, 1 (4th century AD?): κάμασα δ – regarding this reading cf. BL VIII p. 135. 48. SB XXIV 15922, 31 – editio princeps: Pintaudi, Sijpesteijn 1996-1997, 193. On the dating of this text, see the well-founded argu- ments in Pintaudi, Sijpesteijn 1996-1997, 179. 49. P. Rasin. Cent. 157, 1 (6th century AD?); BGU II 550, 2 (Arabic period). 50. P. Heid. IV 333, v. 28 (5th century AD): καρπάσια καμάσια. On the adjective καρπάσιον understood as ‘in flax’, resulting from the substantive κάρπασος cf. D. Hagedorn, Byzantinischer Brief aus Samaritanischem Medium. In Griechische Text der Heidel- berger Papyrus-Sammlung (P. Heid. IV), Heidelberg 1986, 234. The name κάρπασος, however, could also indicate cotton (cf. LSJ s.v.κάρπασος), therefore it is also probably that this text is recording a cotton garment. 51. P. Apol. 104, 16 (end of the 6th century or second half of the 7th century): μαλλωτ(ὰ) κ. Regarding the different ways in which one can understand the adjective μαλλωτός cf. Diethart 1989, 113-114 and Russo 2004, 140 and 141. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   327 of καμίσιον worn by men52 are more numerous than καμίσιον / camisia with the tunics with tight sleeves, those of a καμίσιον worn by women.53 worn by ‘barbarians’, such as those represented, for An analysis of written sources makes it possible example, on Trajan’s Column.58 But in all likelihood, to conclude that the καμίσιον term indicated a gar- the word in question did not appear in the Latin vo- ment worn directly on the body and that it proba- cabulary, and in all probability, Greek, until the 4th bly had the shape of a tunic with sleeves. Since the century. Consequently, at the beginning of the 2nd word καμίσιον is found in some texts beside the terms century, another name was most probably given to κολόβιον, στιχάριον, δαλματική54 or χιτών,55 this in- clothes of this type (for example, tunica manica and evitably indicated different tunics. It seems that the χιτών χειριδώτος or another name). However, one καμίσιον was worn either like an ‘under tunic’ or ‘un- cannot exclude, at least in Greek, that starting from dergarment’ by both the laity and the soldiers, being the 6th century AD the word καμίσιον indicates a kind as well a liturgical vestment, or again, like a ‘night- of cut tunic, short and tight, with long sleeves, per- dress’. The appearance of the word ὑποκαμίσιον in haps worn above trousers, as in the Persian Sassanid the 6th century in Greek texts could suggest that the fashion. We know some representations of such tu- καμίσιον no longer qualified as a type of clothing nics in particular from the Eastern part of the Medi- worn under another garment, this role henceforth be- terranean;59 these tunics also appear in the archaeo- ing allocated to the ὑποκαμίσιον. logical material coming from Egypt (fig. 7).60 These Representations of tunics worn under another tunic are, however, only assumptions. are frequent in the Roman and late Roman epochs.56 Despite all the attestations of καμίσιον / camisia These ‘under-tunics’ appear at the neck edge and/or the or ὑποκαμίσιον, and in spite of the iconographic and sleeves of the tunic which is on top; they are always archaeological richness of the material, a question re- white or of a natural color, and are without decoration mains: do these terms designate the particular form or or with clavi, or with simple motifs around the neck – the function of a specific garment? notably those belonging to women. The archaeological material of Egypt shows these tunics without decora- κολόβιον61 tion, and with tight sleeves. It seems that the garments of this type could be worn under an upper tunic.57 The word κολόβιον was probably derived from the Johannes Kramer proposed identifying the adjective κολοβός, which indicates “truncated”, 52. See, for example, P. Ant. II 96, 17 (6th century AD): κ. of a certain Menas; P. Mich. XV 740, 6 (6th century AD): κ. for a worker; SB XVIII 13750, 3, 4 (7th century AD): κ. τοῦ κυρ⟨ί⟩ου; P. Lond. IV 1352, 4, 10, 14 (710 AD): an order for an army’s necessities (?). 53. BGU II 550 (= SPP III 241), 2 (Arabic period) – a certain Euodia. 54. Gregory of Naziense ‘Testamentum’ (op. cit. see note 32), p. 158, l. 7, 9, 1. See also the papyrological documents: P. Princ. II 82, 41 (481 AD); P. Heid. VII 406 (4th-5th century AD); P. Berl. Sarisch. 21 (5th-6th century AD); P. Mich. XIV 684 (6th century AD); SPP III 83 (6th century AD); SPP XX 245 (6th century AD); P. Prag. I 93 (6th century AD). 55. Apoph. 80 (Ars. 42 = Sys. XV 11/10). 56. See the following examples: Rome: Deckers et al. 1991, color figure 21: painting with a representation of an orante (first decades of the 4th century AD). Sicily: Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, folio XXIV, 30. 53: mosaic representing hunters, Piazza Armerina (4th century AD). Egypt: Walker & Bierbrier 1997, 99, no. 91: painting on wood with a portrait of a woman, Fayoum (c. 170-190 AD); Walker & Bierbrier 1997, 159, no. 178: painting on wood with a portrait of a woman, Thebes? (c. 220-250 AD). 57. See, for example, Bruwier 1997, no. 10; provenance unknown (4th-5th century AD?). 58. Kramer 1994, 140. For the representations of Dacians on Trajan’s Column in close-fitting tunics, see Settis et al. 1988, e.g., plates nos 21 (XVIII, 41-43); 31 (XXIV, 61-63); 39 (XXXI-XXXII, 75-77); 117 (LXX-LXXI, 179-181) and others. 59. See, for example, Piccirillo 1993, 138-139, fig. 169: mosaic – hunter on a horse. Jordan, Mont Nebo, diaconicon in the basilica (530 AD); Piccirillo 1993, 152, fig. 201: mosaic – hunter, Jordan, Mont Nebo, church of Saints and Martyrs Lot and Procopius (557 AD). 60. See, for example, Tilke 1923, no. 28: provenance unknown (6th century AD); Fluck, Linscheid & Merz 2000, no. 132: provenance unknown (Sassanian period: 6th-early 7th AD?). 61. On this term, see, for example Mau 1900; Wild 1994, 27; Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004, 157-161. 328   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) Figure 7. Tunic sewn from several pieces (provenance unknown; Sassanid period). Photo: Antje Voigt © Skulpturen- sammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst – Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Inv. 9935. ‘shortened’ or ‘short’.62 It became adopted to the Latin more rarely, in other texts which do not have a mo- language in the form of colobium. nastic character.66 It signified a tunic without sleeves The oldest mention of κολόβιον in texts written or with short sleeves, sometimes identified with a outdide Egypt is in the Edict of Diocletian.63 The λεβίτων.67 word κολόβιον/colobium is attested in the literature They belong especially to men who work physi- in particular in the texts concerning the Egyptian64 cally, who are depicted during Late Antiquity dressed and Palestinian65 monks. It also appears, though much in a tunic without sleeves68 or, more often, with short 62. Chantraine 1968, s.v. κόλοβoς. 63. Ed. Diocl. XXVI, 39, 49, 59 and 72: δαλματικῶν ἀνδρίων ἤτοι κολοβίων φώπμης ... κτλ. 64. See, for example, Pachom, Praecepta - fragmenta graeca, LXXXI (32) 26 (Lefort 1924, 17); Historia Monachorum VIII 6; Ad Castorem 1, 6 (PG 28, col. 856 D); Apoph. 559 (Nist. 4); John Cassian, Inst. I, 4; Moschus, Pratum spirituale, 124 (PG 87, 3, col. 2985 C); Anastasius of Sinai [attributed to], Tales of the Sinai Fathers,ed. Nau 1902-1903, XXXI, 22. For the colobium in the mo- nastic costume, see, for example, Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004, 157-161. 65. Isaïe, Asceticon, VI 5F i, r. ξ; Barsanuphius and Jean, Questions and Answers, 53, 4-5, 13-1; 326, 12, 13; Dorotheus of Gaza, In- str. I 15, 5-6; I 15, 14; Cyril of Scythopolis, V. Euthymii, l. 73; Moschus, Pratum spirituale 92 (PG 87, 3, col. 2949-2952C-D). 66. See, for example, Epiphanius of Salamis (315-403 AD) I, 1 XV (PG 41, col. 245A). See also, Servius Maurus Honoratus (late 4th century AD), In Vergilii carmina commentarii, Aen. IX, 613; Isidor of Seville (early 7th century AD), Etym., 19, 22, 24. 67. Pachom, Praecepta - fragmenta graeca, LXXXI (32) 26 (Lefort 1924, 17); Historia Monachorum VIII 6. 68. See, for example, Piccirillo 1993, 173, fig. 224: fragment of a mosaic with a representation of a gardener, chapel of the priest Jean, Wadi ‘Afrit, Jordan (565 AD). 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   329 sleeves.69 We also know of tunics of this type (fig. 8) coming from Egypt and elsewhere.70 The word κολόβιον / κολόβιν which indicates a tunic appears in some inscriptions from Dura Euro- pos, dated to about AD 235-24071 and from the same period in the papyrological texts from Egypt.72 It is mostly present in the papyrological documents of the 4th and 5th centuries, only to disappear during the 6th century.73 The word κολόβιον could both indicate a tunic of a man74 as well as that of a woman75. The κολόβια were made either in wool76 or in linen.77 In some texts it is a question of a κολόβιν with a double 69. See the following examples: Rome: Deckers et al. 1991, coloured figure no. 20: the Good Shepherd (?), catacomb of the Via Anapo (two first decades of the 4th century); Nicolai, Bisconti & Mazzoleni 2000, 114, fig. 131: mural painting with a representation of some coopers, catacomb of Priscilla (3rd-4th century AD?). Egypt: Dunand 1990, 222, no. 610: terracotta figure of a coachman (?); Antinoe (3rd-4th century AD). 70. See the following examples: Egypt: Kendrick 1921, pl. XIV, no. 340: tunic with short sleeves; provenance unknown (5th-6th century AD); Bruwier 1997, no. 68: tunic without sleeves, prove- nance unknown (c. 7th century AD); Mannering 2000: Figure 8. Tunic with short sleeves (provenance unknown; tunic A (without sleeves), tunic B (with short, sewn 5th-6th centuries AD). After Kendrick 1921, no. 340, photo sleeves); the two coming from Mons Claudianus (pe- © Victoria and Albert Museum. riod of occupation: between the end of the 1st century to the middle of the 3rd century AD); Hodak 2010, no. 157: tunic without sleeves; provenance unknown (3rd-5th century AD). Near-East: De Jonghe & Verhecken-Lammens 1994 and Wild 1994: tunic without sleeves (Near-East, Late Roman period?); Granger Taylor 2000: fig. 13: four little tunics without sleeves, and fig. 14: child’s tunic with short sleeves; Khirbet Qazone, Jordan (2nd-3rd century AD). 71. Baur, Rostovtzeff & Bellinger 1933, 93 no. 219, 98 no. 227 – non vid. 72. See, for example, P. Tebt. II 406, II, 17 (c. 266 AD); SB III 7244, 24-26 (middle of the 3rd century AD); P. Oxy. VI 921, 6 (3rd century AD); P. Oxy. VII 1051, 8-9 (3rd century AD); P. Oxy. XLIV 3201, 10 (3rd century AD); P. Rein. II 118, 5-11 (late 3rd century AD). 73. The only document for the 6th century AD, where the word κολόβιον indicates a vestment, is P. Iand. VI 102, 21. In the P. Cair. Masp. I 67001 (514 AD), l. 31 κολόβιον (l. κολόβος) indicates a measure of liquid – cf. Preisigke s.v. κολόβος and the commentary of P.M. Meyer in Griechische Papyri in Museum des Oberhessischen Geschichtsvereins zu Giessen, Band I, Teubner 1910-1912, 104 [= no. 103, l. 16-17] on this subject. 74. P. Rein. II 118, 9-10 (late 3rd century AD): τὸ κ. Κυρίλλ[ης]; P. Tebt. II 406, II, 17 (c. 266 AD): an inventory of items left by the deceased Paulus; O. Wilck. 1611, 10, 11, 12, 14 (3rd-4th century AD): a list of male names and garments, the purpose of which we ignore. 75. See, for example, P. Oxy. VII 1051, 14 (late 3rd-4th century AD): κ. γυνεκῖο[ν]; P. Wash. Univ. II 97, 4 (5th century AD): κ. γυνηκῖον; SB VI 9158, 6 (5th century AD): κ. of a certain Nonna. 76. P. Oxy. VI 921, 6 (3rd century AD): κ. σμάλλε α – translated by the editors, B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt, as ‘woollen ?’ (The Oxyrhyn- chus Papyri, vol. VI, London 1908, 285); P. Ross. Georg. III 1, r. 8-9 (3rd century AD): το εραιουν κολωβειν [l. ἐρεοῦν κολόβιον]. 77. P. Tebt. II 406, II, 17 (c. 266 AD): [...] κ. λινοῦν; P. Oxy. VII 1051, 8-9 (3rd century AD): κ. [λιν]οῦν; P. Oxy. XLIV 3201, 10 (3rd century AD): κ. λινοῦν [...]. 330   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) stripe or rather – clavi,78 and in others of a κολόβιν particular, those concerning Egyptian monks84 and, with a stripe,79 sometimes described as being from a more rarely, monks from other regions.85 This tu- crimson vegetable dye.80 nic did not have sleeves.86 We have illustrations of Egyptian monks dressed in a tunic without sleeves.87 λεβίτων (λεβήτων, λεβητωνάριον, λεβητονάριον, Tunics of this type (fig. 9) were also found on the λεβιτωνάριον)81 bodies of monks.88 Up until now, we know of only three Greek pa- The Greek word λεβίτων was probably borrowed pyrological documents where one could hope to see from the Semitic languages.82 In the Latin language the word λεβίτων. However, the reading of this word, it took the form lebitonarium, and it was adopted into written each time with an erroneous orthography, is the Coptic language in the following forms: ⲗⲁⲃⲓⲧⲉ, extremely doubtful.89 Nonetheless, this term is at- ⲗⲁⲃⲓⲧⲟⲩ, ⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲟⲛ, ⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲟⲩ, ⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲱⲛ, ⲗⲉⲩⲃⲓⲧⲟⲛ, tested, without any ambiguity, in an inscription and ⲗⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲟⲩ and ⲗⲱⲃⲓⲧⲱⲛ.83 in some papyri and ostraca written in Coptic. These The term λεβίτων / lebitonarium appeared in the documents date from the 4th to the 8th century AD literature towards the end of the 4th century and it and, in the main, we are sure that they were written is well attested in the 5th century, only to disap- in a monastic milieu.90 Nevertheless, the context of pear in the6th century. The attestations of the term some documents where the word in question is found λεβίτων / lebitonarium are found in the texts, in remains obscure.91 78. P. Tebt. II 406, II, 17 (c. 266 AD): κ. λινοῦν δ[ί]σημον; P. Oxy. VII 1051, 4-5 (3rd century AD): [...] κ. δίσημον[α. 79. P. Oxy. XLIV 3201, 2 and 11 (3rd century AD): κ. ἐνσήμ(ου) [...]. 80. P. Oxy. VII 1051, 5-6 (3rd century AD): κ. [...] [ῥιζό]σημον α. 81. Regarding this term see, for example, Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004, 161-163. 82. Cf. Sophocles 1900, s.v. λεβίτων. 83. Förster 2002, s.v. λεβίτων. See also Boud’hors 1997, 25. 84. Pachom (Lat.), Praef. 4 (Boon 1932, 6); Praec. 2 (Boon 1932, 13); Praec. 67 (Boon 1932, 33); 81 (Boon 1932, 37); Pachom, Ex- cerpt. LXXXI (32) 26 (Lefort 1924, 17); Liber Orsies. 26 (Boon 1932, 127); Pachomii vita prima 14, 113, 134 and 146; Pachom (Gr.), Paralipomena IX 29 (ed. Fr. Halkin, Paralipomena de SS. Pachomo et Theodoro BHG 1399a, in Le Corpus Athénien de Saint Pachôme. Genève 1982, 73-93); Historia Monachorum VIII 6 and X 9; Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 32, 3; Apoph. 296 (ThP 29); Apoph. 417 (Sys. VI, 8 = JnP 2); Apoph. 439 (Cros 5); Apoph. 585 (Poe 11); Apoph. 926 (Phoc 1); Apoph. 1132 B (N 132 B = Coilsin 126, 413, l. 17); Apoph. 1132 D (N 132 D = Coislin 126, 414, l. 12 and 20); Apoph. 1172 (Sys. V, 26 = N 127); Apoph. 1358 (N 358). 85. For the Palestinian monks see, for example: Barsanuphius and Jean, Questions and Answers, 326, 14. The word λεβήτων is also present in the Greek tradition from a Syriac text of Ephrem the Syrian: Capita centum (Quomodo quis humilitatem sibi comparet) 88, 3. See in addition the Lexicon called of Suda (10th century) in which is found an explanation which, in the language of the in- habitants of Prusa (in Bithynia), λεβητωνάριον is a monastic χιτών made of animal hair: Suidae lexicon, ed. A. Adler, vol. 1 part. III, Teubner 1933, Λ, p. 242. 86. See Pachom (Lat.), Praef. 4 (Boon 1932, 6); Praec. 2 (Boon 1932, 13); Pachom, Excerpt. LXXXI (32) 26 (Lefort 1924, 17); His- toria Monachorum VIII 6. 87. See, for example, Sauneron 1972, 14-15; fig. 57: graffito representing two monks. Esna, hermitage no. 4 (between around 550 and 630 AD). 88. See, for example, Castel 1979, 139, fig. 12: St-Mark’s monastery, Western Thebes (6th-7th century AD); Winlock, Crum 1926, 70-71: laura of St-Epiphanius, Western Thebes (second half of the 6th century, up to the first decade of the 8th century); Bechtold 2008: laura of Cyriacus, Western Thebes (6th-7th century AD). 89. In all these texts it seems to be an erroneous form either, of the word λεβίτων, or of the word λέβης ‘cauldron’: P. Neph. 12, 14 (in the years 50 and 60 of the 4th century); P. Bad. IV 95, 105 (probably 6th century AD); P. Oxy. XIV 1683, 22 (late 4th century AD). Two of the first documents had been written in a monastic environment. 90. See, for example, P. Lond. VI 1920, 11; P. Lond. VI 1922, 5, 11 (c. 330-340 AD); P. Bal. II 263, 3 (675-775 AD); P. Sarga 161, 10; P. Sarga 164, 9 (late 6th - early 8th century AD); P. Yale Copt. 1, 32. V. 7, 7 (7th century AD); Heurtel 2004, inscription no. 25 (second half of 7th century AD?). 91. See, for example, P. Mich. Copt. 3, 9 (4th-5th century AD); O. Vind. Copt. 140, 15 (7th-8th century AD): O. Crum VC 118, 14 (7th- 8th century AD). 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   331 Figure 9. Tunic without sleeves (St-Marc monastery, Thebes West; 6th-7th centuries AD). Drawing: Georges Castel © Ifao (Castel 1979, fig. 12). 332   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) στιχάριον92 the date of the appearance of the word στιχάριον is not certain. The word in question is frequent in The word στιχάριον is probably a diminutive of the papyrological documents – in particular, from στίχη,93 – a word in the Edict of Diocletian designat- the second half of the 3rd to the 6th century, and ing a kind of tunic.94 In the Latin version it is trans- it persists until the 8th century AD. 101 However, lated as strictoria, which seems to be a neologism in- an word starting with στ[ is attested in a register dicating a tunic which ‘is tight’ (the verb stringo).95 of clothing dated earlier than 222 AD, mentioned This word has passed into the Coptic language in the above,102 and the term στιχάριον is attested in two forms: ⲥⲧⲓⲭⲁ, ⲥⲧⲓⲭⲁⲣⲓⲛ, ⲥⲧⲓⲭⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ96 papyri from Dura Europos, of which oldest goes In Greek literary texts, the word στιχάριον does back to 232 AD. not appear before the 4th century AD, when it would Given the numerous texts where στιχάριον is men- indicate either a liturgical tunic,97 or a garment worn tioned beside other terms for tunics, one must admit by the monks,98 or an item of the imperial costume,99 that it indicates a tunic with long and tight sleeves, dif- Finally, in the acts of the Synod of Constantinople ferent from the dalamatica, and quite distinct from all and Jerusalem (536 AD) there is a passage concern- the tunics without sleeves or with only short sleeves.103 ing baptism: those newly baptized (νεοφωτίστοι) were Images of men dressed in short tunics with tight barefoot and without their στιχάρια.100 sleeves are very frequent in the art of late Antiquity,104 With regard to the documentary texts of Egypt, while those with long tunics and long tight sleeves are 92. On this term see, for example, Schmelz 2002, 113-115. 93. Cf. Lampe 1961, s.v. στιχάριον; Chantraine 1968, s.v. στείχω. 94. Ed. Diocl., 7, 56 and passim. 95. Cf. the commentary by S. Lauffer in his edition of the Edict (p. 240). See also Souter 1949, s.v. These attestations of the term stic- taria in the Latin literature are extremely rare; moreover, it may have other meanings as well, such as ‘bandages’: cf. a Latin trans- lation (5th-6th century) of a Greek text of Soranus (2nd century AD), ed. V. Rose, Teubner 1882, p. 16, 11. 96. Förster 2002, s.v. στιχάριον. 97. See, for example, Athanasius, Apologia contra Arianos sive Apologia secunda, ed. H.-G. Opitz, Athanasius Werke, II/1, Berlin 1938, chap. 60, 2: στιχάρια λίνα imposed by Athanasius upon the Egyptian clergy. In addition, a στιχάριον of Athanasius mentioned by Palladius (Historia Lausiaca 63, 2) and one given by Gregory of Nazianze in his testament to Evagrius (Testamentum, op. cit., see note no. 31, p. 158, l. 7, 9, 11) were probably also ‘liturgical’, however regarding to the context of these texts, one cannot ex- clude that there are simple tunics worn in everyday life. About the tunic called a στιχάριον worn as a liturgical vestment in Coptic Church, see Innemée 1992, 44-45. 98. See, for example, Leontius of Neapolis, Life of John the Almsgiver, XXII 5; Moschus, Pratum spirituale, 51 (PG 87, 3, col. 2905 D-2908 A); ibidem, 87 (PG 87, 3, col. 2944 D - 2945 A); ibidem, 106 (PG 87, 3 col. 2965 A); Syntagma ad monachos 6 (PG 28, col. 844 A); V. Symeon Styl., 5, 8; V. Symeon Styl. Jr., 37, 11; 26, 7. 99. For the costume of Justinian see, for example, Joannes Malalas, Chronographia, ed. L. Dindorf in Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byz- antinae, Bonn 1831, chap. XVII, 413, l. 15 (6th century AD): [...] στιχάριν δὲ ἄσπρον παραγαῦδιν, καὶ αὐτὸ ἔχον χρυσᾶ πλουμμία βασιλικά [...]. This passage is included in Chronicon Paschale, vol. I, ed. L. Dindorf in Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Bonn 1832, p. 614, l. 3 (7th century). On παραγαυδία cf. e.g.: Lauffer 1971, 265-266. 100. Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, ed. E. Schwartz, vol. III, Berlin 1940, p. 99, l. 31. 101. For the boundaries of the date, see P. Apoll. 103 (end of the 3rd or the beginning of the last quarter of the 7th century); SB VI 9594, 7 (7th-8th century AD); P. Leid. Inst. I 13, 5 and 28 (7th-8th century AD?); P. Lond. V 1743, 4 (Arabic period). 102. SB XXIV 15922 (late 2nd-early 3rd century AD). 103. However, certain researchers consider that the term στιχάριον indicates a tunic without sleeves (see, for example, J. A. Sheridan in his edition of Columbia Papyri IX. The Vestis Militaris Codex. ASP 39. Atlanta 1999, 76-77). 104. See the following examples: Rome: Nicolai, Bisconti & Mazzoleni 1998, fig. 158: scribe, catacomb of the Giordani (4th century AD?). Sicily: Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, 29, fig. 12: mosaic with the figure of a soldier; Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, 45, fig. 16: mosaic with a representation of a dignitary and his entourage; Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 213, fig. 118: mosaic repre- senting some workers (?) in the port of Rome; Carandini, Ricci & de Vos 1982, folio XXIV, 30: fig. 53: mosaic representing some hunters; all of these figures come from Piazza Armerina (4th century AD). North Africa: Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria 2003, fig. 70: mosaic from the domain of Julius, a nobleman 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   333 more rare.105 It would seem that this latter tunic type regard to clothing intended for the army.108 This term is especially worn by women.106 However, tunics with is also present in the documents concerning monas- long and tight sleeves (fig. 10), woven in one or three tic109 and liturgical110 vestments or again ’civil’ and pieces, are very frequent in the archaeological mate- ‘laic’ clothing: the στιχάριον was worn by men from rial coming from Egypt.107 all social strata,111 slaves112 and children.113 We note, In the papyrological documentation, the στιχάριον however, that there are very few authentic mentions was among the garments generally mentioned in of tunics of this type being worn by women.114 of Carthage – servant, coll. Bardo Museum, Tunis (4th century AD); Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echever- ria 2003, fig. 152: mosaic of the hunting – horsemen and men on foot, Oudhna, so-called House of the Laberii; coll. Bardo Museum, Tunis (4th century AD). Egypt: Gąsiorowski 1931, Fig. 1: papyrus illustration with a representation of five charioteers, Egypt, Antinoe (c. 500 AD); Rutschowscaya 1990, 52: fragment of cloth with a figure of a boy, provenance unknown (5th century AD); von Falck & Li- chtwark 1996, 168, no. 147: representation of a boy on a ceramic container Egypt (6th-7th century AD). 105. See the following examples: Greece: Åkerström-Hougen 1974, coloured fig. 2.2: mosaic with a representation of the months of July and August, Argos (c. 500 AD). North Africa: Ben Abed-Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria 2003, fig. 217: one of the people in the retinue of a lord, public baths of Sidi Ghrib, presidential palace, Carthage (5th century AD). Egypt: Bosson & Aufrère 1999, 238, no. 61: funerary stela of Hierax and of Tersi, Fayoum (Byzantine period). 106. See the following examples: Rome: Deckers et al.1991, coloured figure 21: painting of an orante (first decade of the 4th century). Egypt: Walker & Bierbrier 1997, 159, no. 178: painting on wood of a portrait of a woman, Thebes? (c. 220-250 AD); Alaoui et al. 2000, 125, no. 101: funerary stela for an orante, Egypt (5th century AD); Rutschowscaya 1990, 51: tomb painting – The- odosia, Antinoe (6th century AD). 107. As an example: Dunand & Lichtenberg 1985: embroidered tunic, Douch (middle of the 4th-early 5th century AD); Bruwier 1997, no. 84: unknown source (middle of the 6th - middle of the 7th century AD); no 85: unknown source (6th century AD?); Fluck, Lin- scheid & Merz 2000, no. 112: Antinoopolis (6th-8th century AD); no. 124: Sohag (7th-9th century AD); Benazeth & Rutschowscaya 2009, no. 75: unknown source (6th-7th century AD). 108. See, for example, P. Michael. 21, 4, 9 (285 AD?) – cf. BL V, p. 68; SPP XX 75, 26 (3rd-4th century AD); P. Oxy.XLIV 3191 col. I, 3 (302 AD) – cf. the commentary on l. 2-3; SB I 4421, 9-10 (302 AD – regarding the dating cf. BL VII, p. 184); P. Cair. Isid. 54, 8, 10 (314 AD) = SB VI 9071; P. Cair. Isid. 72, 16 (314 AD); P. Oxy. XII 1448 (c. 318 AD); P. Oxy. XII 1424, 7 (c. 318 AD); P. Oxy. XLIV 3194, 9, 12 (323 AD); P. Ant. I 39, 8 (323 AD – regarding the dating cf. BL IV, p. 2); P. Coll. IX, 247 = SB XX 14661 (324-327 AD); P. Oxy. LI 3621, 16 (329 AD); BGU I 21, col. II 16 (340 AD); P. Beatty Panop. 2, 20, 21, 26 (340 AD); P. Pa- nop. 19, I (c) 2, (e) 2; X (b) 3; IV (a) 2-3, (b) 2; VI (b) 2, (d) 2 (339-346 AD); P. Oxy. LXI 4128, 23 (346 AD); SPP XX 92, 1, 2 (348 AD – regarding the date cf. BL V, p. 144); P. Lips. I 59, 13 (371 AD); P. Lips. I 60, 14 (after about 371 AD); BGU III 620, 9 = Chr. Wilck. I 186 (4th century AD); P. Köln IV 190 (4th century AD); P.U.G. I 24 (4th century AD) = SB X 10258; P. Warr. 7, 9 (4th century AD) = SB V 7536; SB VI 9305, 6, 7 (4th century AD); P. Oxy. LXII 4348, 8, 9 (4th century AD); PSI XII 1264, 9 (4th century AD); P. Oxy. XVI 1905, 4, 6 (late 4th-early 5th century AD); P. Oxy. VIII 1136, 4, 5 (420 AD); SB VI 9306, 4 (5th century AD); P. Vind. Tandem 19, 4 (5th-6th century AD). On the annona militaris and the imperial fiscal system, see Mitthof 2001. Regarding the representations of Roman soldiers stationed in Egypt in the Late Roman epoch, cf. Paetz gen. Schieck 2012. 109. P. Heid. VII 406, 12 and 37-38 (4th-5th century AD); P. Berl. Sarisch. 21; 48 (5th-6th century AD); P. Stras. VIII 719, 7 (5th-6th century AD); P. Paramone 14, 7 (6th-7th century AD); SB III 6024 (7th century AD?). 110. P. Leid. Inst. I 13 (7th-8th century AD?): inventory of a monastic church (?); P. Apoll. 103, 1 (end of the 3rd or beginning of the the last quarter of the 7th century). 111. See, for example, P. Cair. Isid. 132, 8-9, 13 (3rd century AD): σ. for one Hêrôkas; P. Ryl. IV 627, 2, 10 (early 4th century AD): σ. of Theophanes; P. Oxy. XIV 1775, 14 (4th century AD): σ.for a person named Ploutarchos; PSI IX 1082, 13 (4th century AD?) σ. of a ἀδελφός ᾿Αμμ[.....]; P. Oxy. LIX 4004, 13-14 (5th century AD): σ. of a Nathanaêl. 112. See, for example, P. Oxy. LI 3616, 3 (3rd century AD?): σ. of a δοῦλος Φίλιππος. 113. See, for example, P.U.G. I 28, 4 (5th-6th century AD): σ. παιδ[ια]κά. 114. See, for example, P. Oxy. VII 1051, 7 (3rd century AD): inventory of the business affairs of a certain Kyrilloutos; P. Oxy. LIX 4004, 14, 15 (5th century AD): σ. belonging to women named Syncletikê and Kyra; two marriage contracts: P. Dura I 30 (232 AD) and P. Cair. Masp. I 67006, 64, 83, 84 (6th century AD). 334   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) Figure 10. Tunic with long sleeves (provenance unknown; 6th-7th century AD). Photo: Georges Poncet © Musée du Louvre, no. AF 12190. The στιχάρια could be made either in linen,115 or χιτών (χιθών, χιτώνιον, κιθών, κιτώνιον)118 out of wool116 or even with a mixture of linen and wool: λινόπιξον.117 The χιτών term is probably of Semitic origin. In a gen- eral sense, it indicated a ‘tunic’, and in particular a 115. See, for example, P. Oxy. VII 1051, 7-8 (3rd century AD):σ. . [λιν]οῦν; SB III 6222, 27 (late 3rd century AD): σ. λινοῦν; P. Oxy. LIV 3776, 24, 47 (343 AD): declaration of a price for σ. in linen; SPP XX 92, 1, 2 (348 AD):σ. λινῶν; PSI IV 287, 15 (377 AD): σ. λινο̣ῦ̣ν̣ ; SB V 7536, 9 (4th century AD): σ. λινοῦν; SB VI 9305, 6-7 (4th century AD): σ. λινᾶ; P. Oxy. XLVIII 3426, 10 (4th century AD): σ. λινῶ̣ ν; P. Oxy. LXII 4348, 9 (4th century AD): σ. λινῶν; SPP X 188, 3 (4th century AD): σ. λινοῦ; P. Oxy. LVI 3860, 29 (late 4th century AD): τὸ σ. τὸ λινοῦν; P. Oxy. XVI 1905, 6 (late 4th century AD or early 5th century AD): σ. λινοῦν. Tαρσικά: P. Panop. 19, IV (a) 2-3; (b) 2; VI (b) 2, (d) 2 (339-346 AD); P. Beatty Panop. I 2, 20, 21, 26 (340 AD); P. Stras. IV 246, 6 (c. 380 AD); P. Vind. Tandem 19, 4 (5th-6th century AD). On the garments designated as ταρσίκα and the artisans ταρσικάριοι cf. Wipszycka 1965, 110-112; Wild 1969; Mossakowska-Gaubert 2006, 177-178. 116. See, for example, P. Oxy. LI 3616, 3 (3rd century AD?): σ. ἐρεο̣[ῦ]ν̣ ; P. Oxy. XLIV 3194, 9, 12-13 (323 AD): σ. ἐρεῶν; SB VI 9305, 6-7 (4th century AD): σ. ἐρεῶν διλώρων; P. Vars. 26, 18 (4th - 5th century AD): τὰ ἐρᾶ σ. (cf. BL III, p. 254); P. Oxy. LIX 4004, 13-15 (5th century AD): among garments that had been fulled, there were some στιχάρια. 117. P. Mich. XIV 684, 8 (6th century AD) and perhaps, if the restoration of a lacune is well-chosen, in the P. Wash. Univ. II 97, 12 (5th century AD). On the tunica pexa (‘soft-finished tunic’ made out of wool) cf. Wild 1967, 133-134; Lauffer 1971, 269 (20, 12). 118. On this term, see for example, Amelung 1899; Blum 1919; Descamps-Lequime 1988, 93-94; Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004, 163-166. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   335 ‘tunic without sleeves’. The word χιτών is extremely From the 3rd century AD, when tunics with ‘true’ frequent in Greek literature, from Homer to the 4th cen- long sleeves would spread in Egypt and in all the tury AD. To indicate the tunics with sewn sleeves, worn Mediterranean, the word χιτών is always very com- by foreign people, one used the expression χειριδώτος mon in the papyrological texts. It is mentioned in χιτών.119 Starting from the 5th century AD, the word several documents beside other terms for tunics, ei- χιτών becomes rare in the texts dealing with contempo- ther with sleeves (δαλματική,125 στιχάριον126), or rary events,120 while still remaining present in the com- without sleeves or with short sleeves (κολόβιον).127 mentaries on older texts or in the literature inspired by It seems that the word χιτών maintained its most these texts,121 and in works having a lexicographical elementary meaning (i.e., ‘tunic without sleeves’) character.122 Furthermore, Sozomen mentions χιτῶνες in these texts. The question of the difference be- ἀχειριδώτοι123 (‘tunics without sleeves’) – surely to dis- tween χιτών and κολόβιον should be asked at this tinguish them from others χιτῶνες – ‘with sleeves’. point. One can suppose that this difference was vis- In the papyrological documents, the term χιτών is ually clear in the appearance of these tunics. In this attested at the beginning of the Ptolemaic period and case, it may be that, whenever the two words oc- it meant a tunic without sleeves. However, to indi- curred side by side in a text, χιτών indicated a ‘tu- cate a tunic with ‘true sleeves’, coming from the lo- nic without sleeves’ and κολόβιον a ‘tunic with short cal tradition, the documents of the Ptolemaic period sleeves’. used the same expression as in classical literature: The word χιτών is still attested in documents χειριδώτος χιτών.124 of the 4th century AD,128 and then disappears. The 119. See, for example, Herodotus VII 61 (Persians); Strabo IV 4, 3 (Gauls), XI 13, 9 (Medes), XV 3, 19 (Persians); Joseph Flavius, An- tiquitates Jud., VII, 171 (Jews); Cassius Dio 49, 36 (Pannonians). 120. See, for example, Zosimus (second half of the 5th century AD), Historia Nova V, 32, 5, 7; Procopius of Cesaraea (6th century AD), De bellis III, 25, 7. See also those texts concerning the Egyptian monks: Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 47, 3 (420 AD); So- zomen, Ecclesiastical History III 14, 7 and 13 (the forties of the 5th century); Apoph. 80 (Ars. 42 = Sys. XV 11/10); Apoph. 180 (Fel. 5) (5th century AD). 121. See, for example, Catena in Matthaeum (post 5th century AD), 30; John of Damascus (7th-8th century AD), Orationes de imag- inibus tres III, 87, 12. 122. See, for example, Hesychius (5th century AD), Lexicon, chi, [87], s.v. χιτῶν and passim; Joannes Philoponus (6th century AD), De vocabulis, chi, s.v. χιτῶν, χιτών. 123. III 14, 7. 124. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. II 59146, 2-3 (256 BC); P. Cair. Zen. I 59092, 9-10 (3rd century BC); P. Cair. Zen. III 59469, 4-6 (3rd century BC); P. Tebt. I 46, 34 (113 BC); SB VIII 9680, 3 (2nd half of the 2nd century AD). 125. See, for example, P. Oxy. I 114, 5-6 (2nd or 3rd century AD); SPP XX 31 II, 16 = CPR I 21 (230 AD); P. Tebt. II 405, 10 (3rd century AD); P. Oxy. XLIV 3201, 8, 9 (3rd century AD); P. Mich. III 218, 14 [?] (296 AD); P. Oxy. XX 2273, 12 (late 3rd century AD); PSI VIII 900, 7 (3rd-4th century AD); P. Flor. III 371, 7 (4th century AD). 126. See, for example, P. Oxy. XX 2282, 12-13 (late 3rd century AD); P. Prag. II 176, 6 (3rd-4th century AD). 127. See, for example, P. Tebt. II 406 (266 AD); P. Oxy. XLIV 3201, 2, 10, 11 (3rd century AD). 128. See, for example, P. Oxy. I 109, 13, 17, 19 (late 3rd-4th century AD); P. Oxy. XIV 1645, 10 (308 AD); P. Kell. I 65, 33 (early 4th century AD); P. Kell. I 66, 24 and 25 (early 4th century AD); SB XIV 11983, col. III 63 (c. 350 AD) = P. Lond. II 429; P. Kell. I 74, 10 (middle of the 4th century AD); P. Flor. III 371, 2-3 (4th century AD); P. Münch. III 126, 5 (4th century AD); SB VIII 9834 b, r. 8, 11 v. 47, 49 (4th century AD). 336   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) χιτών was worn by men 129 as well as women 130 In one case, the word combines the terms designating and by children of both sexes. 131 The χιτών two different tunics: στιχαροκόλοβιον. could be made of linen, 132 wool, 133 more rarely of cotton134 or βύσσος135 (fine linen or cotton).136 Words composed with the term μαφόριον Words derived from terms designating tunics The word μαφόριον137 is attested in the literary texts from the 3rd century – or, at the latest, at the begin- The papyrological texts offer many examples of ning of the 4th century AD, whereas in the papyro- words created from terms designating tunics. Most logical texts it already appeared in the 2nd century of the cases concern a tunic together with another AD, – only to disappear in the course of the 7th cen- item of clothing: μαφόριον, καρακάλλιον, φελόνιον. tury AD. It indicated a shawl worn by women as well 129. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. I 59087, 3-4 (258-257 BC): χ. belonging to Helenos; P. Petr.2 Will. 13, 18 (238-237 BC): χ. ἀνδρείου; P. Yale I 42, 13 (229 BC?) = SB VI 9259: χ. belonging to Nechthosiris; P. Lille I 6, 8, 24 (3rd century BC): χ. belonging to Petesu- chos; PSI VII 866, 13 (3rd century BC): χ. belonging to Andrikos; P. Erazm. I 2, 11 (152 BC): κ. belonging to a Nous and a Horos; P. Dion. I 10, 20, 21, 22 (109 BC): κ. belonging to a Sotionchis, a Plenis, and a Paptytis; P.Oxy. II 285, 11 (c. 50 AD): χ. belong- ing to a Sarapion; P. Turner I 18, 13 (84-96 AD): κ. belonging to a Petronios; SB XII 10947, 22-23 (middle of the 1st century AD): κ. belonging to a Heron; SB VI 9275, 4-5 (1st- 2nd century AD): κ. belonging to an Antonios; O. Claud. I 161, 5 (100-120 AD): κ. belonging to an Ailouras; P. Giss. I 77, 6 (98-138 AD): κ. belonging to a Teeus; P. Sarap. I 1, 16 (125 AD): χ. belonging to a Pamounis; P. Oxy. X 1269, 30 (beginning of the 2nd century AD): κ. left by Isas, deceased; P. Fay. 108, 17 (c. 171 AD): κ. owned by a Pasiôn; P. Lund. VI 1, 13 (2nd century AD): κ. ἀν[ δ]ρεῖ ο ς ; SB XII 10876, 10-11 (2nd century AD): χ. belonging to an Alkibi- ades; P. Oxy. LIX 3991, 13-15 (2nd - 3rd century AD): χ. for an Ischyrion; P. Oxy. VII 1069, 3, 24 (3rd century AD): κ. for a Troi- los; P. Oxy. LVI 3855, 4 (280/1 AD): κ. for Isidoros; P. Oxy. XII 1489, 2-3, 8 (late 3rd century AD): κ. belonging to a Sattos; P. Kell. I 65, 33 (early 4th century AD): χ. owned by a Philammon; P. Flor. III 371, 2-3 (4th century AD): κ. Owned by an Apollonios. 130. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. I 59087, 17-18, 22, 23 (258-257 BC): χ. for a Satyra; P. Cair. Zen. III 59319, 3, 8 (249 BC): χ. γυ(ναικεῖος); P. Hib. II 200, 10 (246-222 BC): χ. belonging to a Chrysis; P. Petr.2 Will. 13, 18 (238/237 BC): χ. γυναικείου; P. Tebt. III 894, fr. 9, 3 (c. 114 BC): κ. γυ(ναικεῖος); P. Tebt. I 46, 34 (113 BC): χ. γυ(ναικεῖον); P. Tebt. I 120, 109 (97 or 64 BC): γυ(ναικείου) χ.; P. Mich. XV 688, 12 (2nd-1st century BC): χ. γυ(ναικεῖον); P. Ryl. II 151, 14 (40 AD): χ. belonging to a θυγάτηρ; P. Tebt. II 565 (113 AD): γυναικείους χ.; P. Wisc. II 73, 19-20 (2nd century AD): κ. for a Thermouthis; P. Oxy. I 109, 27 (late 3rd- 4th century AD): γυναικεῖα χ. 131. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. I 59060, 9 (258/7 or 257/6 BC) = SB III 6717: χ. for a young Pyrrhos; P. Lond. II 402, v. 14 (152 or 141 BC): χ. παιδα[....]; P. Tebt. I 127 (114 BC): χ. παιδι(κόν); P. Tebt. IV 1096, 29 (113 BC): χ. παιδι(κός); P. Oxy. XLI 2971, 27 (66 AD): χ. for a minor Heraklas; P. Tebt. II 565 (113 AD): παιδικoὺς χ.; P. Tebt. III 891, 19 (2nd century AD): χ. τῆς μικρᾶς; P. Oxy. XLII 3060, 9-10 (2nd century AD): χ. [...] παιδικόν; P. Heid. IV 334, 1-2 (2nd century AD?): χ. παιδικῶν; P. Oxy. Hels. I 40, passim (2nd-3rd century AD): χ. παιδικοί; P. Mich. VIII 514, 13 (3rd century AD): κ. τῆ μικρᾷ; P. Oxy. XIV 1645, 10 (308 AD): κ. παιδικόν. 132. See, for example, P. Hib. II 200, 10 (246-222 BC): χ. λινοῦν; P. Coll. Youtie I 7, 16-17 (224 BC): [...] ἱμάτιον καὶ χ. δύο ἐρε[οῦ]ν καὶ λινοῦς [...]; SB XVI 12375, col. IV 53 (c. 180 BC): χ. λίνου; UPZ I 84, col. I 12 (163/162 BC): κ. λεινοῦν: P. Oxy. II 285, 11 (c. 50 AD): χ. λει ν οῦν; P. Oslo II 56, 3-5 (2nd century AD): χ. λινοῦς δύο; P. Mil. II 76, 6-7 (2nd-3rd century AD): τ]ὸ λιν[οῦν] κ.; BGU III 816, 18-19 (3rd century AD): χ. ἐριοῦν καὶ λινοῦν; P. Turn. I 43, 7-8, 14-15 (3rd century AD): χιτωνία made of a λινόϋφος. 133. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. II 59176, 251-257 (255 BC): γ]ναφεῖ τῆς Ἱεροκλέους χλα[μύδος καὶ χι]τῶνος καὶ ἱματίου κτλ. – the price for the cleaning of clothing at a fuller’s, therefore made out of wool; P. Cair. Zen. III 59398, 8 (3rd century BC): χ. γνάπτρα (γνάπτρα ‘honorarium for a fuller’ cf. P. Cair. Zen. II 59176); P. Petr.2 Will. 13, 18 (238/237 BC): χ. ἐρεοῦ γυναικείου; P. Tebt. I 120, 109 (97 or 64 BC): τιμὴν ἐρίω(ν) γυ(ναικείου) χ.; SB XII 10947, 22-23 (middle of the 1st century AD): ἐρίων εἰς τὸν κ.; P. Mert. II 71, 10-11 (163 AD): κ. λευκοὶ δύο ἄγναφοι; P. Tebt. II 406, 14 (266 AD): κ. πρ[ωτό]γναφον ‘cleaned by a fuller’; BGU III 816, 18-19 (3rd century AD): χ. ἐριοῦν καὶ λινοῦν; P. Oxy. I 109, 17 (late 3rd-4th century AD): χ. οὐλίριος – the editors, B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt, remarked that the word οὐλίριος is composed of οὖλος and ἔριον (The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. I, Lon- don 1898, 176); PSI VIII 900, v. 11-13 (3rd-4th century AD): πέμ]ψον πόκον ...ιδιων καὶ ποιήσω σοι κιτώνιν [...]. 134. See, for example, SB VI 9025, 31 (2nd century AD): [...] Οὐχ εὗρον τὸν χ. τὸν ἐρεόξυλον ὡς ἤθελον [...]; P. Oxy. LIX 3991, 13- 15 (2nd-3rd century AD): [...] τὸν χ. σοι τὸν ἐριό[ξ]υλον ἡ μήτηρ σου κ[α]τεσκεύασε [...]. Concerning the meaning of ἐριόξυλον cf. the commentaries: Winter, Youtie 1944, 250 and H.G. Ioannidou, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. LIX, London 1992, 128. 135. See, for example, P. Cair. Zen. I 59087, 4, 12, 18, 19, 22, 23, 27 (257 BC) = SB III 6783; BGU VII 1525, 3 (3rd century BC). 136. Regarding this term cf. Wipszycka 1965, 40-41 and 107-110. 137. Mossakowska 1996. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   337 as by men. This garment was worn on the shoulders, sleeves, combined with a shawl, was worn by the head, or was sometimes used like a loincloth. The women143 as well as by men.144 papyrological documentation lists several words de- rived from μαφόριον and from terms indicating tu- The commentaries concerning the garment terms nics of all kinds.138 composed of the word μαφόριον are numerous. Ac- cording to one of the hypotheses, the στιχαρομαφόριον • δελματικομαφόριον term is made up of the adjective στιχαρο-, from στίχος Δελματικομαφόριον refers to a garment made of a (‘striped’), and the noun μαφόριον.145 However, most tunic with long and wide sleeves, and of a shawl. researchers consider that στιχαρομαφόριον and other It is attested in some papyri dated from the 3rd to terms – δελματικομαφόριον and κολοβιομαφόριον – the 5th century,139 as in the Edict of Diocletian, are designations of the particular shawls worn with where it appears in the form δελματικομαφέρτιον this or that tunic.146 In accepting this last explanation, / dalmaticomaforium.140 In the papyri as well as in a question arises: if the στιχαρομαφόριον were a par- the Edict, this garment was intended for women. ticular μαφόριον that one put on over the στιχάριον, and if the κολοβιομαφόριον were intended to be worn • κολοβιομαφόριον on over the κολόβιον, while the δελματικομαφόριον This term is only attested in some papyri, all dated accompanied the δελματική, in what way exactly, from the 4th - 5th centuries.141 It designates a tu- would these μαφόρια differ from each other and be nic without sleeves or with short sleeves in asso- distinguished from the simple μαφόριον mentioned ciation with a shawl. in the same documents?147 • στιχαρομαφόριον It is thus necessary to seek another explanation for The term στιχαρομαφόριον appears in many pa- these composit terms. It is useful to quote here the note pyrological documents dated from the 5th to the by Friedrich Preizigke on στιχαρομαφόριον: ‘ein mit 7th, and perhaps to the 8th century AD.142 This dem Rocke verbundenes Kopftuch, Kapuze (?)’,148 garment, made up of a tunic with long and tight as well as the comment by Siegfried Lauffer on the 138. Cf. Mossakowska 1996, 33-36. 139. P. Oxy. X 1273, 12 and 15 (260 AD): marriage contract; P. Louvre I 67, 5 (last decade of the 3rd century): private letter; P. Ross. Georg. III 28, 10-11 (343 or 358 AD): marriage contract; SB XII 11075, 9 (middle of the 5th century AD): given to a young bride. 140. Ed. Diocl. 19, 8. 141. See, for example, P. Heid. VII 406, 36 (4th-5th century AD); P. Princ. II 82, 36 (481 AD). 142. See, for example, SB III 7033, 39 (481 AD); P. Wash. Univ. I 58, 3, 4 (5th century AD); P. Cair. Masp. I 67006, v. 80 (6th century AD); P. Coll. Youtie II, 85, 1, 2, 6 (6th century AD); P. Naqlun I 11, 6 (6th century AD); P. Oxy. XVI 1978 (6th century AD); SB XX 14208, 2, 3, 4 (6th century AD); SPP XX 275, 6 (6th century AD); SB XX 14319, 2 (7th century AD); P. Leid. Inst. I 13, 5 (7th-8th century AD?); SB III 6024, 2, 3, 7 (date?). 143. See, for example, P. Cair. Masp. I 67006, v. 80 (c. 566-570 AD): marriage contract – on the reading of στιχα<ρο>μαφόρια cf. BL VIII, 70; P. Oxy. XVI 1978 (6th century AD): marriage contract(?). 144. Monks: SB XX 14319, 2 (7th century AD); SB III 6024, 2, 3, 7 (date ?). Other contexts: SB III 7033,39 (481 AD): objects stolen from the house of a deacon; P. Coll. Youtie II, 85, 1, 2, 6 (6th century AD): inventory of a church (?), monastic context (?); P. Leid. Inst. I 13, 5 (7th-8th century AD?): inventory of monastic church (?). 145. Sijpesteijn 1980. 146. P. van Minnen in F.A.J. Hoogendijk & P. van Minnen, Papyri, Ostraca, Parchments and Waxed Tablets in the Leiden Papyrological Institute, Leiden 1991 = P. Lugd. Bat. XXV, p. 55: commentary on the text no. 13, l. 5. This solution has been adapted following Montserrat 1992, 83; T. Derda, P. Naqlun, Warsaw 1995, 151: commentary on the text no. 11, ll. 6-7, and Schmelz 2002, 115-116. 147. The word μαφόριον in the same text as στιχαρομαφόριον: SB III 7033 (481 AD); SB XVI 12251 (6th century AD); SPP XX 275 (6th century AD); P. Coll. Youtie II 85 (6th century AD); as also δελματικομαφόριον: P. Oxy. I 114 (2nd or 3rd century AD); P. Michael. 18 (middle of the 3rd century AD). 148. Preisigke s.v. στιχαρομαφόριον. 338   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) subject of the dalmaticomaforium: ‘Ärmelgewand mit is made of two στιχαρ(ο)καρακ(άλλια).154 The Kopfbedeckung”.149 It seems to us that one can extend word καρακάλιον is borrowed from Latin cara- these interpretations, by rejecting however the transla- calla.155 The exact form of a Roman caracalla is tion ‘hood’ for μαφόριον, to all compounds containing not clear. It is interpreted by scholars in different, the word μαφόριον: thus we would have different tu- sometimes even contradictory ways: ‘a kind of nics with shawls attached (probably sewn), being used fur-lined mantle with a hood and sleeves’,156 ‘type to cover the shoulders or to veil the head.150 It is true of garment without sleeves and with a hood’,157 that, until now, no tunic with a shawl stitched to it has ‘a hooded cape of wool’,158 or again ‘una veste been found. On the other hand, there are some exam- […] forse non sempre caratterizzata dal cap- ples of tunics with a hood;151 that gives an idea of how puccio, ma spesso fornita di applicazioni deco- one could attach a small shawl to this garment. rative multiformi e multicolori’.159 Considering Other composite terms the state of the sources, it is not impossible that, according to the place and the time, the garment • στιχαροκολόβιον called καρακάλλιον / caracalla changed its ap- This term is attested in a list of clothing from the pearance, while keeping the same name. As for dossier of Dioscorus (P. Lond. inv. 0584, 14; 6th the word στιχαροκαρακάλλιον, it seems possible century).152 It is not easy to imagine a combined to us that it meant a tunic with long sleeves pro- garment derived from two tunics, one with long vided with a hood (fig. 11), an element which de- sleeves (στιχάριον), the other without sleeves spite certain objections, remains characteristic of (κολόβιον). Jean-Luc Fournet understands this term a καρακάλλιον.160 as ‘a long tunic without sleeves’. However, another • στιχαροφαιλόνιον solution appears equally possible: ‘a tunic with The στιχαροφελόνιον term appears in a private ‘true’ short sleeves’ – that is to say, woven in the letter dated to the 6th century161. It is also men- style of a tunic with long sleeves (στιχάριον), but tioned as a liturgical vestment in a text attributed with the form of a κολόβιον with short sleeves.153 wrongly to Sophronius of Jerusalem,162 as well as • στιχαροκαρακάλλιον in the Pratum spirituale of Moschus, like the sin- In a list of clothing coming from Oxyrhynchos, gle habit worn by two ascetics.163 This garment probably from a monastic context, one mention combines a tunic named στιχάριον and a mantle 149. Lauffer, Ed. Diocl. p. 262. 150. On this proposition see Mossakowska 1996, 34-35. 151. For some examples see infra, note no. 159. 152. This unpublished document is being studied by Jean-Luc Fournet, whom I warmly thank here for having given me permission to utilise the results of his ongoing research. 153. See, for example, a tunic worn by a Fructus on the mosaic from Uthina conserve at Bardo, Tunis (5th century AD): Ben Abed- Ben Khader, de Balanda & Uribe Echeverria 2003, fig. 214. Furthermore, a tunic with short sleeves is conserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum – cf. fig. 8. 154. SB XX 14319, 3, 4 (7th century AD). 155. Cf. Ernout & Meillet 2001, s.v. caracalla. 156. Freund 1866, t. I, 420, s.v. caracalla. 157. Ernout & Meillet 2001, s.v. caracalla. 158. Wild 1986. 159. Russo 2004, 142. 160. For some garments of this type see, for example, Wulff & Volbach 1926, 62, fig. above-left: Akhmîm (6th-7th century AD?); Benazeth & Rutschowscaya 2009, no. 74: provenance unknown (6th - 8th century AD). 161. P. Michael. 38, 2, 10. 162. Pseudo-Sophronius, Comentarius Liturgicus 7 (PG 87, 3, 3988, C). 163. 171 (PG 87, 3 col. 3037, C). 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   339 Figure 11. Tunic with hood (provenance unknown; 6th-8th century AD). Photo: Georges Poncet © Musée du Louvre, no. E 26525. called φαιλόνιον, which is a Greek form of the suggests “that in compounds στιχαρο- meant ‘striped’, Latin term peanula. A peanula was a mantle with from στιχος; a στιχάριον would then be a ‘striped the shape of bell, sometimes split at the front, fas- thing’ by etymology, a ‘tunic’ by use only”;165 he tened with hooks to close it, generally stitched, has thus translated the term in question as a ‘striped and presenting only one opening for the head. This cloak’. It seems to us, however, that this explanation mantle was frequently provided with a hood (pe- – which is also used by certain scholars to explain the unula cucullata). The peanula was already known significance of the στιχαρομαφόριον term – is not cor- in Roman society during the Republic, at the be- rect.166 Thus, what was the στιχαροφελόνιον? Does it ginning of the 4th century AD became one of the refer to a tight tunic with long sleeves, easy to wear most common mantles.164 under a mantle, stitched at the front and provided with a hood, or it is a tunic with a little hood, the charac- The shape of the garment named the στιχα­ teristic element of a φελόνιον? ροφελόνιον is not clearly identifiable. D.S. Crawford 164. Cf. Leroux 1905, 291-293; Wilson 1938, 87-92; Kolb 1973, 73-116. 165. In Papyri Michaelidae, Aberdeen 1955, 67. 166. For a discussion see supra. 340   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) Conclusion Abbreviations An analysis of the written and iconographic sources B.A.S.P. = Bulletin of the American Schools of and the preserved clothing allows us to conclude that Papyrologists in Egypt, until the end of the 2nd century AD, the BdE = Bibliothèque d’Étude only Greek word indicating a tunic was χιτών; for a BIFAO = Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie tunic with sleeves one used the term χιτών χειρίδιος. orientale With the arrival of the new fashion wearing of tunics BRHE = Bibliothèque de la Revue d’histoire with long, sewn sleeves, towards the end of the 2nd ecclésiastique - beginning of the 3rd century AD, the vocabulary FIFAO = Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie became richer. The tunics without sleeves are from orientale then called κολόβιον or λεβίτων, in parallel with the JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology term χιτών, until the end of the 4th century AD. The MDAIR = Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen λεβίτων term seems to be specific to the vocabulary Instituts used in the monastic environment, and in the papy- MMAEE = Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian rological documentation is attested in texts written Expedition only in Coptic. Until the end of the 5th century AD, TU = Texte und Untersuchungen tunics with wide sleeves were designated by the term δελματική, and those with tight sleeves by στιχάριον, a word still present in the 8th century AD in the vo- Bibliography cabulary employed in Egypt. Finally, it may be that the καμίσιον term in the Greek language of Egypt at Åkerström-Hougen, G. (1974) The Calendar and Hunt- ing Mosaics of the Villa of the Falconer in Argos. Acta one time meant a tunic worn like an ‘undergarment’, Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, Series in 4°, XX- at other times – in particular in the texts of the 6th and III. Stockholm. 7th centuries AD – a tight tunic known as ‘Persian’, Alaoui, B., Bénazeth, D., Boud’hors, A. & Rutschowscaya, stitched from several pieces, different from the ‘local’ M.-H. (eds.) (2000) L’art copte en Egypte. 2000 ans style, and always called στιχάριον. de christianisme. Exposition présentée à l’Institut du From the beginning of the 3rd century AD, monde arabe, Paris et au musée de l’Ephèbe au Cap new garment types also appear combining, a tu- D’Agde. Paris. nic and another element of clothing, such as a Amelung, W. (1899) Χιτών. In A. F. Pauly & G. Wissowa shawl, hood, mantle or another tunic. The gar- (eds.) Real-Encyclopädie der Classischen Altertums- ments of this type have their own specific compos- wissenschaft, vol. VI. 2309-2335. Stuttgart. Baur, P. V. C., Rostovtzeff, M. I., & Bellinger A. 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La Tunisie en milar. These socio-linguistic phenomena are very evi- mosaïque. Paris. dent, particularly in the case of the terms δελματική, Benazeth, D., & Rutschowscaya, M.-H. (ed.) (2009), Une κολόβιον, λεβίτων and στιχάριον. autre Égypte. Collections coptes du Musée du Louvre. Paris. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   341 Blum, G. (1919) Tunica. In Ch. Daremberg & E. Saglio Textilien aus dem Vorbesitz von Theodor Graf, Carl (eds.) Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines Schmidt und dem Ägyptischen Museum Berlin. Berlin. V/1. 534-540. Paris. Förster, H. (2002) Wörterbuch der griechischen Wörter Boon, A. (1932) Pachomiana Latina. BRHE 7. Louvain. in den koptischen dokumentarischen Texten. TU 148, Bosson, N. & Aufrère S. H. (eds.) (1999) Égyptes... Berlin. L’Égyptien et le copte. Catalogue de l’exposition. Frankel, S. (1886) Die aramäischen Fremdwörter im Ara- Lattes. bischen. Leiden (reprint 1962). Boud’hors, A. (1997) Vêtements et textiles à l’usages di- Freund, G. (1866) Grand dictionnaire de la langue latine. vers: termes coptes, Grafma Newsletter 1, 20-28. Paris. Bruwier, M.-C. (ed.) (1997) Égyptiennes. Étoffes coptes Gąsiorowski, S. J. (1931) A fragment of Greek illustrated du Nil. Mariemont. papyrus from Antinoë, JEA 17, 1-9. Calament, F. (1996) Une découverte récente; les costumes Granger Taylor, H. (1983) The two dalmatics of Saint Am- authentiques de Thaïs, Leukyôné et Cie. RevLouvre 2, brose?, Bulletin du CIETA 57-58, 127-173. 27-32. Granger Taylor, H. (2000) The textiles from Khirbet Qa- Carandini, A., Ricci, A. & de Vos, M. (1982) Filosofiana: zone (Jordan). In D. Cardon & M. Feugère (ed.) Ar- la villa di Piazza Armerina. Immagine di un aristocra- chéologie des textiles des origines au ve siècle. Actes tico romano al tempo di Constantino. Palermo. du colloque de Lattes, octobre 1999, 149-162. Mono- Carroll, D. L. (1988) Looms and Textiles of the Copts. Cal- graphies instrumentum 14. Montagnac. ifornia Academy of Sciences. San Francisco. Granger Taylor, H. & Sheffer, A. (1994) Textiles from Ma- Castel, G. (1979) Étude d’une momie copte. In J. Vercout- sada. A Premiminary Selection. In E. Netzer et al. (ed.) ter (ed.), Hommage à Serge Sauneron II, 121-143. BdE Masada IV: The Yigael Yadin Excavations 1963-1965: 82. Cairo. Final Reports, 149-251. Jerusalem. Chantraine, P. (1968) Dictionnaire étymologique de la Heurtel, Ch. (2004) Les inscriptions coptes et grecques du langue grecque. Paris. temple d’Hathor à Deir al-Medina. Cairo. Croom, A. T. (2000) Roman Clothing and Fashion. Hodak, S. (2010) Die koptischen Textilien im Museum Tempus. Kunst Palast Düsseldorf. Figürliche und ornamentale Deckers, J. G., Mietke, G., Weiland, A. L. & Nicolai, V.F. Purpur und Buntwirkereien. Wiesbaden. (1991) Die Katakombe «Anonima di Via Anapo». Roma Innemée, K. C. (1992) Ecclesiastical Dress in the Medie- Sotterranea Cristiana IX. Città del Vaticano. val Near East. Leiden-New York-Köln. De Jonghe, D. & Verhecken-Lammens, Ch. (1994) Le vê- Kendrick, A. F. (1920) Catalogue of textiles from the bur- tement damassé 4219 de la Fondation Abegg à Riggis- ying ground in Egypt. Victoria and Albert Museum, berg, Riggisberger Berichte 2, 41-72. Department of Textiles. Vol. I. Græco-roman period. Descamps-Lequime, S. (1988) Le costume grec. In M. De- London. praetere-Dargery (ed.), Tissu et vêtement. 5000 ans de Kendrick, A. F. (1921) Catalogue of textiles from the bury- savoir-faire. Musée Archéologique Départemental du ing ground in Egypt. Victoria and Albert Museum, De- Val d’Oise. 91-98. Guiry-en-Vexin. partment of Textiles. Vol. II. Period of Transition and Diethart, J. (1989) Corrigenda und Addenda zu Wiener of Christian Emblems. London. Papyri, ZPE 76, 107-114. Kolb, F. (1973) Römische Mäntel: paenula, lacerna, Dunand, F. (1990) Catalogue des terres cuites gréco-ro- μανδύη, MDAIR 80, 69-167. maines d’Égypte. Musée du Louvre. Paris. Kramer, J. (1994) Zu Rolle von Papyrusbelegen für die Dunand, F. & Lichtenberg, R. (1985) Une tunique brodée Wortgeschichte am Beispiel von camisia und καμάσιον de la nécropole de Douche, BIFAO 85, 133-148. / καμίσιον, Archiv 40, 133-142. Ernout, A. and Meillet, A. (2001) Dictionnaire étymolo- Lafontaine-Dosogne, J. & De Jonghe, D. (1988) Textiles gique de la langue latine. Paris. coptes. Bruxelles. von Falck, M. & Lichtwark, F. (eds.) (1996) Ägypten, Lampe, G. W. H. (1961) A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Ox- Schätze aus dem Wüstensand. Kunst und Kultur der ford (reprint 1968). Christen am Nil. Wiesbaden. Lauffer, S. (1971) Diokletians Preisedikt. Texte und Kom- Fluck, C., Linscheid, P. & Merz, S. (2000) Staatliche Mu- mentare 5. Berlin. seen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Skulpturen- Lefort, L. -Th. (1924) La Règle de S. Pachôme, Muséon sammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Be- 37, 1-28. standskataloge, Band 1. Textilien aus Ägypten. Teil 1: Leroux, G. (1905) Pallium. In Ch. Daremberg & E. Saglio 342   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) (eds.) Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines O’Callaghan, J. (1996) La palabra «camisa» en los papiros IV/1. 285-293. Paris. griegos, Aegyptus 76, 51-55. Lorquin, A. (2002) Orient et Occident dans les costumes Paetz gen. Schieck, A. (2012) A Late Roman painting of exhumés en Égypte: questions ouvertes. In M. Durand an Egyptian officer and the layers of its perception. On & F. Saragoza (eds.) Égypte, la trame de l’Histoire. the relation between images and textile finds. In M.- Textiles pharaoniques, coptes et islamiques. Catalogue L. Nosch (ed.) Wearing the Cloak. Dressing the Sol- de l’exposition. 95-99. Paris. diers in Roman Time. 85-108. Ancient Textiles Series Mannering, U. (2000) Roman garments from Mons 10. Oxford. Claudianus. In D. Cardon & M. Feugère (eds) Archéo- Piccirillo, M. (1993) The Mosaics of Jordan. American logie des textiles des origines au ve siècle. Actes du col- Center of Oriental Research Publications 1. Amman. loque de Lattes, octobre 1999, 283-290. Monographies Pfister, R. (1934) Textiles de Palmyre. Paris. instrumentum 14. Montagnac. Pfister, R. & Bellinger, L. (1945) The Textiles = The Ex- Martiniani-Reber, M. (1997) Textiles et modes sassanides. cavations at Dura-Europos, Final Report IV, 2. New Les tissus orientaux conservés au département des An- Heven. tiquités égyptiennes, Musée du Louvre. Paris. Pflaum, H. G. (1948) Le marbre de Thorigny. Bibliothèque Mau, A. (1900) Colobium. In A. F. Pauly & G. Wissowa de l’École des Hautes Études 292. Paris. (eds) Real-Encyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswis- Pintaudi, R. & Sijpesteijn P.J. (1996-1997) Registrazione senschaft, vol. VII, 483. Stuttgart. di vesti con valori e percentuali (P. Flor. III 382 recto), Mitthof, Fr. (2001) Annona militaris. Die Heeresversor- Analecta Papyrologica VIII-IX, 179-195. gung im spätantiken Ägypten. Papyrologia Florentina Potthoff, A. (1992) Lateinische Kleidungsbezeichnungen in 32. Firenze. synchroner und diachroner Sicht. Innsbrucker Beiträge Montserrat, D. (1992) A List of Monastic Garments from zur Sprachwissenschaft. Band 70. Innsbruck. Oxyrhynchus, B.A.S.P. 29, 81-84. Preisigke, F. Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkun- Mossakowska, M. (1996) Μαφόριον dans l’habit monas- den. Berlin, vol. I, 1925; vol. II 1927. tique en Égypte. In Aspects de l’artisanat du textile Pritchard, Fr. & Verhecken-Lammens, Ch. (2001) Two dans le Monde Méditerranéen (Égypte, Grèce, monde wide-sleeved linen tunics from Roman Egypt. In P. Romain), 27-37. Collection de l’Institut d’Archéologie Walton Rogers, L. Bender Jørgensen & A. Rast-Eicher et d’Histoire de l’Antiquité, Université Lumière Lyon (eds) The Roman textile industry and its influence. A 2, vol. 2. Lyon. Birthday tribute to John Peter Wild, 21-29. Oxford. Mossakowska-Gaubert, M. (2004) Les origines des tu- Pritchard, Fr. (2006) Tunics and overtunics. In Fr. Pritchard niques à manches courtes et sans manches utilisés par (eds.) Clothing Culture. Dress in Egypt in the First Mil- les moines égyptiens (ive - début du viie siècle), An- lennium AD. 45-115. Manchester. Tard 12, 153-167. Reil, T (1913) Beiträge zur Kenntins des Gewerbes im hel- Mossakowska-Gaubert, M. (2006) Quelques expressions lenistischen Ägypten. Leipzig. grecques liées à l’aspect technique de la production des Rutschowscaya, M.-H. (1990) Tissus coptes. Paris. tuniques en Égypte. In B. Mathieu, D. Meeks & M. Russo, S. (2004) L’abito del quotidiano: l’apporto della do- Wissa (eds.), L’apport de l’Égypte à l’histoire des tech- cumentazione papirologica. AnTard 12, 137-144. niques. Méthodes, chronologie et comparaisons, 169- Sauneron, S. (1972) Les ermitages chrétiens du désert 184. BdE 142. Cairo.  d’Esna, vol. IV. Essai d’histoire. FIFAO 29/4, Cairo. Murri, R. (1943) Ricerche sugli abiti menzionati nei papiri Schmelz, G. (2002) Kirchliche Amtsträger im spätan- greco-egizî, Aegyptus 21, 106-127. tiken Ägypten nach den Aussagen der Griechischen Nau, F. (1902-1903) Le texte grec des récits du moine und Koptischen Papyri und Ostraka. Archiv Beih. 13. Anastase sur les saints pères du Sinaï, Oriens Chris- Leipzig. tianus vol. 2, 58-89. Settis, S., La Regina, A., Agosti, G. & Farinella, V. (1988) Nicolai, V. F., Bisconti, F. & Mazzoleni, D. (1998) Le Ca- La Colonna Traiana. Torino. tacombe cristiane di Roma. Regensburg. Sijpesteijn, P. J. (1980) Στιχαρομοφόριον / στιχαροφελώνιν, Nicolai, V.F., Bisconti, F. & Mazzoleni, D. (2000) Les ca- ZPE 39, 162-163. tacombes chrétiennes de Rome. Turnhout. Sophocles, E. A. (1900) Greek Lexicon of the Roman and O’Callaghan, J. (1982-83) La ‘dalmatica’ en los papiros Byzantine Periods. New York. griegos, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia Barcelona 55- Souter, A. (1949) Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A.D. 56, 285-291. Oxford. 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   343 Tilke, M. (1923) Orientalische Kostüme. Berlin. Wilson L. M. (1938) The Clothing of the Ancient Romans. Verhecken-Lammens, Ch. (1997) Élaboration des tuniques. Baltimore. In Bruwier (ed.) (1997), 89-102. Winlock, H. E. & Crum, W. E. (1926) The Monastery of Walde, A. & Hofmann, J. B. (1938) Lateinisches Etymolo- Epiphanius at Thebes I. MMAEE III. New York. gisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg. Winter J. G. & Youtie H. C. (1944) Cotton in Graeco-Ro- Walker, S. & Bierbrier, M. (1997) Ancient Faces. Mummy man Egypt, AJP 65, 249-258. Portraits from Roman Egypt. A Catalogue of Roman Wipszycka, E. (1965) L’industrie textile dans l’Égypte ro- Portraits in the British Museum, Part IV. London. maine. Wrocław-Warsaw-Cracow. Wild, J. P. (1967) Soft-finished Textiles in Roman Britain, Woods, C. (2007) A contribution to the King’s Library: The Classical Quarterly, N.S. 17, 133-135. Paul the Deacon’s epitome and its Carolingian con- Wild, J. P. (1968) Clothing in the North-West Provinces of text. In F. Glinister, C. Woods with J. A. North & M. the Roman Empire, Bonner Jahrbücher 168, 166-240. H. Crawford (eds.) Verrius, Fastus and Paul. 109-135. Wild, J. P. (1969) The tarsikarios, a Roman Linen-Weaver Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supple- in Egypt. In J. Bibauw (ed.), Hommage à Marcel ment 93. London. Renard, vol. II, 810-819. Collection Latomus 102. Wulff, O. & Volbach, W. F. (1926) Spätantike und kopti- Bruxelles. sche Stoffe aus ägyptische Grabfunden in den Staatli- Wild, J. P. (1986) Bath and the identification of the Cara- chen Museen Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum / Ägyptisches calla, Britannia 17, 352-353. Museum, Schliemann-Sammlung. Berlin. Wild, J. P. (1994) Tunic No. 4219: An Archaeological and Historical Perspective, Riggisberger Berichte 2, 9-36. 344   Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 1. Greek word The most common Date of use attested Other meaning Date of use meaning in papyrological attested in documentation papyrological documentation δελματική Roomy tunic, with late 2nd/early 3rd – 5th wide sleeves century AD δελματικομαφόριον Roomy tunic, with 3rd – 5th century AD wide sleeves, and a shawl attached (?) καμίσιον Tunic with long • late 2nd/early 3rd cut tunic, short and 6th – early 8th sleeves, worn like century tight, with long century AD an “undergarment” AD (uncertain) sleeves (?) • 4th – 5th century AD κολόβιον Tunic without middle 3th – 6th sleeves or with century AD short sleeves κολοβιομαφόριον Tunic without 4th – 5th century AD sleeves, and a shawl attached (?) λεβίτων Tunic without Greek: uncertain sleeves [ⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲟⲛ] Coptic: 4th – 8th century AD στιχάριον Tunic with long, late 2nd/early 3rd – tight sleeves 8th centuries AD στιχαροκαρακάλλιον Tunic with long, 7th century AD tight sleeves, and a hood (?) στιχαροκολόβιον Tunic with “true” 6th century AD short sleeves (?); Long tunic, wihout sleeves (?) στιχαρομαφόριον Tunic with long, 5th – 7th (8th ?) tight sleeves, and a century AD shawl attached (?) στιχαροφελόνιον Tunic with long, 6th century AD tight sleeves, and a hood (?); Tunic with sleeves, easy to wear under a mantle called a φαιλόνιον (?) ὑποκαμίσιον Tunic with long 6th – early 8th century sleeves, worn like AD an “undergarment” χειριδώτος χιτών Tunic with tight 3rd century BC – 2nd sleeves century AD χιτών Tunic in the general 3rd century BC – 2nd Tunic without 3rd – 4th century sense century AD sleeves AD 21. Tunics Worn in Egypt in Roman and Byzantine Times   345 Table 2. Kind of tunic Greek name and date Greek name and date of its Greek name and date of of its use in use in papyrological its use in papyrological papyrological documentation (2) documentation (3) documentation (1) Tunic in the general sense χιτών 3rd century BC – 2nd century AD Tunic without sleeves χιτών κολόβιον [ⲗⲉⲃⲓⲧⲟⲛ] 3rd – 4th century AD middle 3th – 6th century AD 4th – 8th century AD Long tunic, without sleeves στιχαροκολόβιον (?) (?) 6th century AD Tunic with short sleeves κολόβιον στιχαροκολόβιον (?) middle 3th – 6th century 6th century AD AD Tunic without sleeves, and a κολοβιομαφόριον (?) shawl attached (?) 4th – 5th century AD Roomy tunic, with wide δελματική sleeves late 2nd-early 3rd – 5th century AD Roomy tunic, with wide δελματικομαφόριον sleeves, and a shawl 3rd – 5th century AD attached (?) Tunic with long, tight χειριδώτος χιτών στιχάριον sleeves 3rd century BC – 2nd late 2nd-early 3rd – 8th century AD century AD Tunic with long, tight στιχαρομαφόριον (?) sleeves, and a shawl 5th – 7th (8th ?) century attached (?) AD Tunic with long, tight στιχαροφελόνιον (?) στιχαροκαρακάλλιον (?) sleeves, and a hood (?) 6th century AD 7th century AD Cut tunic, short and tight, καμίσιον (?) with long sleeves (?) 6th – early 8th century AD Tunic with long sleeves, καμίσιον ὑποκαμίσιον worn like an 4th – 5th century AD 6th – early 8th century AD “undergarment” 22 Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period (AD 843-1204) Julia Galliker D uring the 1st millennium AD, silk became the Together, these sources have shaped much of the most desirable fibre in the Mediterranean re- existing Byzantine scholarship pertaining to silk. The gion. While the expansion of silk production conventional interpretation is that for much of the mid- and consumption is widely acknowledged, specific dle Byzantine period, silk was an imperial prerogative features of the industry’s development are more dif- confined to the most elite members of society.4 How- ficult to discern. Chroniclers had little reason to doc- ever, close reading of the larger body of source evi- ument silk manufacturing processes, and producers dence shows that the prevailing Byzantine silk narra- were not inclined to record or publicise their trade tive has numerous shortcomings and limited value in secrets. Historical knowledge of silk comes mainly the study of historic processes. From the standpoint of from accounts of its consumption in a variety of forms contemporary scholarship, the role of silk in the mid- and contexts.1 dle Byzantine period requires reconsideration through For the middle Byzantine period (AD 843-1204), application of current research methods. the two most elaborated sources associated with silk To provide a more secure historical basis for silk date from the 10th century. The Book of the Eparch research, other types of writing should be considered (BOE) (911/12) is a collection of regulations applied including histories, chronicles, and testamentary doc- to guilds under the supervision of the eparch of Con- uments. A survey of Byzantine and other contempo- stantinople.2 The Book of Ceremonies (BOC), attrib- rary sources dated between the 6th and 13th centuries uted to Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos reveals a large number of textual ‘mentions’ describ- (945-959), is a compilation of 5th- to 10th-century pro- ing textiles. Many mentions contain only partial infor- tocols used by court officials to stage imperial rituals.3 mation, but include terms associated with silk such as 1. For a more detailed discussion of the history of silk in the Mediterranean region, see Galliker 2014, 33-80. 2. BOE, Koder. 3. BOC, Reiske. 4. For example, see Lopez 1945, Muthesius 1995b; Muthesius 1997, Muthesius 2004; Oikonomides 1986; Starensier 1982; Beckwith 1974. 346 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period  347 production place, materials, weave type, end use, de- middle Byzantine period. This process is aided by sign, quality, and usage context. considering written sources from a framework that Philologists have long tried to clarify the meaning follows the general sequence of silk textile processes of textile words in Byzantine sources with limited including material acquisition and preparation, tex- success.5 For example, in his preface to BOC, Vogt tile construction, decoration, and pattern reproduc- observed that it is not possible to know the precise tion. The larger objective is to use the collective ter- nuances of textile-related terms.6 The general view minology data to redefine historical understanding is that lexical analysis can recognise the incidence of of silk in the middle Byzantine period by demon- various words, but there is seldom sufficient descrip- strating its social importance, contribution to tech- tive information in written works to form a recon- nology development, and integration in the regional structive view of textiles.7 economy. Probing more deeply, there are several reasons why textile terminology presents such a challenge. With Terms for silk in Byzantine writing few exceptions, authors used specific textile terms in context without elaborated definition or provision of Silk was explicitly identified in Byzantine sources descriptive details. Like other specialised lexicons, by one of three terms: serika, blattia, and metaxa. In textile terminology usage was sometimes inconsistent the majority of mentions, references to silk were ge- and localised. Moreover, textile terms were not sta- neric and not elaborated. Several scholars have dis- ble, but evolved different meanings over time. Vari- cussed silk terminology in the middle Byzantine pe- ous factors contributed to the migration of meaning riod and concluded that the words were part of an including changes in material type, production loca- evolving lexicon, but that their meaning became more tion, and technology. or less synonymous over time.9 Contextual analysis In recent decades, new research methods supported of the database corpus demonstrates usage patterns by computer information technologies have equipped that clarify the development and specific meaning of historians to analyse evidence more exhaustively and the terms. dynamically than in the past. To study Byzantine tex- tile terminology, I developed a relational database of Serika textile mentions similar in concept and form to a pros- opography.8 This database comprises over 800 de- While the incidence of both serika and blattia was scriptive mentions of textiles found in a variety of nearly equal among the sources surveyed, the terms Byzantine sources dating from the 6th to 13th centuries. developed and were used in different ways. Serika The resulting corpus provides an evidentiary basis to was the word used by Theophanes of Byzantium in discern patterns that are difficult to perceive with con- the second half of the 6th century to describe the trans- ventional methods. fer of sericulture technology to the empire.10 Signifi- The textile mention database supports critical ex- cantly, serika was the principal term for finished silk amination of textual evidence to define the meaning goods employed by all Byzantine historians from Ni- of terms pertaining to or associated with silk in the kephoros, Patriarch of Constantinople (806-815), to 5. Lombard 1978, 239. 6. BOC, Vogt, Vol. I, 30. 7. Schmitter 1937, 201. 8. In its conventional form, prosopography is a method of extracting historical information by compiling information about individuals defined chronologically and geographically based on one or more master criteria. For additional information, see Keats-Rohan 2003; Short & Bradley 2005; Keats-Rohan 2007. 9. For example, Imp Exp, 205-207 n. (C) 173; Jacoby 1991-1992, 458 n. 29. 10. Theo Byz, 4, 270, 3. 348   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) Niketas Choniates (c. 1155-1217).11 While silk was the late Roman period to a generic designation for typically discussed as a luxury good, there were also silk textiles by the 9th century.17 However, analysis exceptions. An account by Anna Komnene suggests of the corpus indicates that usage remained ambig- that silk garments were included on military cam- uous. Some later sources used blattia with reference paigns. Finding that he had insufficient iron for his to purple silk. Compiled in the 950s, De Adminis- troops at the battle of Lebounion (1091), Emperor trando Imperio described remuneration to the Pe- Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) equipped some of chenegs in blattia and other precious textiles in a his men in silken garments that resembled iron in col- way that indicates purple silk was involved.18 Simi- our for battle against the Pechenegs.12 larly, Anna Komnene used the word with the specific The term holoserika appeared in the 7th- to 8th-cen- meaning of imperial purple silk in her description of tury Rhodian Sea Law referring to the reward due to Alexios’ gift to Henry IV.19 In some other texts, blat- sailors for salvaging valuable silks.13 In a compre- tia was combined into a compound word that specif- hensive analysis of silk terminology centred on the ically identified other colours.20 late Roman period (AD 250–450), Schmitter traced Among the 17 mentions of blattia in the BOC, the appearance of the Latin word holosericum to the seven were for garments, one for furnishings and nine early 3rd century.14 At the time, the word referred to for lengths of fabric for decoration. Nearly all refer- continuous filament silk as compared with inferior ences to blattia in the text appeared in chapters dated spun silk known as subsericum. Schmitter concluded to the 10th century. The compilation also included two that silk had become common enough for the meaning enigmatic mentions of holoblattia, both in reference of serika to be vague, requiring more specific terms to church singers wearing the ceremonial dress of im- to describe silk quality distinctions and processing perial guards for the visit by foreign ambassadors in stages.15 Analysis of the BOC shows that evolution 946.21 Other variations of the word, presumably with of silk terminology is also evident for the word holo- reference to types of silk, are found in the 11th-century serika, which appeared only in chapters dating from testament of Eustathios Boïlas (blatenia)22 and in the the 5th to 7th centuries.16 Patmos Inventory dated 1200 (blattitzin).23 Blattia Metaxa The word blattia provides another example of In contrast to serika and blattia, the word metaxa was changing terminology associated with silk. Guil- often used with the specific meaning of raw silk fibre. land described the semantic evolution of the term Prokopios used the term metaxa in his account of the from a purple murex dye derived from shellfish in introduction of sericulture to Byzantium in 553/4.24 11. Middle Byzantine historical sources include: Nikeph; Theoph; Leo Diac; Skyl; Psellos; Attal, Brunet; Nik Chon; V. Basilii; An Komn. 12. An Komn, Leib, VIII, 4, 1, 6-8. 13. Rh Sea, 40, 4, 6-9. For discussion of the meaning and incidence of holoserika in various sources, see Rh Sea, 114 note. 14. Schmitter 1937, 224. 15. Schmitter 1937, 213, 223. 16. BOC, Reiske, I: 89, 404, 405; II: 28, 629; II: 51, 701. 17. Guilland 1949, 333-338. 18. De Adm Imp, I.6.6-9. 19. An Komn, Leib, III, 10, 4, 3-10. 20. For examples of mentions of blattia in various colours, see BOC, Reiske, I: 97, 441; and BOE, Koder, 4.3, 8.1, 9.6. 21. BOC, Reiske, II: 15, 577, 589. 22. Boilas, 24.125. 23. Patmos, Astruc, 22.41. 24. Prok, De Bello Goth, Niebuhr, IV, 17. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period  349 Surviving fragments of Menander’s history, which Summary of silk terms covered the period 558 to 582 demonstrate a clear distinction between metaxa and serika. All discus- This analysis of the three words for silk, serika, blat- sions of bulk trade in raw silk with the Sogdians re- tia, and metaxa, indicates that the meanings over- ferred to metaxa.25 In contrast, finished goods, such lapped, but that each term had a distinctive identity. as hangings and gifts, were called serika.26 Usage by Serika was a generic word in common use for fin- Theophanes Confessor in the early 9th century is less ished silk cloths. Blattia coincided with serika in ref- clear. He wrote metaxa when describing the Roman erence to finished silk cloth, but also signalled an im- capture of Saracen tents in 528/9 and burning the con- perial association, apparently as a means to convey tents of the Persian palace of Destagerd in 625/6, but status. Usage patterns for metaxa show that the word serika in two instances involving silk cloths.27 was generally used for raw silk, but might have indi- The properties of silk as both a strong and flexi- cated a particular choice or as a geographical or his- ble material were recognised for military applications. torical reference. According to the BOC, metaxa was included with the equipment assembled for the 949 expedition against Terms for silk trade and processing Crete. Metaxa fibres were made into bowstrings for hand-drawn low-ballistae and for large bow-ballis- Fibre trade tae with pulleys, alone, or in combination with spart grass fibres.28 Arab literary works and the Cairo Genizah contain Use of metaxa to refer to woven silk was less com- substantial evidence concerning the regional silk trade mon, but was used in certain instances. The term ap- in the 11th and 12th centuries.34 A handful of Byzan- peared in the Greek version of the 5th-century book tine sources also provide specific information about of the Armenian Agathangelos.29 It may have been trade in raw silk. In addition to Menander’s account incorporated in a historicising sense in the hagiogra- of the Sogdian silk trade as noted above, the 6th-cen- phies of Saints Arethas30 (martyred c. 520) and Gen- tury Christian Topography was written from the au- nadios,31 patriarch of Constantinople (458-471) in the thor’s direct experience. He described trade in Cey- 10th-century editions by Symeon Metaphrastes. The lon (Taprobana) as a transit point for metaxa silk and Imperial Expedition treatise, revised under Constan- a variety of other exotic goods. He identified Tzini- tine VII Porphyrogennetos, referred to a particular sta, probably Southern China, as source of raw silk.35 type of striped silk garment imported from Egypt as He also referred to the land-based caravan silk trade lorota metaxota.32 A marriage contract from southern through Asia and Persia.36 The late 10th-century corre- Italy dated 1267 referred to silk cushions and face spondence of Leo, Metropolitan of Synada includes a veils as metaxa rather than serika.33 reference to silk merchants in the Anatolikon theme.37 25. Menand, 10.1, 24; 10.1, 50; 10.1, 56; 10.5, 14. 26. Menand, 10.3, 44; 10.3, 51; 25.2, 66. 27. Theoph, de Boor, 179, 25-26; 322, 5-8; 444, 17-18. 28. BOC, Reiske, II: 670, 1 and 12; 671, 15; 676, 10-11. For a brief discussion of silk for bow strings instead of gut, see Haldon 2000, 273 and n. 110. 29. Agathan, 121.14. 30. Sym Metaph, 5. 31. Sym Metaph, 134. 32. Imp Exp, C.290-291, 293-294. 33. Syllabus, CCCIV, 436. 34. For example, see Serjeant 1972; Goitein 1967-1993. 35. Kos Ind, Wolska-Conus, II, 45.7; 46.2; XI, 15, 4. Also, see Kos Ind, McCrindle, 47 n. 2. 36. Kos Ind, Wolska-Conus, II, 45; II, 46; XI, 14-15. For a discussion of metaxa in other sources, see 352 n. 45. 37. Leo Syn, 42.1-2. 350   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) Chapter 6 of the BOE represents the most exten- Silk processing sive source of information about the silk fibre trade for the middle Byzantine period.38 The regulations re- Reeled silk yarns ferred to metaxa with the specific meaning of silk in Specific terms for silk preparation activities are a raw state, before degumming and other processing. included in only a few Byzantine sources. For ex- According to the text, the metaxopratai were dealers ample, fibre processing was mentioned in a docu- in raw silk. Their defined role was to buy bulk quanti- ment from John Apokaukos (c. 1155-1233).44 An ties of metaxa coming into the city and resell the ma- early 14th-century didactic work involving silk cul- terial for processing. They were explicitly forbidden tivation and fibre processing by Manual Philes de- from working the material themselves.39 scribed various operations in what seems to have Another reference to metaxopratai comes from a been a home-based or small-scale producer in a Byz- document containing short notices of tenancy con- antine context.45 tracts found on the last page of codex Patmiacus Chapter 7 of the BOE referred to the guild of the 171.40 Consisting of only 27 lines, this brief text pro- katartarioi as processors of raw silk, but contains vides a glimpse of textile commerce in 10th-century few clues about the specific work performed by guild Constantinople. Among the five ergasteria (work- members.46 Presumably, one of the roles of the ka- shops) mentioned in the document, four were asso- tartarioi was to reel raw silk. According to Lom- ciated with various aspects of the textile trade.41 One bard, the word was derived from Latin catharteum workshop (before 957) was formerly occupied by a and Greek katharteon serikon, meaning silk that re- raw silk merchant.42 Other tenants included a linen quired cleaning.47 seller, a merchant of head coverings made of goat A possible reference to yarn weight is included in hair, and a dealer in imported silks. paragraph 8.2 of the BOE. The regulations forbade Descriptions of raw silk transactions in the BOE manufacture of polon in units of six or eight, but per- show that the basis for exchange was weight. One rea- mitted 10 and 12 according to certain requirements. son for close supervision of silk transactions was the Most scholars have associated these terms with gar- potential for fraud by rigging scales or by the addition ment construction referring to pieces of cloth joined of adulterants to increase fibre weight. The eparch together.48 Given the context of use, the term prob- provided certain guilds, including the raw silk mer- ably applied to yarn fineness, with a low value cor- chants, with weights and measures marked with a responding to a finer diameter, similar to the mod- seal. The weighting implement associated with silk ern use of denier.49 The term polon also appeared in was the bolion, which was either a silk balance or set the Kletorologion of Philotheos with a possible ref- of weights.43 erence to yarn.50 38. BOE, Koder, Chapter 6. 39. BOE, Koder, 6.14. 40. Patmos, Oikon. 41. Patmos, Oikon, 347 n. 10. For a discussion of workshops and handicraft production, see Koukoules 1948-1952, II, 1, 235. 42. Patmos, Oikon, 346, 3, 2. 43. Hendy 1985, 334; BOE, Koder, 6.4. 44. Jo Apok, 99.10. 45. Animalibus, 65-67. 46. BOE, Koder, 7.1. 47. Gil 2002, 34. 48. BOE, Koder, 8.2; BOE, Freshfield, 245; Imp Exp, 217-219 n. (C) 226. 49. Muthesius 1995b, 292; see Imp Exp, 218 n. (C) 226. 50. Listes, 127.14-15; χιτὼν λευκὸς σὺν ἐπωμίοις καὶ πώλοις χρυσοϋφάντοις λαμπρῶς ἀμφιάζεται. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period  351 Spun silk yarns homes for pay. In one example, Choniates relayed that To consolidate the loose filaments left over from Emperor Alexios III (1195-1203) accused his wife, reeling silk filaments, the tangled waste fibres are Euphrosyne, of adultery. She was led out of the pal- combed to remove waste and debris.51 The combed ace “dressed in a common frock, the kind worn by floss is then spun like other discontinuous fibres. The women who spin for daily hire.”57 resulting yarn is silk in name, but the quality of the The sources covered in the corpus contain sev- material is inferior in several respects. It lacks the eral mentions of koukoularikos. This material has fine, even appearance of filaments and the smooth been translated by various authors as coarse, raw, feel. Even if tightly spun, such silk yarns appear or spun silk.58 Contextual analysis indicates that ‘hairy’ as compared with filament silk, and tend to koukoularikos referred to spun silk, a cheaper ver- pill with abrasion and wear. sion of cloth made from filament silk. For exam- In general, spun silk was a cheaper substitute for ple, among the garments provided by the eidikon for filament yarn and was used in ways that imitated the the 949 expedition against Crete were 100 koukou- material. Lopez suggested that both the Arabic and larikos tunics and 100 pairs of koukoularikos leg- modern Italian words for silk floss, qatarish and ca- gings.59 Koukoularikos was mentioned in a tribunal tarzo respectively, come from the Greek word katar- act among documents attributed to Demetroios Cho- tarioi.52 Goitein noted the use of the word qatarish in matenos (c. 1216-1236).60 Among the various types an 11th-century business letter referring to floss silk.53 of textiles mentioned in the text were 20 lengths The distinction between filament and spun silk was of koukoularikos fabric for monastic clothing. The stressed in the Imperial Expeditions treatise where 1142 Panteleemon inventory includes a koukou- prokrita kathara was used to indicate ‘pure’ filaments larikos cloth decorated with a pattern of lions.61 A as compared with either spun silk or a composition marriage contract dated 1267 also referred to a silk of mixed fibres.54 veil of koukoularikos.62 In the chapter for the katartarioi raw silk proces- An indication of the relative value of koukou- sors, paragraph 7.2 refers to the metaxarioi.55 Accord- larikos in a Byzantine context is obtained from a ing to the text, metaxarioi employed women as well marriage contract published by De Lange.63 The doc- as men, a possible reference to insertion of twist in ument, dated 1022, was written in the town of Mas- filament yarn or spinning of silk fibres. Identification taura, in the Byzantine region of Lydia. Among the of spinning as a female domestic occupation is fre- bride’s valuables was a double-faced red dress of quent in Byzantine sources where it assumed sym- koukoularikos valued at one and a half gold pieces, bolic meaning to represent female virtue, modesty comprising just 4% of the total value of movable and diligence.56 Women also spun in and out of their goods.64 The dowry listed at least 14 textile items for 51. CIETA 2006, 18. 52. Goitein 1967-1993, I, 418 n. 27. 53. See Goitein 1967-1993, I, 104. 54. Imp Exp, C.240, 250; for discussion of the term, see 225 n. (C) 250. 55. Simon 1975, 36. 56. For example, see Talbot 2001, 126; Connor 2004, 164-165. 57. Nik Chon, Dieten, 488, 39-43; tr. from Nik Chon, Magnolias, 268. 58. For example, see LBG, 871; Jacoby 1991-1992, 474 n. 118; Koukoules 1948-1952, 25 n. 1. 59. BOC, Reiske, II: 678, 4, 8. 60. Dem Chom, 84, 6, 69. 61. Act Pantel, 7, 74.18. 62. Syllabus, 304, 436. A variant spelling appears in the text as: κοκουλλάκιος. 63. De Lange 1996, 1-10. 7, 30. 64. De Lange 1996, 6, 30. Also, see 7 n. 30. 352   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) garments and household valued between 0.5 and 2 or gut.70 An example of a gold-wrapped silk yarn is gold pieces. On a relative basis, the spun silk dress shown in fig. 1. was less valuable than a veil with a silver clasp listed Sillographic and textual evidence indicate that at 2 gold pieces, but more costly than other dresses there were four types of Byzantine imperial factories: recorded at 1 gold piece each. blattion for silk weaving, chrysoklabon for gold em- broidery, chrysochoeion to fabricate gold jewelry, and Silk fibre combinations armamenton to produce arms and weapons.71 On 25 In addition to silk filament yarns and those spun December 792 Theophanes Confessor relayed that the from loose fibres, ‘half’ silks were also mentioned in imperial gold embroidery workshop, the Chrysokla- Byzantine sources. ‘Half’ silks woven from a com- barion situated at the Chrysion, caught fire.72 The Kle- bination of silk and another fibre had the advantage torologion of Philotheos dating from 899 described of economy, since a cheaper fibre type was used for the processional order for three occupations associ- either the warp or weft. Such cloths have a long his- ated with the Chrysion: the imperial tailors, the gold tory in the empire dating from the introduction of embroiders, and the goldsmiths.73 This grouping sug- silk to the region.65 In the mid-10th century Broumal- gests that it was the goldsmiths who made the gold ion ceremony described in the BOC, both the proto- yarn used by the imperial workshops. spatharioi and the spatharokandidatoi were given In addition to producing new gold embellished either a length of molchamion or a striped robe.66 silks, the imperial gold workshop maintained and The Greek word molchamion was equivalent to the renovated existing imperial textiles. The alleged ac- Arabic term mulḥam, a half silk widely cited in Is- tions of Emperor Michael III (842-867) demonstrated lamic writing.67 that gold woven or embroidered textiles could be melted down to recover precious metals. Both the Vita Metal yarns Basilii, written in the mid-10th century, and John Sky- In addition to the fibre-based materials discussed litzes’ 11th century Synopsis Historiarum described above, metallic yarns were conspicuously mentioned how Emperor Michael III (842-867) allegedly gath- in the middle Byzantine sources in association with ered gold vestments belonging to the emperor and silk. Gold was the usual metal applied to textiles; high officials and gave them to the eidikos to melt the corpus contains only two references to silver em- down.74 According to these accounts, Michael’s death broidery.68 Techniques for incorporating precious averted possible destruction of the garments and they metals into textiles are ancient, with archaeological were restored to the palace. evidence dating to the Bronze Age.69 While drawn gold wire and flat metal strips were sometimes used Summary of silk trade and fibre processing terms for textiles, they are not well suited to applications requiring flexibility and drape. In order to produce As this analysis has shown, the properties and perfor- a more pliable cloth, thin strips of beaten gold were mance characteristics of silk fibre types were a fea- wrapped around an organic core such as silk, leather, ture of the material culture of the middle Byzantine 65. Jacoby 2004, 209. 66. BOC, Reiske, II: 18, 607, 9-12; ἀνὰ μολχαμίου βηλαρίου αʹ, εἴτε καὶ ἀβδίου. 67. Serjeant 1972, 255; Jacoby 2004, 209 n. 62. 68. BOC, Reiske, II: 41, 641. 69. Gleba 2008, 61. 70. Gleba 2008, 61-63. 71. For example, see: Oikonomides 1985, 50-52; Listes, 123.6-10. 72. Theoph, Mango, 644, 73. Listes, 133.9-10. 74. Skyl, Thurn, V, 10, 97, 52; V. Basilii, 29.23-26. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period  353 Fig. 1. Figured pattern silk woven with gold-wrapped silk yarn photographed at 150× magnification, 1950.2 © Cleve- land Museum of Art. Note that much of the gold finish applied to the strips has flaked off of the surface of the yarn. Photo by J. Galliker. period. The metaxopratai regulations in the BOE sug- other types of precious materials, silk is a divisible gest that the silk industry in Constantinople was ori- good that could be used in small quantities for decora- ented toward the regional fibre market with import- tion, spun from silk floss, or woven with other fibres. ers from a variety of locations. The inference is that In contrast to the prevailing historical interpretation, as wholesale dealers, the metaxopratai were special- silk materials were not confined to elite members of ists in grading, buying, and selling various types of society, but functioned as a relative luxury available fibres through market-based transactions. to a broader population in Constantinople and else- To prepare silk for weaving, the katartarioi per- where in the empire. formed a number of processing steps based on cus- Despite the visibility of gold in finished products, tomer requirements and market demand. Various silk applied either through weaving or embroidery, there yarn types were produced with different qualitative is no mention of trade in metal yarns. Only impe- and performance characteristics. Imitation and fraud rial sources hint at the production of metal yarns and were features of the market for silk, demonstrating decorations for textiles in the imperial palace work- the need for supervision by the eparch. Unlike some shop. Given the high value and weight associated 354   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) with metal yarns, they were presumably manufac- Letters in the Cairo Genizah referred to the sale tured on a local basis or as part of yarn preparation in of dyestuffs to Rūmī (Byzantine or European) mer- some workshops. chants.76 In 1085 a Tunisian trader boasted that he made a 150% profit on the sale of brazilwood, a red Terms for textile production and cloth types dye stuff, to a merchant from Rūm at a port in Pales- tine.77 A letter from Alexandria dated about 1060 re- Having considered evidence for silk fibre trade and ported the strange buying habits of the Rūm. These yarn processing, this analysis now turns to an exam- merchants bought indigo and brazilwood at auction ination of source information for textile production for exorbitant prices and did not distinguish between terminology. Chapter 8 of the BOE provides valua- high quality and inferior goods.78 ble information about the work of the serikarioi, the In addition to dyestuffs, other chemicals were also producers of silk cloth. The main challenge associated involved in colouration processes. Describing the with this chapter is interpretation of specific terms alum deposits mined in Upper Egypt, Ibn Mammātī that have few mentions in Byzantine writing. Despite (d. 1209) explained that the material was taken to Al- this difficulty, it is evident that the work of the seri- exandria where it was sold to Rūmī merchants: karioi involved at least three distinct processes: dye- “It is a stone which is needed in many ing, weaving, and tailoring garments for sale to the things, the most important being dyeing. vestipratioi, the silk garment merchants. Each of these There is some demand on the part of the distinctive processes represented a group of special- Rūm for their requirements; for they can- ist occupations and required training and skill to plan not do without it nor avoid using it.”79 and coordinate work. While we have little information about the actual Dyers work involved in professional dye processes, the in- dustry was notable for its noxious smells and haz- The occupation of the dyers is among the best docu- ardous effluents. In Constantinople and other cities, mented of the textile trades among the sources con- dyers were often grouped together with tanners and sidered in the corpus. According to the framework castigated for the public hazards of their occupation. defined by the BOE, dyeing of fibre and skeins could In about 1150, Michael Choniates reflected this sen- have been conducted by the katartarioi as part of timent, refusing to permit Jewish tanners and dyers their processing work. The regulations in Chapter 8 to dwell in his diocese.80 indicate that at least some dyeing was managed by In Byzantine sources, the high rate of Jewish par- the serikarioi. In addition to valuable murex stuffs, ticipation in the dye industry is evident from various a wide variety of other dye materials were traded texts, in part because the community was subject to throughout the region. Chapter 10 of the BOE item- restrictions, exclusions, and periodic persecution.81 ised some of the dyestuffs handled by the myrepsoi, Written in the 1160s, Benjamin of Tudela’s census is the dealers in perfumes and unguents, including in- an important source for Jewish occupational participa- digo and yellow wood for dye.75 tion in the textile industry. He reported that there were 75. BOE, Koder, 10.1.462-464. 76. The Cairo Genizah is a trove of discarded writings recovered from the Ben Ezra Synagogue at Fustat (Old Cairo). References to Rūm generally meant Byzantium as the modern name for the Eastern Roman Empire. The term also was used in a vague manner for Christian Europe into the 12th century. See Goitein 1967-1993, I, 43-44. 77. Goitein 1967-1993, I, 45; Bodl. MS Heb. B 3 (Cat. 2806). 78. Goitein 1976, 45-46; BM OR 5542, f. 27, ll. 10-13. 79. Mammātī, 23; tr. from Serjeant 1972, 162-163. 80. Mich Chon, I, 53; tr. from Starr 1939, 224-225. 81. Starr 1939, 1-10; Holo 2009, 9-23, 163-171. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   355 2,000 Jews (meaning families), mostly skilled arti- Evidence associated with the administration of sans in silk and purple cloth, in Thebes and through- the imperial workshop is provided by the woven in- out Greece.82 scription on the Aachen ‘imperial elephant’ silk that Describing the denominational and ethnic division was taken from the shrine of Charlemagne and is in various occupations, Goitein noted the high rate of now housed in the Munster Treasury.89 The inscrip- Jewish participation in the textile industry through- tion reads “in the time of Michael, primikerios of the out the region, especially in silk work and dyeing.83 A imperial bedchamber and eidikos when Peter was the Genizah document described how a Jewish silk dyer archon of Zeuxippos.” Michael, the eidikos, held the fled Byzantium to seek financial support in Egypt af- rank of primikerios in the imperial bedchamber, one ter he was accused of spoiling a precious fabric.84 He of eight ranks by which palace officials were graded. was severely punished and his children taken from The second line of text states that Peter was the ar- him until he could reimburse. chon (head) of Zeuxippos, which indicates oversight of an imperial function, presumably an imperial silk Weavers factory.90 Unfortunately, the inscription date is no longer visible on the silk. In contrast to dyers, we have little written informa- Additional primary evidence pertaining to the ar- tion about professional weavers or their work pro- chontes of silk workshops comes from seals published cesses during the early and middle Byzantine periods. by Oikonomides dated to the 7th and 8th centuries.91 Wipszycka’s extensive study of the late Roman textile Information pertaining to silk workshop adminis- industry in Egypt was based on papyrus and ostraca tration is limited to a few textual citations. The Kle- recovered from various sites. The material included torologion of Philotheos referred to meizoteroi ton er- numerous details about the work activities and prod- godosion meaning workshop foremen.92 The vita of ucts of professional weavers.85 Antony II Kauleas, patriarch of Constantinople (893- The word gynaikeion, which in classical Greek de- 901), included a reference to the head of the imperial scribed the part of the house reserved for women, came silk factory.93 to mean textile workshop in early Byzantium.86 The In an incidental mention, the 10th-century history term appeared again in the Basilika in a title that must of Leo the Deacon referred to a manager or supervi- have been enacted in the middle Byzantine period, be- sor of an imperial weaving establishment.94 Accord- cause it has no parallel in Roman codes.87 According ing to this text, the silk factory superintendent was to the law, a fine would be levied against anyone who asked to summon a body of workers from the weav- corrupted a woman working in a textile factory.88 ing establishment to join the plot to seize the throne.95 82. Be Tud, 10. 83. Goitein 1967-1993, I, 100. 84. Goitein 1967-1993, I, 50, UCL Or 1081 J 9. For a revised translation, see Jacoby 1991-1992, 482 n. 169. 85. Wipszycka 1965, especially 47-102. 86. Lopez 1945, 6 n. 3. 87. Lopez 1945, 6 n. 3. 88. Basilika, 54.16.8-9. 89. Vial 1961; Muthesius 1997, 183. 90. Muthesius 1995b, 65. 91. Oikonomides 1985, 50-52. 92. Listes, 123.10 and 317. 93. V. Kauleas, 18.25. 94. Leo Diac, Hase, 146.91: βασιλικῆς ἱστουργίας ὄντι μελεδωνῷ. 95. Leo Diac, Talbot, 191; Leo Diac, Hase, 146.90-1 and 147.1-5. According to Dagron 2002, 432, the word systema in this text refers to a group or body of workers rather than to the usual translation in the sense of a guild or corporation. 356   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) From this passage, we surmise that silk workers were Textile types hierarchically organised and had enough male mem- bers to comprise a force capable of assisting with The textile names that are most easily interpreted to- the plot. day were based on particular descriptive characteris- To maintain a trained and skilled workforce es- tics. The corpus includes some Greek terms that re- sential to the exacting requirements of silk produc- ferred to striped cloths including lorota and abdia, an tion in Constantinople, slaves may have comprised Arab-style striped cloak.102 a significant source of labour. Some studies have ex- One of the most frequent ways of referring to fab- amined slavery and its increased importance in the 9th rics was to name them by their fibre type. Linen tex- and 10th centuries.96 Dagron noted that slaves fell into tiles were widely cited in a number of sources.103 Ex- three categories, essentially mirroring the social hier- amples included descriptive compound words such as archy of free men.97 blue linen (linobenetos).104 Specific types of linen tex- Several sources attest to the use of slaves in im- tiles included sabana as a type of cloth for towels.105 perial workshops.98 The Vita Basilii mentions widow Sabana was also used as a term for the linen broadcloth Danielis’ gift of one 100 female textile slaves to Em- mantles worn by eunuch protospatharioi in the BOC.106 peror Basil I (867-886). Theodore of Stoudios (759- Linomalotaria appeared among the widow Danielis’ 826) wrote about a monk named Arkadios who was gifts in the Vita Basilii and was also mentioned in the condemned for icon veneration during the Second Imperial Expeditions treatise.107 The widow’s gifts to Iconoclastic period (814-842). According to a let- Basil included fine linen amalia, which may have been ter, the monk was forced to work as a slave in an a cloth without nap.108 The same term appeared in the imperial cloth workshop.99 The BOE stated that the Imperial Expeditions treatise together with the adjec- slaves of some types of private artisans who broke tive rasika meaning rough.109 In the BOC, rasikon re- rules could be made into state slaves.100 Apparently, a ferred to cloth used for making sails.110 large enough body of imperial slaves existed to war- The sources included in the corpus mention bys- rant the notice of Emperor Leo VI (886-912), who sos, an especially fine type of linen made with deli- provided them the right to dispose of their property cate yarns that may have appeared semi-transparent.111 during their lifetime and at death.101 Arab accounts included many references to ḳaṣab, a highly-prized, fine linen woven with precious metals 96. For example, see Hadjinicolaou-Marava 1950; Rotman 2004. 97. Dagron 2002, 420-421. 98. See Hadjinicolaou-Marava 1950, 25, 35, 45, 47. 99. Theod Stoud, 390.20. 100. BOE, Koder, 12.9. 101. Nov Leo VI, 150-153. 102. For abdia, see BOC, Reiske, I: 48, 255, 8; Imp Exp, C.241-242, 257-258 and 223 n. (C) 242. 103. For a summary of terms related to linen, see LBG, 940-941; for a comprehensive discuss of linen terminology in Byzantine and other Greek sources, see Georgacas 1959, esp. 255-256. 104. Imp Exp, C175.524. 105. BOE, Koder, 9.7.452; BOC, Reiske, I: 41, 215; see Imp Exp, 214-215 n. (C) 222. 106. BOC, Reiske, I: 17, 100; 49, 255; 67, 301-302; II: 15, 574. 107. V. Basilii, 74.31-37; Imp Exp, 214 n. (C) 222. The term is variously translated as linen tablecloth, fringed cover and rough blanket. 108. V. Basilii, 74.31-37. 109. Imp Exp, C124. 110. BOC, Reiske, II: 45, 674, 7, 11; 675, 7. 111. For example, see Skyl, Thurn, XV, 18, 310, 66; XXIII, 2, 482-483, 87-89; Attal, Brunet, 27, 4, 18-19. See also Maeder, this volume. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   357 for luxury use, often as turbans.112 Although not men- normally associated with sophisticated drawlooms tioned by name, Attaleiates’ Diataxis included two equipped with a figure harness for reproduction of valuable Saracen cloths, one of which was embroi- woven patterns.121 Hexamitos was listed in the 11th- dered.113 At the opposite extreme, Byzantine sources century Typikon of Gregory Pakourianos as an altar contain several mentions of sackcloth (sakkon), re- covering.122 The 11th-century testamentary description ferring to a rough material worn for mourning, pun- of Kale, wife of Symbatios Pakourianos, included a ishment, or atonement.114 Usage context suggests yellow hexamiton robe.123 The BOE included a pos- that sackcloth was a general category of low quality, sible related form of the term, blattia hexalia, in ref- coarsely-woven cloth. erence to silks brought for trade by merchants from A few textile names in Byzantine sources referred other nations.124 to a specific type of weave structure. Reiske translated the word trimita in the Imperial Expeditions treatise Summary of textile production terms to mean three-coloured or striped.115 A more likely ex- planation is that the word retained its historical mean- Summarising textile production evidence, the work ing as a term for twill weave. In literal translation of the serikarioi in Constantinople included dye- ‘three threads’ referred to the number of warps com- ing, weaving, and tailoring silks for sale to garment prising a twill unit as compared with two for tabby merchants. Among textile producers, dyers are most weave. The term trimita appeared in Roman Egyptian visible to us because of the high rate of Jewish par- sources including a papyrus dated to the year 363.116 ticipation and the stigma associated with the trade. Trimitarioi was an occupation identified in the Edict Production of dyestuffs and chemicals used in the of Diocletian as well as a 4th-century tax receipt.117 process was a major industry in its own right with an The word also appeared on a 2nd-century inscription extensive international exchange network. found in Pessinous.118 The work of professional weavers is less well doc- The word hexamitos is of particular interest to this umented, but seems to have included free men as well analysis because of its modern use as a term for weft- as slaves. Diverse skills were required with occupa- faced figured weave silks with a twill binding. Writ- tions specialised by material and function in a vari- ing in the mid-1800s, Michel described transmis- ety of workshop settings. Textile names provide ad- sion of the word from Greek to European languages ditional details about the production and consumption through a series of terms including exametum, xam- of silk and other types of cloths in Byzantium. Cate- itum, sciamitum, samita, sametum to the present day gories defined in terms of description, material con- samitum, samit, or samite.119 The term is understood tent, and weave structure refer to luxury goods as well to mean a weave unit of six warps comprising three as common items. binding and three main warps.120 The structure is 112. Serjeant 1972, 249, 37. 113. Attal, Gautier, 1782, 1793-1794. 114. Theoph, de Boor, 173, 3-6; An Komn, Leib, III, 5, 6. 115. BOC, Reiske, Comm., 539 A11. Note that Haldon carried over this interpretation in his analysis; see Imp Exp, 219-220 n. (C) 229. 116. Wipszycka 1965, 113, P. Strasb. 131, 9. 117. Wipszycka 1965, 112 n. 21; 113 n. 22. 118. Broughton 1938, 820. 119. Michel 1852, 106-108; also see Jacoby 2004, 229; Weibel 1935. 120. Becker 1987, 105. In a weave unit of six warps, the structure refers to a 1/2 twill with a 1:1 binding to main warp proportion. 121. CIETA 2006, 15; CIETA 1987, 16-24. 122. Gre Pak, Lemerle, 1733-1734. 123. Iveron, 364-371. 124. BOE, Koder, 9.6.442. 358   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) Terms associated with textile decoration of Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969). For example, the colour words kastorion and halourgis appear in Colour chapters 96 and 97 respectively, but do not occur elsewhere in the text.129 In middle Byzantine sources, the hierarchical arrange- Generic references to purple typically applied the ment of the court was communicated through silk fab- word porphyry. Particular garments, ranks, and per- ric characteristics including colour, metal embellish- sons were described specifically in terms of murex- ment, and figured pattern woven designs.125 James’ based dyes. Each of the 25 references to the purple analysis of Byzantine colours showed that percep- sagion worn by high officials was recorded as alethi- tion was not defined solely by hue, but was also in- nos for genuine or true purple.130 Mention of a por- fluenced by brilliance and saturation.126 Some literary phyry sagion occurred only once to describe a gold- works conveyed colour intensity to indicate hierar- bordered garment decorated with pearls worn by the chy. Psellos described the emperor as being garbed emperor.131 Regular patterns of use are also evident in robes of purple as compared with those of the em- for other murex dye types. The coloured tablion ap- press in a less intense shade.127 James traced colour plied to the chlamys worn by high officials were de- terminology from early Byzantium into the middle scribed in each of four instances as oxeon, a reddish- period to show the evolution of perception toward a purple colour.132 The word tyrea appeared only six scheme dominated by specific definition of hues, a de- times in the entire compilation, in each case for the velopment particularly evident from the organisation ground colour of a chlamys worn by a patrician.133 of complex rituals.128 References to white followed a similar pattern. The The most comprehensive source of colour infor- white chlamys worn by high officials were described mation for the middle Byzantine period comes from as leukon in 22 instances, and as aspron only once.134 the BOC. My analysis of the 217 instances of tex- In each of the three instances that veils were worn by tile-related colour mentions in this text shows dis- high-ranking women in ceremonies, the colour was tinctive patterns in the use of terminology. Evidently, aspron, not leukon.135 colour terms were edited for consistency during the False purple, pseudoxea, was mentioned one time reign of Constantine VII, including those used in in the BOC for the tunics worn by the stewards of the chapters originally written in earlier centuries. Sig- table and again in the Imperial Expeditions treatise for nificant discrepancies in colour and other charac- belts dispatched to foreigners.136 While some schol- teristics occur only in chapters 96 and 97, which ars have interpreted these mentions as evidence of the were added to the compilation later, during the reign restriction of murex dyes to high court officials, this 125. Garments also played a role in the scheme and have been studied by various scholars. See Parani 2003, Dawson 2002, Piltz 1997. 126. James 1996, 79. 127. Psellos, Renauld, III, 15, 35; 19, 9; 21, 9; James 1996, 81. 128. James 1996. 129. BOC, Reiske, I: 96, 438; 97, 440. 130. BOC, Reiske, I: 10, 81-82; 16, 98; 17, 98-100; 17, 104; 18, 109; 30, 167; 30, 169; 45, 231; 46, 236; 47, 241-244; 48, 250-251; 48, 254. II: 7, 539; 11, 549, 15, 575; 15, 587; 15, 590. 131. BOC, Reiske, II, 37, 634. 132. BOC, Reiske, I, 30, 162; II, 15, 575; II, 41, 641. For the meaning of oxea, see Imp Exp, 169 (B) 108-109. 133. BOC, Reiske, I: 23, 128; 35, 181; 55, 271; 72, 360; II: 41, 641. 134. BOC, Reiske, leukon: I: 1, 24; 10,71; 11, 86; 12, 89; 15, 96; 19, 115; 27, 148; 29, 161; 30, 162; 32, 171; 47, 241-242; 51, 260; 264, 284; 68, 303; 86, 391; 91, 416-417; 92, 422; II: 15, 579; 15, 590; 51, 699; 51, 701; aspron: II: 30, 630. 135. BOC, Reiske, I: 50, 258; II: 24, 623-624. 136. BOC, Reiske, II: 15, 578; Imp Exp, C.244-245. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   359 interpretation is problematic.137 As textile researchers the Silentary blended perception of light with metal and conservators can attest, the composition of partic- and colour in association with silk in his description ular dyestuffs cannot be perceived by visual inspec- of a gold-embroidered altar cloth: tion.138 Many compounds were used to achieve var- “But by the web, the produce of the for- ious colours and even murex-based dyes contained eign worm, changing its coloured threads other substances.139 Consequently, pseudoxea may of many shades. Upon the divine legs is a have referred to some perceptual difference in hue or garment reflecting a golden glow under the intensity, in addition to possible differences in chem- rays of rosy-fingered Dawn.”143 ical composition. As described in the BOC, gold was applied to tex- Metal and gemstones tiles through a variety of means including: weav- ing, embroidery, gilding, and applique. The terms Application of gold and other precious metals to tex- chrysoyphes (χρυσοϋφής) or chrysoyphantos tiles was another way to demonstrate hierarchical or- (χρυσοΰφαντος) described gold woven into textiles on dering of the court in the middle Byzantine period. the loom.144 Two different types of gold embroidery Conspicuous display of precious metals was an obvi- were mentioned in the text. Chrysokentetos referred to ous way to project wealth and power. James’ colour gold yarns embroidered to the cloth surface (couched), analysis showed the importance attributed to the vis- while chrysosolenokentetos was apparently a method ual qualities of metal with emphasis on iridescence, of affixing tiny gold tubes to the cloth surface.145 The shine, and gleam.140 While her study pertained to mo- literal translation of chrysophenges as bright or shin- saics, the same concepts can be applied to textile ev- ning gold probably meant application of gold leaf to idence. Writing about literary and visual representa- gild textiles.146 tion, Maguire suggested that gold in imperial portraits Other types of gold decorations were sewn to fin- dematerialised imperial images as a means of associ- ished garments. Chrysoperikleistos was translated by ating them with angelic beings and conveying divine Reiske as gold-bordered, and by Vogt as edged with qualities.141 Brubaker noted a similar use of gold in gold, but Dawson suggested application of tablet wo- 9th-century manuscript painting to convey light, and ven gold bands.147 Chrysoklabos referred to woven by inference, as an expression of divinity.142 Gold in- or applied bands running from shoulder to hem.148 terwoven with silk or applied as embroidery would The related terms chrysosementos and chrysa holose- produce a similar effect. mentos have been interpreted as either appliqué or In his 6th-century ekphrasis of Hagia Sophia, Paul gold-patterned.149 137. For discussion of the meaning of the term, see Muthesius 1995a, 293; Imp Exp, 169 n. (B) 108-109; 224 n. (C) 244; Jacoby 1991- 1992, 483. 138. For example, see Verhecken 2007. 139. The literature of historic dye technology is extensive and relies upon chemical analyses to determine chemical components. For a synthesis of historical dye stuffs, see Cardon 1999. 140. James 1996, 115. 141. See Maguire 1989, 228 for panegyric references to the sun and shinning light. 142. Brubaker 1998, 37. 143. Paul Sil, Bekker, 767-771; tr. from Mango 1986, 88-89. 144. Dawson 2002, 27. 145. Dawson 2002, 26-27; Woodfin 2012, xxiv-xxvii. 146. Dawson 2002, 29-30. 147. BOC, Reiske, Comm. 52; BOC, Vogt, Comm. I, 30, Dawson 2002, 28-29. 148. Dawson 2002, 28. 149. BOC, Moffatt, 294 n. 2; Dawson 2002, 28. 360   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) Terminology for the types of gold decorations in textiles and communicating hierarchy. Textual ev- the BOC followed the same general pattern as the idence concerning figured silks shows patterned prestige colours discussed above. General references weaves to be a clear extension of the Byzantine vis- to gold textiles used the word chrysos. Specific terms ual sphere in terms of both aesthetic perception and were used to describe garments in terms of a hier- symbolic reference. archically ordered scheme. As we have seen, except for the two chapters added during the reign of Nike- Aesthetic Perception phoros II Phokas, the consistent use of terminology In her study of colour perception in Byzantium, suggests that the texts were collectively edited for James documented descriptions from various authors greater consistency in terminology. demonstrating aesthetic appreciation for compositions The addition of gemstones or pearls to garments involving variegated colours in forms such as mosa- was mentioned in the BOC on four occasions.150 ics, marble columns and peacock feathers.155 In an en- The most elaborate garment was a kolobin, which comium describing the interior of the Nea Church, the was known by the name Botrys, meaning ‘bunch of Vita Basilii integrated visual references for two dif- grapes’.151 The figured pattern silk garment was em- ferent media. The text described the floor mosaics as broidered with gold thread and decorated with pre- first appearing “to be fully spread with rugs woven of cious stones and pearls. A scholion to the Imperial silk or of sidonian fabrics.”156 Expedition treatise referred to a special chiton worn Several mentions included in the corpus referred by the emperor when he entered the city in an im- to the use of variegated colour, particularly in creat- perial triumph. Known by the name ‘rose cluster’ ing a layered, ambivalent experience. As a visual rep- (ῥοδόβοτρυς), it was described as chrysoyphantos resentation of Christ’s dual nature for the feast of the suggesting that the design was woven with silk and Nativity, high officials wore Tyrian purple and yel- gold yarns.152 The garment was “covered in pearls low-spangled (μηλινοκάθρυπτα) chlamyses.157 The set in a criss-cross pattern, and with perfect pearls costume worn by the emperor for the feast of the along the hems.”153 Several authors including Atta- Ascension represented a similar mingling of colour leiates and Choniates mentioned the heavy weight of and pattern with the prescription of a multi-coloured imperial garments and regalia.154 Function and prac- skaramagion.158 ticality limited the extent to which heavy embellish- Sources suggest that the two qualities that were ments could be applied to silks, so other means of especially prized in Byzantine colour combinations distinguishing high status textiles had to be devised. were contrast and association.159 John Mauropous re- lated his aesthetic appreciation of colour interpolation Representation in an 11th century epigram “beauty is created when two contrasting colours are wonderfully blended to- In addition to colour and precious metals, represen- gether.”160 The medium of figured textiles required tational patterns provided a third means of elevating patterns to be woven with contrasting colours at a 150. BOC, Reiske, I: 10, 80; II: 1, 522; 15, 580; 37, 634. 151. BOC, Reiske, I: 10, 80, 86; ὁ βασιλεὺς κολόβιν τριβλάτιον χρυσοσωληνοκέντητον, διὰ λίθων καὶ μαργάρων ἠμφιεσμένον, ὃ καὶ βότρυς καλεῖται. 152. Imp Exp, C.750-752, 759. 153. Imp Exp, C.750-752. 154. Attal, Brunet, 36, 19, 8-9; Nik Chon, Dieten, 273. 155. James 1996, 125-127. 156. V. Basilii, 84.13. 157. BOC, Reiske, I: 23, 128; see BOC, Moffatt, 294 n. 2; LBG: (μήλινος + καθρύπτης) mit gelben Spiegeln (Pailletten). 158. BOC, Reiske, I: 37, 188; τριβλατίων σκαραμαγγίων. 159. James 1996, 122. 160. Ioan Maur, Epigram 100, 51-52. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   361 scale appropriate for the intended viewing distance. population of Constantinople. Choniates described For the reception of the foreign ambassadors, the the imperial triumph declared in 1133 by Emperor protospatharioi wore green and pink skaramangia John II Komnenos (1118-1143) to mark the capture while the spatharokandidatoi and the spatharioi wore of Kastamon. For the occasion, the streets were dec- other colour combinations.161 orated with gold-embroidered purple cloths as well as woven images of Christ and the saints.168 Symbolism Interpretation of figured patterns described in his- Summary of textile decoration terms torical sources requires critical analysis of source evidence to examine intention. Relying on earlier The properties of silk made it a highly adaptable me- sources, Theophanes Confessor conveyed Byzantine dium for expression. The high dye receptivity of the suzerainty over Lazica by describing the investiture material provided a means to convey rank through garments worn in 522 by Tzathios which bore em- colour with the capacity for nuanced presentation of broidered images of Justin I (518-527).162 The icono- information. Like metal, silk reflects light to display clasm controversy was clearly referenced in Theoph- a shimmering, radiant presence. Combining colour anes’ description of the donation made by Michael with gold intensified the visual display of wealth and I (811-813) on the investiture of his son, Theophy- divine qualities. While gold was applied to silk gar- laktos. Michael renewed a set of four curtains of ments and furnishings through every available means, ancient manufacture “splendidly embroidered in representations provided another device to commu- gold and purple and decorated with wonderful sa- nicate hierarchy. Woven patterns coincided with aes- cred images.”163 thetic preferences for variegated colours. Use of tex- Several scholars have investigated patterned silks tiles for symbolic representation in garments provided to explore how textile representation was influenced a powerful means of projecting information with the by iconoclasm.164 Based on documentary evidence advantages of portability and intimate association and available technical information about figured with the wearer. silks, Brubaker concluded that the imperial silk work- shop remained active during iconoclasm, but that sub- Terms for woven pattern designs ject matter alone is an insufficient guide for dating.165 For the middle Byzantine period, Maguire examined Imperial restrictions the way that costume was used to present the emperor and his court as counterparts to the invisible court of Chapter 8 of the BOE reflected imperial efforts to Christ.166 In his study of liturgical vestments in Byzan- maintain the exclusivity of imperial silks. The text de- tium, Woodfin showed the later transformation of Byz- fined certain goods as kekolymena, meaning forbidden antine liturgical dress from its middle Byzantine basis or prohibited. The serikarioi were permitted to pro- in the imagery and forms of the imperial court.167 duce certain types of silk for sale to the vestiopratai. Figured textiles were visible not only to court These restrictions were not applicable when the officials in imperial ceremonies, but also to the eparch commissioned silks to be woven for purchase 161. BOC, Reiske, I:15, 576. 162. Theoph, de Boor, 168, 23-26. 163. Theoph, de Boor, 494, 29-31; tr. from Theoph, Mango, 678; for re-editing and embellishing earlier iconoclastic sources, see Brubaker & Haldon 2001, 166. 164. See Maguire 1996, 100-106, 137-145; Muthesius 1997, 2, 60, 68-72, 146. 165. Brubaker & Haldon 2011, 338-340. 166. Maguire 1997, 247-258. 167. Woodfin 2012. 168. Nik Chon, Dieten, 18, 81-84. 362   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) by the state.169 The implication is that serikarioi had officials in the event of a rewards presentation at a the material resources and technical capabilities nec- military camp (aplekton).174 essary to produce at least some types of imperial or References to loom technology and quality of sub-imperial quality silks when required, but were workmanship are evident in chapter 8 of the BOE. otherwise prohibited from doing so. The penalty for Paragraph 8.3 required inspection of silk looms and making prohibited weaves or for selling a slave who equipment by certain officials, the mitotes, under the knew how to produce such silks to a foreigner was to authority of the eparch, to ensure that imperial qual- have a hand cut off.170 The consequence of deliver- ity goods were not being produced. The inference is ing silks made abroad to the imperial storeroom (basi- that inspectors monitored textiles on workshop looms likon kylistareion) was to be flogged and shaved. as they were being woven. Finished goods were also The particulars of prohibited goods are listed in examined by the boullotes and required the eparch’s BOE paragraphs 8.1, 8.2, and 8.4. These sections are seal. Paragraph 8.9 defined the consequences of not difficult to interpret because the specific terms are having seals affixed to bales of finished cloths. not meaningful in literal translation. What is clear is Regulations for the serikarioi defined three quali- that the regulations referred to categories of attributes. tative categories of silks: high (megalozela), medium Paragraph 8.4 explicitly prohibited use of murex dyes (mesozelon) and lower quality (leptozelon).175 The Im- for particular types of textiles. Paragraphs 8.1 and perial Expedition treatise used these same terms to 8.2 restricted production of high value silks of one describe the qualities of woven silks produced in the or more colours and in certain combinations, includ- imperial workshop.176 The BOE regulations strictly ing those that gave variegated or multi-coloured ef- prohibited production of goods in the high and me- fects. Another prohibition pertained either to the size dium categories, but some lower quality items were of a finished cloth, or more likely, the scale of a pat- allowed. While the full set of attributes involved in tern repeat.171 grading silks are not clear to us, quality references in- A monetary limit was placed on the maximum cluded yarn type, and possibly diameter. value of goods produced by the serikarioi. Any gar- ment worth more than ten nomismata had to be re- Polychrome pattern weaves ported to the eparch.172 The regulation also applied to the guild of the vestiopratai.173 This same market Scholars have long puzzled over the meaning of trib- value limit appeared in the Imperial Expedition trea- lattion and diblattion, which appeared only in associa- tise. The eidikon was responsible for purchasing vari- tion with imperial or high prestige silks. In the sources ous types of garments from the marketplace for values included in the corpus, triblattion and diblattion were up to ten nomismata. Purchased items included Egyp- specifically named 15 and 16 times respectively. In tian silks and locally made purple garments. These addition to four mentions in the BOE,177 the terms were intended as gifts for foreigners and for military appeared five times in the BOC,178 15 in the Imperial 169. Note that spelling of idikon is from the text, as compared with eidikon elsewhere. BOE, Koder, 8.2: ἐχτὸς τῶν ἐχόντων ὁρισθῆναι παρὰ τοῦ ἐπάρχου πρὸς χορηγίαν τοῦ ἰδικοῦ. 170. BOE, Koder, 8.11. 171. BOE, Koder, 8.1, 378-379: τὰ δὲ βλαττία κατὰ περσικίων ἤ δισπίθαμα χλανίδια ἐμφανιζέσθωσαν τῷ ἐπάρχῳ.... 172. BOE, Koder, 8.1, 379-380. 173. BOE, Koder, 4.2. 174. Imp Exp, C.290-293, 510-511. 175. Imp Exp, 217-219 n. (C) 226. 176. Imp Exp, C.225-242. 177. BOE, Koder, 8.1, 8.4. 178. BOC, Reiske, I: 10, 80, 11; 37, 188, 21; 48, 255, 7-8; 97, 442, 1-2; II: 15, 581, 2. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   363 Expeditions treatise,179 five in Attaliates’ Diataxis,180 of the same colour would not produce reliably per- once in the Typikon of Gregory Pakourianos.181 ceivable gradations in colour intensity to support dis- Considering these sources collectively, the terms tinct terminology.190 were used explicitly in conjunction with colour words Guilland adopted Reiske’s second explanation in 11 instances and in association with figured pat- and concluded that di- and triblattion referred to terns in 13 cases. In the BOC, triblattion was used solid strips of various colours applied to a ground coincidentally with a description of a chlamys pat- fabric that was usually purple in colour.191 His anal- terned with a plane tree design.182 This mention was ysis did not propose a method of application, nor did immediately preceded and followed by a number of he describe the location or physical dimensions of the other descriptions referring to various patterns includ- strips. To explain the coincidence of triblattion with ing griffins, lions, horsemen, and peacocks. The Im- pattern descriptions, he suggested that the designs perial Expeditions treatise included several mentions were embroidered onto the applied colour strips.192 He of diblattia decorated with eagles and other imperial concluded by suggesting that the number of bands ap- symbols in various colour combinations.183 For the re- plied to a garment was an indication of hierarchy and ception of the Saracen ambassadors in the BOC, the might have designated rank in the manner of clavi.193 emperor put on his eagle pattern chlamys to receive Despite its general acceptance, Guilland’s expla- the guests.184 The Diataxis included a diblattion silk nation is problematic. Incidence and context indicate with a yellow griffin design.185 The text also listed a that di- and triblattion occupied a high position in purple diblattion curtain with a design of peacocks in the hierarchy of textiles in imperial use and contrib- conches.186 For the feast of the Nativity in the BOC, uted to the sublime presentation of the emperor and some high officials wore chlamyses that were pat- his immediate retinue. Colour banding is among old- terned with a design of peacocks in conches.187 est and most common forms of embellishment, in part In his 17th-century Latin glossary, Du Cange de- because it provides a way to recycle used or damaged fined triblattion as a three-colour cloth and included coloured textiles. In the middle Byzantine period, ma- a description by Peter Damian.188 Reiske interpreted terials for coloured strips were widely available, re- the term to mean either the number of times a silk was quired no special processing or skills, and could have placed in a dye bath or a type of polychrome textile. been worn by many persons in society. For the pur- Although some scholars have adopted the dye bath in- pose of elite differentiation, colour bands would have terpretation, this explanation is inconsistent with col- been inconsistent with use of fine silks, exclusive dye- our processing.189 Submitting a cloth to multiple baths stuffs, and precious metals. 179. Imp Exp, C.173, 213, 235, 236, 240, 242, 251, 258, 503, 508, 732, 783. 180. Attal, Gautier, 1306, 1779, 1887, 1792. 181. Gre Pak, Lemerle, 1728. 182. BOC, Reiske, II: 15, 581, 1-2. A plane tree is deciduous variety with a broad canopy. 183. Imp Exp, C.240-242, 251-253. 184. BOC, Reiske, II: 15, 587, 21. 185. Attal, Gautier, 1787-1788. 186. Attal, Gautier, 1376-1377. 187. BOC, Reiske, I: 23, 128, 14. 188. Du Cange & Carpentier 1733, VI, 1277. 189. This interpretation was carried over in Muthesius 2002, 163. For addition discussion with respect to blattion and dyes, see Daw- son 2002, 22-26. 190. See Edmonds 2000 for an explanation of murex dye bath preparation and use. 191. Guilland 1949, 339-348. 192. Guilland 1949, 347. 193. Guilland 1949, 348. Several scholars including Haldon have adopted Guilland’s interpretation; See Imp Exp, 205-207 n. (C) 173. 364   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) As Guilland pointed out, several different kinds The conclusion from the discussion above is that of garments were made from di- and triblattion such diblattion and triblattion were the middle Byzan- as: chlamys, skaramagia, kolobia, divetesia, and tu- tine terms for imperial quality weft-faced compound nics. Furnishings included cushion covers, curtains, weave figured silks. This explanation is consistent altar cloths, hangings, and untailored lengths of cloth. with descriptions of aesthetic and symbolic prefer- Affixing coloured bands to a variety of different gar- ences as related through a variety of written sources. ments would have created a disparate appearance in This analysis also agrees with accounts of pattern the otherwise formalised and coherent system of ves- use and colour terminology.197 Examples of two col- ture, particularly for items embellished with clavi. A our diblattia type cloths are shown in Figs. 2 a-c.; ranking system for furnishings based on coloured Figs. 3 a-c provide examples of three colour trib- bands is difficult to imagine. The idea of affixing col- lattia silks. oured strips to unsewn lengths of cloth seems espe- Scholars including Guilland have questioned why cially questionable since they might later have been only one or two colours at most were named in con- made into tailored items. The corpus contains var- junction with triblattion and diblattion.198 In the pre- ious references to the use of stripes for decoration scriptive sources that included these terms, the purpose on some garments, but only occasionally in associa- of recording information was for identification rather tion with high officials or the emperor in a ceremo- than comprehensive description. For a bi-colour dib- nial context.194 Moreover, no written work included lattion, either the pattern or the ground was named. in the corpus attached symbolic or aesthetic impor- Polychrome silks with three or more colours would tance to the use of colour bands. have had a dominant pattern colour and a ground. Ref- A telling reference comes from the Book of Gifts erence to other colours would have been cumbersome and Rarities.195 Included among the elaborate gifts and unnecessary. For example, a cloth described as sent by Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos (920-944) to oxea leukotriblatton would have had a white dominant Caliph al-Radi bi-Allah (934-940) in 938 were sev- pattern colour on a red-purple ground.199 eral brocade cloths: As noted by Guilland and others, there were clear status distinctions between triblattion and diblat- “One with a design of eagles in two col- tion. Each of the seven instances of multi-coloured ours, another with a floral [design] in three patterned silks worn by the emperor was triblattion. colours, another also with three-coloured Only the cushions provided for the emperor to re- stripes, a red one with coloured foliate de- cline while on campaign were diblattion. Triblattion sign, the design of yet another [represents] silks were awarded only to the strategos of impor- trees on a white ground, two with a design tant themes. All other senior officials received various [representing] a hunter set in a roundel on qualities of diblattion with different imperial symbols a white ground, two with crouching lions according to rank. The implication is that the privi- on a yellow ground, two eagles in roun- lege of wearing variegated colours in a polychrome dels….” 196 194. For a possible exception, see Imp Exp, C.241-242; 257-258. 195. The Book of Gifts and Rarities comes from an Arabic manuscript dating from the Ottoman period and covers the 7th to 11th centuries for the Islamic world. The text conveys extensive details about textiles and other valuable and exotic items involved in court exchan- ges. Recently, Christys examined the text as a historical resource. Her analysis of the purported embassy of Queen Bertha to Baghdad in 906 demonstrates some of the ways the text was altered to meet the needs and tastes of court writers. See Christys 2010, 160-161. 196. Gifts, 99-101.73. 197. Dawson 2002, 25-26 concluded that tri- and diblattion filled a terminology gap in the BOC as a technical term for figured pat- tern weaves. 198. Guilland 1949, 342. 199. Attal, Gautier, 1790-1792. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   365 a.) b.) c.) Figures 2a-c. Examples of ‘diblattia’ weft-faced compound weave figured silks, photos by J. Galliker. a.) AN34973001 © Trustees of the British Museum. b.) 11.90 © Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. c.) 33.648 © Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 366   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) a.) b.) 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   367 c.) Figures 3a-c. Examples of ‘triblattia’ weft-faced compound weave figured silks, photos by J. Galliker. a.) 1902.1.221 © Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum. b.) BZ.1927.1 © Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, Washington, DC. c.) 1902.1.222 © Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum. 368   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) weave was a prerogative reserved for the emperor and been subtle and elegant. Both structures were forerun- the most senior officials. Patterns for lesser officials ners of true damask, a modern term which itself al- were available only in bi-colour silks. The wearing of ludes to its historical production centre, Damascus.205 patterns and particular colours to designate rank was Additional interpretational evidence is provided by clearly defined by the BOC: the incidence of colours attested. The 16 mentions of the weave included: six white, four pink or rose, three “Note that on the actual day of the recep- yellow, and three blue. Monochrome patterns were tion, all those mentioned previously, from often woven in white or light colours because tex- the protospatharioi down to the lowest tural contrasts are more easily perceived. The same ranking person wearing skaramangion, paragraph of the BOE that prohibited the serikarioi stood each according to the colour and from weaving triblattion and diblattion included a pattern of his skaramangion, that is, those third term, dimoiroxea, which is conventionally trans- wearing the pink and green eagles to either lated as two-thirds purple.206 Given the naming con- side, those wearing the owls and the many- ventions for monochrome patterns in other sources, circled eagles, likewise those wearing the the term dimoiroxea may have referred to imperial wave pattern, and likewise those wearing quality ‘damask’ figured silks.207 the white lions.” 200 In the BOC, usage context shows that monochrome patterned silks were part of the hierarchical ordering Monochrome pattern weaves of textiles when all attendants wore white garments. For the most holy festivals – Easter Sunday, Eve of An important type of patterned weave comparable to the Epiphany and the Wednesday of mid-Pentecost – tri- and diblattion in complexity and importance has only the emperor wore diaspron garments. The weave barely been noticed in the secondary literature.201 In was also used to indicate seniority during the reign of the BOC and the Imperial Expedition texts, mono- Nikephoros II Phokas. As described in chapter 96, the chrome pattern silks were identified by the combina- president of the senate wore a pink ‘damask’ (dirodi- tion of a colour name with the prefix di-. Translated non) chiton on appointment, and a pink ‘damask’ sa- literally, diaspron meant two whites, a reference to gion shot with gold on feast days.208 tone-on-tone patterning effect.202 The Diataxis used By analogy to the hierarchical distinction be- a similar term, blattion diphoton, to describe a silk tween triblattion and diblattion, monochrome pat- pectoral garment.203 With the literal meaning of two terned weaves may have been ranked according shades or tones, the use of diphoton to describe a silk to the quality of light. One-colour patterns in the cloth suggests a monochrome patterning effect.204 The brightest hues seemed to occupy the most superior designs in monochrome weaves were formed either position in the hierarchy associated with the weave. by incised lines or by the textural contrast of a pattern Coloured ‘damasks’ were included among the goods against a ground. In either case, the effect would have prepared for the expedition against Crete in 911 as 200. BOC, Reiske, II: 577-578, tr. from BOC, Moffatt, 577-578. 201. For a brief discussion of the term, but without reference to particular sources, see Muthesius 1995a, 296. For the word diproso- pon, see Koukoules 1948-1952, 2.2, 33. For a discussion monochrome weave structures: Muthesius 1997, 85-93. For explanation of monochrome patterning methods, see Becker 1987, 118-129. 202. The meaning of diaspra was interpreted by Haldon as either a warp and weft of different colours or multiple dye baths. See Imp Exp, 217 n. (C) 225. 203. Attal, Gautier, 1798. 204. Attal, Talbot, 371 n. 48. 205. CIETA 2006, 12. 206. BOE, Koder, 8.4; BOE, Freshfield, 8.4. 207. For the sake of brevity, the term used here for monochrome pattern weaves is ‘damask’ to designate the category of such structures. 208. BOC, Reiske, I: 97, 440, 443. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period   369 gifts for senior officials.209 In the Kletorologion of constituted imperial quality silks. As interpreted in Philotheos, doctors wore blue ‘damask’ skarama- this section, these included particular dyestuffs, col- gia. 210 As with polychrome figured silks, mono- our combinations, pattern scale, yarn size, quality at- chrome patterned weaves were used for furnishings tributes, and monetary value. Critical analysis clari- as well as garments. Sets of pink ‘damask’ curtains fies the long-debated meaning of di- and triblattion were hung in the Hippodrome festival held for the as bi-colour and polychrome weft-faced compound Saracen ambassadors.211 weave figured pattern silks. Although they had less Among the various characteristics that contrib- apparent visual impact, the use of diaspron pattern uted to the hierarchical ordering of silks, quality is weaves was a means of designating rank on occa- the most difficult to interpret from written sources. sions when the ceremonial rite called for one-colour In addition to dividing textiles into high, middle, and garments. low categories, the Imperial Expeditions treatise re- ferred to subcategories for some items comprising Conclusion first, second, and third grades. Haldon noted that use of tripartite grading systems was longstanding, with This analysis provides a synthesis of 57 terms from similar references in the Edict of Diocletian.212 Both Byzantine sources pertaining to or used in associa- the BOC and the Imperial Expedition texts indicate tion with silk. Considered collectively, silk terminol- that the qualitative hierarchy of textile gifts was vis- ogy provides a body of evidence to examine the role ible and understood by the giver and receiver as well and social importance of silk in the material culture as the broader community of observers.213 The limi- of the middle Byzantine period. In contrast to the lin- tation of textual evidence is that we do not know the gering perception that silk was an imperial monop- specific textile characteristics that distinguished im- oly, the material appears to have been widely availa- perial and non-imperial categories of goods, nor do ble in Constantinople as well as in provincial towns. we understand the basis for ranking within each cat- Silk fibre trade and processing terms suggest a highly egory. Nevertheless, we can surmise that this ‘qual- developed international industry. itative hierarchy’ resulted in tangible differences in As compared to other fibres, silk was considered workshop practices by textile type. to be relatively luxurious, but was only one fac- tor contributing to the value of a particular textile. Summary of woven pattern terms While silk remained a luxury fibre on a comparative basis, not all luxury items contained silk and not all Pattern weaving technology provided a means of dif- silk-based textiles were high value goods. Termi- ferentiating imperial silks given the long-standing nology analysis indicates that various types of low problem of imitative colour and metal use. By the quality silk products were produced in response to middle Byzantine period, textile prerogative was de- consumer demand. fined by a combination of elements that were mod- The extensive lexicon associated with textile dec- ulated according to need. Information was conveyed oration demonstrates the adaptability of silk as a me- through the interaction of components including gar- dium of expression. It also demonstrates that the de- ment type, material composition, precious metals, ap- sire for elite differentiation spurred development of plied embellishments, and colour combinations. new materials and methods. Production of complex Description of particular prohibitions provides figured silks woven on specialised looms in the im- the best available definition of the properties that perial silk workshop provided a means of limiting 209. BOC, Reiske, II: 44, 661. 210. Listes, 183.20. 211. BOC, Reiske, I: 15, 589. 212. Imp Exp, 224 n. (C) 243-244. 213. For example BOC, Reiske, I: 44, 227-230; II: 18, 607; Imp Exp, C.503-511. 370   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) imitative products. Triblattion, diblattion and high Moffatt & M. Tall as The Book of Ceremonies. quality ‘damask’ weaves were technical and institu- Canberra. tional adaptations to elevate precious silks as an im- BOE = Das Eparchenbuch Leons Des Weisen. (1991) J. perial resource. Koder (ed. & tr.) Corpus Fontium Historiae By- zantinae, 33, Vienna; French tr., J. Nicole (1893) Le livre du préfet: ou L’édit de l’empereur Léon Bibliography - Primary Sources le Sage sur les corporations de Constantinople. (1893) Geneva; English tr., E.H. Freshfield (1938) Act Pantel = Actes de Saint-Pantéléèmôn. (1982) P. Le- as Ordinances of Leo VI c. 895 from the Book of merle, G. Dagron & S.M. Ćirković (eds.) Archives the Eparch. Cambridge. de l’Athos.12, Paris. Boilas = Le Testament d’Eustathios Boilas (avril 1059). Agathan = Agathangelos (1973) La version grecque anci- (1977) P. Lemerle (ed. & tr.) in: Cinq études sur le enne du livre arménien d’Agathange. G. Lafontaine XIe siècle byzantin. Paris, 13-63. (ed. & tr.) Louvain-la-Neuve. De Adm Imp = Constantine VII Prophyrogentius (1967) Animalibus = Phile de Animalibus, Elephante, Plantis, De Administrando Imperio. G. Moravcsik & R.H.J. etc. (1862) In F. Dübner (ed. & tr.) Poetae Bucolici Jenkins (ed. & tr.) Washington, DC. et Didactici. Paris, 1-70. Dem Chom = Chomatenos, Demetrios (2002) Demetrii An Komn = Komnène, Anna (2006) Alexiade: règne de Chomateni Ponemata diaphora. G. Prinzing (ed. & l’empereur Alexis I Comnène, (1081-1118). B. Leib tr.) Berlin. & P. Gautier (ed. & tr.) Paris; English tr., E.R.A. Gifts = Kitāb al-Hadāyā wa al-Tuḥaf. (1996) G.H. Sewter & P. Frankopan (2009) as The Alexiad. Qaddūmī (ed. & tr.) Cambridge, MA. London. Gre Pak = Gautier, P. (1984) Le typikon du sébaste Gré- Attal, Brunet = Attaleiates, Michael (1853) Michaelis At- goire Pakourianos. Revue des études byzantines, taliotae Historia. W. Brunet de Presle & I. Bekker 42, 5-145; also P. Lemerle (1977) Le typikon de (eds.) Bonn; English tr., A. Kaldellis & D. Krallis Grégoire Pakourianos (décembre 1083) in Cinq (2012) as The History. Cambridge, MA. études sur le XIe siècle byzantin. Paris. Attal, Gautier = Attaleiates, Michael (1981) La Dia- Imp Exp = Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (1990) taxis de Michel Attaliate. P. Gautier (ed.) Revue Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions. des études byzantines, 39, 5-143; English tr., A.- J.F. Haldon (ed. & tr.) Vienna. M. Talbot (2000) as Rule of Michael Attaleiates for Ioan Maur = Johannis Euchaitarum Metropolitae quae in his Almshouse in Rhaidestos and for the Monas- Codice Vaticano Graeco 676 supersunt Joh. Bol- tery of Christ Panoiktirmon in Constantinople. In J. lig descripsit Paulus de Lagarde edidit. (1882) Thomas, A.C. Hero & G. Constable (eds.) (tr.) Byz- Lagarde, de P. & J. Bollig (eds.) Göttingen. antine Monastic Foundation Documents: A Com- Iveron = Ek tou archeiou tes en Hagio Orei Hieras Mones plete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika ton Iveron: Vyzantinai diathekai. (1930-1931) I. Iv- and Testaments. Washington, DC, 326-376. Avail- erites (ed.) Orthodoxia, 60, 66, 614-618, 364-371. able online at: http://www.doaks.org/resources/­ Jo Apok = Apokaukos, J. (1971-1974) Unedierte Schrift- publications/doaks-online-publications/byzantine- stücke aus der Kanzlei des Johannes Apokaukos monastic-foundation-documents/typ027.pdf des Metropoliten von Naupaktos (in Aetolien). Basilika = Basilicorum libri LX. (1953) H.J. Scheltema, N.A. Bees (ed. & tr.) Byzantinisch-neugriechische N. van der Wal & D. Holwerda (eds.) Groningen. Jahrbücher, 21, 55-160. Be Tud = The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela. (1907) Kos Ind = Cosmas Indicopleustes (1968) Topographie M.N. Adler (ed. & tr.) London. chrétienne. W. Wolska-Conus (ed. & tr.) Paris; BOC = Constantine VII Porphrygenitus (1829) De Cer- English tr., J.W. McCrindle (1897) as Kosmai Ai- emoniis Aulae Byzantinae. J.J. Reiske (ed. & tr.) guptiou Monachou Christianik e Topographia. Bonn; text and partial French tr. A. Vogt (1967) The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian as Le livre des cérémonies. Paris; English tr., A. Monk. London. 22. Terminology Associated with Silk in the Middle Byzantine Period  371 LBG = Trapp, E. & W. Hörandner (1994) Lexikon zur histoire d’un siècle de Byzance (976-1077). É. Re- Byzantinischen Gräzität. Vienna. nauld (ed. & tr.) Paris; English tr., E.R.A. Sewter Leo Diac = Leonis diaconi Caloensis Historiae libri de- (1953) as The Chronographia of Michael Psellus. cem. (1828) C.B. Hase (ed.) Corpus Fontium His- (ed. & tr.) London; English tr., K.N. Sathas (1979) toriae Byzantinae, Bonn; English tr., A.-M. Talbot as The History of Psellus. New York. & D.F. Sullivan (2005) as The History of Leo the Rh Sea = Nómos Rodiōn naytikós The Rhodian Sea-law. Deacon: Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth (1909) W. Ashburner (ed. & tr.) Oxford. Century.Washington, DC. Skyl = Scylitzes, Ioannes (1973) Ioannis Scylitzae Syn- Leo Syn = The Correspondence of Leo, Metropolitan of opsis historiarum. H. Thurn (ed.) Corpus Fontium Synada and Syncellus. (1985) M.P. Vinson (ed. & Historiae Byzantinae, Berlin. tr.) Washington, DC. Syllabus = Syllabus Graecarum membranarum quae par- Listes = Le listes de préséance byzantins des IXe et Xe tim Neapoli in maiori tabulario et primaria biblio- siècles. (1972) N. Oikonomides (ed. & tr.) Paris. theca partim in Casinensi Coenobio ac Cavensi et Mammātī = Ibn Mammātī, Asʻad ibn al-Muhadhd- in episcopali tabulario Neritino iamdiu delitescen- hab (1943) Qawānīn al-dawāwīn. A.S. Atiya (ed.) tes et a doctis frustra expetitae. (1965) F. Trinchera Cairo. (ed.) Rome. Menand = The History of Menander the Guardsman: In- Sym Metaph = Metaphrastes, S. (1827) Anekdota: An- troductory Essay, Text, Translation and Historio- ecdota Graeca e codicibus regiis. J.F. Boissonade graphical Notes. (2006) R.C. Blockley (ed. & tr.) (ed.) V, Paris. Liverpool. Theo Byz = Theophanes Byzantius. (1841) K. Müller Mich Chon = Choniates, M. (1879) Michaēl Akomina- (ed.) 4, Paris. tou tou Chōniatou Ta sōzomena. S.P. Lampros (ed.) Theod Stoud = Theodori Studitae Epistulae. (1992) G. Athens. Fatouros (ed.) Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzanti- Nik Chon = Choniates, Nicetas (1975) Nicetae Chonia- nae 31, 2, Vienna. tae Historia. Dieten, J.L. van (ed.) Corpus Fontium Theoph = Theophanes (1883) Theophanis Chrono- Historiae Byzantinae, 11, 1-2, Berlin; English tr., graphia. de Boor, Carolus (ed.) Leipzig; English H.J. Magoulias (1984) as O City of Byzantium: An- tr., C.A. Mango, R. Scott & G. Greatrex (1997) as nals of Niketas Choniatēs. Detroit. The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine Nikeph = Nikephoros (1990) Short History. C.A. Mango and Near Eastern History, AD 284-813. Oxford. (ed. & tr.) Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, V. Basilii = Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continu- XIII, Washington, DC. ati nomine fertur Liber quo Vita Basilii Imperato- Nov Leo VI = Les Novelles de Léon VI le Sage. (1944) P. ris amplectitur. (2011) I. Ševčenko (ed. & tr.) New Noailles & A. Dain (eds.) Paris. York. Patmos, Astruc = Astruc, C. (1981) L’Inventaire dressé V. Kauleas = Monumenta graeca et latina ad historiam en septembre 1200 du trésor et de la bibliothèque Photii patriarchae pertinentia, I. (1899) A. Papado- de Patmos. Travaux et mémoires, 8, 15-30. poulos-Kerameus (ed. & tr.) St. Petersburg. Patmos, Oikon = Oikonomides, N. (1972) Quelques Bou- tiques de Constantinople au XE S.: Prix, Loyers, Bibliography - Secondary Literature Imposition (Cod. Patmiacus 171). N. Oikonomides (tr.) Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 26, 345-356. Becker, J. (1987) Pattern and Loom. Copenhagen. Paul Sil = Paulus Silentiarius (1837) Pauli Silentiarii Beckwith, J. (1974) Byzantine tissues. In M. Berza & E. descriptio S. Sophiae et ambonis. I. Bekker (ed.) Stănescu (eds.) Actes due XIVe Congrès international Bonn des études byzantines (6-12 September, 1971). Bucar- est, 344-353. Prok, De Bello Goth = Prokopios (1833) Corpus Scripto- Broughton, T.R.S. (1938) Roman Asia Minor. In F. Tenny rum Historiae Byzantinae Pars II Procopius. B.G. (ed.) An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome. Baltimore, Niebuhr (ed.) Bonn. 499-916. Psellos = Psellus, Michael (2006) Chronographie ou 372   Julia Galliker in Textile Terminologies (2017) Brubaker, L. (1998) Vision and Meaning in Ninth-century Textiles y Tintes del Mediterráneo en el mundo anti- Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Greg- guo. Valencia, 61–77. ory of Nazianzus. Cambridge. Goitein, S.D. (1967-1993) A Mediterranean Society: The Brubaker, L. & Haldon, J. 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(2004) Les esclaves et l’esclavage: de la maine. Warsaw. Méditerranée antique à la Méditerranée médiévale: Woodfin, W.T. (2012) The Embodied Icon: Liturgical VIe-XIe siècles. Paris. Vestments and Sacramental Power in Byzantium. Schmitter, M.-T. (1937) Subsericae Vestes. Revue Ar- Oxford. chéologique, 6: 9, 201-225. 23 A Name of a Private Factory (or Workshop) on a Piece of Textile: the Case of the Document A.L.18 (Vienna) Anne Regourd and Fiona J. L. Handley The collection talismans, and some may be purses used by mer- T chants to carry money. Embroidered or woven ex- he Arabic Leinwand (A.L.) collection is held amples, known as ṭirāz, are by far the least numer- by the Department of Papyrus (Papyrussa- ous, with only three examples in the collection. mmlung) in the Austrian National Library of Vienna.1 The collection was acquired in Egypt in the 2. Writing on paper late 19th century by an antiquity trader in Cairo com- There are 22 items that make use of reused paper missioned by Joseph von Karabacek, the famous pa- documents. These are fragments of paper that are pyrologist, and contains 68 items.2 Almost all of these employed as structural inserts in clothing items in- have an association with writing, hence the reason cluding hats. They thus provide information on the why they were collected for the Library, and only work of tailors and hatters in the medieval period. eight objects have no association at all. The language for the most part is Arabic with a few texts in Greek, The papyrologist Adolph Grohmann attempted to or with Greek with Arabic. organise the collection during the 1920s and 30s and The collection of pieces related to writing can be undertook some cataloguing including translating broadly divided into the following two categories: some of the texts.3 However, only a few of the items, mainly the talismans, were published separately via 1. Writing on textiles illustration or a summary of their text. So in other There are 38 examples of writing on textiles. words, this collection is unique and largely understud- These are items with epigraphy, with texts writ- ied. The authors, along with a colleague, are currently ten by hand, stamped on, embroidered or woven completing a catalogue raisonné of this collection,4 into the textile. The texts themselves are non-lit- using a multidisciplinary approach to understand as erary and include legal deeds, accounts, letters, much as possible about the provenance of the items, 1. Many thanks to the Austrian National Library of Vienna and to Prof. Bernhard Palme for allowing us to publish the data on this frag- ment and the images that they have copyright for. 2. One item of the 68 is accessible only through its picture. 3. CPR III, 59-60. 4. Regourd et al. forthcoming. 374 23. A Name of a Private Factory on a Piece of Textile: Document A.L.18 (Vienna)   375 Figure 1. Fragment A.L. 18 recto the date of their production, their use, disposal and en- Fragment A.L. 18 try into the collections. This article presents one ex- ample from this collection, A.L. 18, that challenges Description our understanding of the terminology around textiles identified as ṭirāz, in particularly their use as histori- In the collection, there are only three textiles dec- cal documents, and their status within the communi- orated with ṭirāz, and A.L.18 is one of them. It is a ties where they were made and used. fragment 6.8 by 7.6 cm, with edges that were frayed 376   Anne Regourd and Fiona J. L. Handley in Textile Terminologies (2017) in antiquity, and which have possibly been trimmed Unfortunately, the part where the name of the ca- in the recent past. The textile is in ‘s’-spun linen, in liph and the date usually appears is missing. Some- a tabby weave of medium quality of 30 threads per times a missing date does not pose an obstacle to cm. The embroidery is in brown silk in rough stitches, dating the ṭirāz, because if the name of an intendant many of which are unidentifiable, but include a ma- or amīr (a member of the caliph’s family entrusted jority of double rows of chain stitch. The remains of with the authority over the ṭirāz) appears, these can the tops of the uprights suggest that they may have be cross referenced to other documents and the date been slightly ornamented. The embroidery has been worked out. However, with neither a date nor the heavily worn. name of an official, this piece cannot be dated from A.L.18’s text can be reconstructed through refer- its inscription. ence to the relevant formulas as follows: The textile industry at Shaṭā Translation: Shaṭā’s textile production was recorded by different “ … or]dered to be made in the private Arab historians and geographers as early as al-Ya‘qūbī factory (ṭirāz al-khāṣṣa) at Sha[ṭā …” (d. 284/8978), Kitāb asmā’ al-buldān,9 composed in This replaces the previous readings made by Kara- 276/889, Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 362/973), Kitāb Ṣūrat bacek and Grohmann.5 According to the text, A.L. al-arḍ, and al-Muqaddasī (d. c., but after 400/1000), 18 is an Egyptian textile from the city of Shaṭā, , Aḥsan al-taqāsīm fī ma‘rifat al-aqālīm, a book mainly which is one of the production centers for ṭirāz in composed in 375/985.10 They refer to the presence of ‘Abbasid and Fatimid Egypt. The town is located in Copts who may have been involved in the textile in- the Nile Delta close to Tinnīs and Damietta, both of dustry at Shaṭā. Various fine textiles are named after which were famous places of ṭirāz production that the town (“al-bazz al-shaṭawī”). Yāqūt (d. 626/1229), slightly overshadowed Shaṭā.6 The town was produc- in his Mu‘jam al-buldān, is aware of “cloths from ing textiles in the 2nd/8th century, before that of the Shaṭā”, i.e., “al-ṯiyāb al-shaṭawiyya”, then gives more public factory at Miṣr.7 details through al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Muhallabī As the inscription suggests, the word ṭirāz re- (d. 380/990),11 who said that Shaṭā and Damietta were fers both to the type of textile but also to the factory famous for their production of very fine and delicate or workshop where those pieces were made, which textiles, the price of some of them being 1000 dir- were under the control of the caliphs and rulers. hams, although no gold was used in their fabric.12 5. Karabacek 1909, 38; CPR III, 60 and n. 3, where Grohmann gives a short description of the object, which mainly relates it to his ty- pology (“stammt nach der mit schwarzer Seide eingestickten Inschrift”, i.e., belongs to the inscriptions embroidered with silk), fol- lowed by his reading of the text of the ṭirāz, giving the provenance of the fabric erroneously as “Banšâ” (Banshā). In his footnote 3 he refers to Karabacek’s reading and revises it, suggesting “bi-‘amalihi” as the right reading rather than “bi-‘amal”, which is Kara- bacek’s reading, but leaves the provenance of the fabric as “Banšâ”. On the original envelope in which the textile was stored is a note written by Karabacek with his reading of the text. 6. See for instance, Ibn Ḥawqal 1938-39, 152 [20]; Maqrīzī 1422/2002, vol. 1, 476-493, the long entry on Tinnīs. 7. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 84. 8. The first date is given in the Hegira calendar and the second is in AD, here and elsewhere. 9. Aḥmad al-Ya‘qūbī, cf. Kaḥḥāla c. 1376/1957, vol. 1, 161, and the bibliography. Al-Ya‘qūbī 1892, 338; translation into French, Wiet 1937, 195. 10. Al-Muqaddasī 1906, 202; partially translated into French by Miquel 1972, 122. 11. Author of K. al-masalik wa-al-mamalik, cf. Kaḥḥāla c. 1376/1957, vol. 3, 313; Ḥājjī Khalīfa c. 1360/1941, vol. 2, 1665. 12. Yāqūt (d. 626/1229) 1410/1990, entry 7110, vol. 3, 388. See also Wüstenfeld 1867, vol. III.1, 288. All these authors, out of al- Fākihī (see below) and al-Muhallabī, are quoted, although sometime only partially by Ramzī 1375/1955, vol. 1/2, 243. Ibn Ḥawqal 1938-39, 152-153 [20], said that the price of al-šaṭāwī was even more during his time, from 20,000 to 30,000 dinars, but the pas- sage is a little confusing. 23. A Name of a Private Factory on a Piece of Textile: Document A.L.18 (Vienna)   377 Al-Maqrīzī, the famous Egyptian historian, who and upper classes for imitation.17 died in 845/1442, refers to the city twice: first he men- There is some information known about the fac- tions as his predecessors did, a type of cloth (ṯiyāb) tory system at Shaṭā. In 937 AD, under the Caliph which is named after the city, al-ṯiyāb al-shaṭawiyya. Abū al-‘Abbās Muḥammad al-Rāḍī bi-llāh, the in- While he is a little late in date for our item, he also tendant at Shaṭā was Jābir, following on from one quotes al-Fākihī (d. 272/885),13 who saw a kiswa called Shāfī.18 Later pieces include those produced from Shaṭā bearing the name of Hārūn al-Rashīd, under the Caliph al-Muṭī‘ (334-363/946-974) that the famous ‘Abbasid caliph, whose reign started in mention an intendant called Fā’iz, as well various 170/786, as well as the name of al-Faḍl b. al-Rabī‘, pieces that mention the public and private ṭirāz facto- who took over the government under Hārūn al-Rashīd ries at Shaṭā which were under the direction of Fā’iz. in 187/803, and moreover the date of 191H, i.e., 806- He was evidently the chief intendant of all the Ca- 807 AD, the very beginning of the reign of the Caliph liph’s factories in Shaṭā,19 and his office spanned the Hārūn. The complete text of the kiswa is given by al- end of the ‘Abbasid period and the new era of the Fa- Fākihī according to Maqrīzī,14 and this piece of cloth timids, which started in 341/952 with the Caliphate of is described by al-Fākihī as a piece of “qabāṭī Miṣr”. al-Mu‘izz (from 341/952 to 365/975). An inscription So literary sources state that the city of Shaṭā on a textile in the Benaki Museum dated 387/997-998 was a place for textile production including some AD, which states that it comes from the public factory very high quality textiles from at least the end of the at Shaṭā, confirms that the city hosted a public factory 2nd/8th through to the 4th/10th centuries. in the 4th/10th century.20 The other well-known places of production in the Nile Delta also had both public and private factories. The private factory According to Grohmann, production in both the pri- vate and public factories was very well regulated, with According to its inscription, the factory where A.L. 18 those of the private factories particularly bound to rit- was made was al-khāṣṣa or private. In Cairo under the ual as their textiles were reserved for royal use: ‘Abbasids there was a distinction made between the public ṭirāz workshops (‘āmma) and the private ṭirāz “At the head of the administration of these workshops (khāṣṣa) whose production was reserved state factories there was always an official for the caliph.15 By the time of the Fatimid caliphs, the of high rank from the judicial or military sale of ṭirāz textiles to the public from the ‘āmma was service… When he arrived with the fabrics a significant source of revenue with the largest ṭirāz intended for the royal use (…) he was re- factories providing an income of more than 200,000 ceived with the highest honours (…) when dinars each day16 and this presumably increased in the the bales of the precious fabrics were later Fatimid period given the dramatic rise in ṭirāz brought in, the superintendent of the ṭirāz production at court and the penchant of the middle presented himself to the caliph, showed 13. Muḥammad al-Fākihī, cf. EI1, II, 49; GAL, G1, p.137; Kaḥḥāla c. 1376/1957, vol. 9, 40-41. 14. Maqrīzī 1422/2002, vol. 1, 611-612; this text does not appear in the book Tārīkh al-Fākihī, Akhbār Makka, see the note of the ed., it seems only conserved in Maqrīzī’s; Quatremère, Mémoires géographiques et historiques sur l’Égypte et sur quelques contrées voisines, I, Paris, 1811, 339; text reproduced in RCEA, I, no. 80. 15. Grohmann 1913-1936, 793. 16. Grohmann 1913-1936, 790. 17. Stillman & Sanders 2000, 537. 18. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 40. no. 73.214, pl. XVIII, dated 325/936-937, RCEA, IV, no. 1271. 19. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 48, no. 73.638, pls. XXI and XLI, dated 338/949-950; RCEA, IV, no. 1442. Berlin-Museum für Isla- mische Kunst, no. I.5569, dated 357/967-968; RCEA, V, no. 1644; and text by Pevzner 1960, 39 (quoted after Kalus). Private col- lection, RCEA, V, no. 1648, dated 357/967-968. 20. Athens, Benaki Museum, no. A. 173; Combe 1940, 264, no. 7, pl. I; RCEA, VI, no. 2056. 378   Anne Regourd and Fiona J. L. Handley in Textile Terminologies (2017) him all that he had brought with him, and two are traceable, and only one relevant, a textile pub- called his attention to each piece”.21 lished in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1906 which is an embroidery on linen in red thread. Another item within the Arabic Leinwand collection The embroidery is now in the V&A collections and is (A.L. 1) is a fine piece of linen bearing a stamped in- in a stem or running stitch. It is dated to 895 AD with scription in red color, the text of which refers, accord- a provenance of the cemetery at Akhmīm in the So- ing to Grohmann, to the Caliph al-Mu‘izz. The stamp hag Governorate (Egypt).26 The simplicity of the cal- demonstrates one of the mechanisms for controlling ligraphy was what probably made Karabacek consider the quality of the bolts of cloths produced in royal fac- this a comparator, however now that the provenance tories, in this case probably for the purpose of taxes.22 of the textile has been identified more relevant com- In contrast to the state-controlled factories, domes- parators from Shaṭā can be looked at. tic production of cloth continued but in very different Shaṭā was well known as a textile centre from circumstances. Grohmann suggests that in the Delta the end of the 2nd/beginning of the 9th century, and there was “an industry conducted in private houses, produced fine pieces such as the veil for the Kaaba probably alongside of the state factories. The lot of (191H). As stated above, the complete text is given the workmen—women span and men wove and the by al-Fākihī according to Maqrīzī,27 and this piece of work rooms were rented by them—was wretched; the cloth is described by al-Fākihī as a piece of “qabāṭī half dirhem, which was the daily wage, was not suffi- Miṣr”, i.e., tapestry from Miṣr according to the Edi- cient for the minimum necessities of life”.23 tor of the text, Ayman Fu’ad Sayyid.28 In terms of helping date the textile, the mention Other tapestry examples from Shaṭā include pieces of the term al-khāṣṣa can help slightly because by in the Royal Ontario Museum such as a linen with stating that it was private it, by default, suggests that blue silk weft tapestry dated to 949 AD, blue and yel- there was also a public factory, thus dating the piece low silk weft tapestry dated to 937 AD, and a further to probably at least the mid-4th/10th century, as early example attributed to Shaṭā dating to 944-945 AD.29 references to factories were simply described as fac- Other examples include a piece with small red letter- tories, and these were presumably private.24 ing on a yellow band, dated 370/980-981,30 and an- other in red silk tapestry dated to 350/962.31 Dating from comparable textiles There seem to be very few surviving examples of embroidered ṭirāz from Shaṭā, although there Grohmann’s notes on the textile, which were recorded is one example in dark brown silk in a variety of on the envelope where it was originally stored, refer stitches, made under al-Mu‘tamid, dated 276/889- to several comparator textiles.25 Out of these, only 890, which is in the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology 21. Grohmann 1913-1936, 790. 22. CPR III, 59, and Fig. 2. 23. Grohmann 1913-1936, 789. 24. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 121, 124. 25. There were four references cited by Grohmann in CPR III: Staatlichen Museen in Berlin, Papyrussammlung, “ein Linnenstück mit einem mit blauer Seide eingestickten Ṭirâz (P. Berol. 7616)” (which were not traceable); South Kensington Museum, Guest 1906, with 4 pl.; linen, 2-6, 8, 11-14, silk and linen, 10, 15, 16, silk 1, 7, 9 (which has been traced); Sewell 1907, 163 (traced but is not relevant); and Fraehn 1822, MASP 8, 572-574 (which was not traceable). 26. Guest 1906, No 2; Victoria & Albert Museum 2014, Textile Fragment 257-1889. 27. See our footnote 12, and the note of the ed. Ayman Fu’ad Sayyid, 611. 28. Maqrīzī 1422/2002, vol. 1, 489, note 5, where A.F. Sayyid retraces “al-qabātī” as a nisba of “Aqbāṭ Miṣr”, the Copts of Egypt, and says that it means tapestry on the basis of one of his previous publications. 29. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 73.638, 47; 73.214; 73.651, 47. 30. RCEA V, 1889. 31. Boston-Museum of Fine Arts, no. 34.118, cf. Britton 1938, 48, fig. 28. 23. A Name of a Private Factory on a Piece of Textile: Document A.L.18 (Vienna)   379 Figure 2. Detail of front of A.L. 18 showing double row of chain stitch at Ann Arbor.32 Embroidered examples from nearby Tinnīs are far more numerous, with examples from the Royal Ontario Museum dated to 911-912 AD,33 the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, dated to 901 AD Figure 3. Reverse of A.L. 18 showing the slanted stich (1988.47)34 and Cleveland Museum of Art dated to which is the reverse of chain stitch 889-890 AD.35 There are temporal changes in the techniques used case of embroideries, this means that the majority to create ṭirāz within the factory system. Generally, of their stitches are running or couched stitches. In the factory production of ṭirāz in the Delta area of contrast, the decipherable stitches of A.L. 18, which Egypt began in the 2nd/8th century by emulating em- is the majority of them, are executed in chain stitch. broidered ṭirāz imported from areas of the Middle Chain stitch was used in Iran, and typified ṭirāz from East such as Iran. The Egyptian factories used a dif- those factories, and although the stitch was occa- ferent suite of embroidery stitches on a linen rather sionally used by Egyptian embroiderers, for example than cotton ground, then shifted in the later 4th/10th in turning the corners of letters,36 examples where century to producing similar designs in tapestry, a it was the sole stitch used in a ṭirāz piece have been technique which had a longer and more embedded identified as the hand of Iranians working in Egyp- tradition in Egypt. tian factories (e.g., Tinnīs).37 However, the exam- Stylistically, all the cited examples both in em- ples identified by Kuhnel are the work of a profes- broidery and tapestry bear a resemblance to A.L. 18, sional, while it is less likely that A.L. 18 is. Its poor with unadorned long lettering with little embellish- quality is exacerbated by having quite a loose chain, ment apart from the slight capping of the uprights with, in some areas such as the uprights on the let- reminiscent of Tinnīs tapestry and embroidery. How- ters, two rows running parallel to each other (see ever there is one factor that complicates this sce- figure 2). While the chain stitch is hard to decipher nario, and indeed brings the whole issue of the prov- on the front side of the cloth, the typical reverse enance of the textile based on its inscription into of chain stitch of a line of slightly slanting stiches, doubt. From a technical perspective, all of the above can be seen on the back of the textile, the two par- examples are very high quality and fit clearly into allel rows representing the two rows of chain stitch technical categories associated with production in on the uprights (figure 3). It is immediately obvious the Delta in the early to late 3rd/9th century. In the that the embroiderer struggled to control the stitch 32. Day 1937, no.2, 423 and fig. 2. See Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 40. 33. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 978.76.18. 34. Ellis 2001, 1. 35. Cleveland Museum of Art 1932.17. 36. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 103. 380   Anne Regourd and Fiona J. L. Handley in Textile Terminologies (2017) size, and that there was little planning of the plac- of trial, that somehow ended up leaving the factory, ing of the letters or how the stitch work would run although the wear on it suggests that it was used ex- between them. For example, on the front side, the tensively before being disposed of. ‘tails’ of the letters are worked as a curve on the left Could this be that this was not a private factory hand side, but on the right, they are ‘counted’, that is production at all, but ṭirāz created outside the state following the warp and weft, giving a block effect to system attempting to pass off both an inscription and the letter shape. It would seem that the needlework technique? It could be a copy of an ‘authentic’ ṭirāz was certainly not that of a professional embroiderer textile, which mixes an Egyptian inscription with an in chain stitch, nor indeed even a competent one. Iranian embroidery technique. This would certainly fit with this period’s ‘penchant for imitation’ whereby Discussion there was a strong trade in reproductions and poorer quality imitations,38 and where domestic embroider- During the late 2nd/8th, 3rd/9th and 4th/10th centu- ers replicated in stitches tapestry work that had been ries Shaṭā produced a variety of textiles from state- produced on a loom.39 So could this then be an em- controlled factories, initially private ones, later both broidery that was not produced in the khāṣṣa factory, private and public, which at times were under the con- but ‘claims’ to be? Why though would the embroi- trol of just one intendant. While there are few exam- derer choose a technique that they were evidently in- ples of surviving embroidery this must have made up competent in—this surely would have revealed it as a substantial part of the early production. The surviv- a fake to anyone who knew the production from the ing examples of linen with silk tapestry dating from private factories of Shaṭā? Perhaps it was created in towards the end of the 4th/10th century form a distinct one of the workshops which Grohmann described as assemblage of textiles, in line with other production “wretched”,40 that were outside the state system, and from neighbouring towns. As is the case when com- thus beyond its quality controls. These must have sold parisons with documentary sources are possible, the on to a ‘black’ market where imitations, such as the texts recount a much wider variety of types of textiles tapestry example in the Musée des Tissus de Lyon,41 produced at Shaṭā than have actually survived, includ- were the norm. ing some very high status fabrics. If there were any questions asked about prove- Where does A.L. 18 fit into this picture? With the nance of the ṭirāz the evidence could easily be cut off possibility of this being done by an Iranian embroi- and discarded—and indeed this would be the frag- derer working in Shaṭā being ruled out, the question is ment that would contain that evidence that it was a raised of why a private ṭirāz factory in Shaṭā was pro- fake. A further point which is worth bearing in mind ducing such poor quality embroidery that emulated is that A.L. 18, in line with the other textiles in the Iranian embroidery techniques. If, as Grohmann sug- collection including the other two ṭirāz pieces (A.L. gests, the produce of the private factories was individ- 11 and 48), did not come from a burial site, but from ually presented to royals, then A.L. 18 seems unlikely a rubbish dump. It was not therefore carefully dis- to be this caliber of textile. It may have perhaps been posed of as most surviving ṭirāz pieces in other col- reserved for the humbler members of the royal entou- lections were, but it really was worn out and thrown rage, or given away as a low quality gift. However its away. Even as a poor quality imitation of an example combination of strange technique and poor execution of ṭirāz that was either very rare or never actually ex- surely suggests that this was not the product of any isted, it still had enough value that it was used until it state workshop, or if it was, it was perhaps some kind was worn into a rag. 37. Kuhnel & Bellinger 1952, 26, 107. 38. Stillman & Sanders 2000, 537. 39. Fluck & Helmecke 2014, 255. 40. Grohmann 1913-1936, 789. 41. Day 2010, 42. 23. A Name of a Private Factory on a Piece of Textile: Document A.L.18 (Vienna)   381 Conclusions Bibliography The analysis of this piece of textile has highlighted Britton, N. P. (1938) Some Early Islamic Textiles in the how complicated deciphering textile terminologies Boston Museum of Art, Boston. Boston. can be. Many tirāz textiles contain the written infor- Cleveland Museum of Art (nd) Fragment of a Tiraz, 889- mation that identifies them as a type of object and 890 1932.17. Online Catalogue. http://www.cleve- landart.org/art/collection/search (Accessed 10 Decem- gives them a historic and production context. As a ber 2014). textile category they helpfully reveal what they are, Combe, E. (1940) Tissus fāṭimides du Musée Benaki, even when fragmentary. This does mean that each in Mélanges Maspero, III. Orient islamique. Mé- piece’s historical value has tended to be based on moires publiés par les membres de l’Institut Fran- the information in its written text, therefore textiles çais d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire LXVIII. Cairo, that cannot be dated or are uninscribed have been ne- 259-272. glected.42 However, this example has raised some in- Day, F. E. (1937) Dated Ṭirāz in the Collection of the teresting, albeit unanswerable, questions—what does University of Michigan, Ars Islamica IV, 420-447. it mean if the information on ṭirāz is not true? Sud- Day, S. (2010) Fragment de tirâz à l’épigraphie coufique. denly, new ideas about the people producing the item In M.-A. Privat-Savigny (ed.), Guide des collections: and the life history of the object are opened up to Musée des tissus de Lyon, Chap. II, « L’Orient », 42. scrutiny, questions that would probably never been Lyon. raised if there was a consistency between decorative Ellis, M. (2001) Embroideries and Samplers from An- technique, quality and inscription. Instead, the analy- cient Egypt. Oxford. sis throws up more questions than answers, but these Fluck, C. & Helmecke, G. (2014) Egypt’s Post-Pharonic questions are ones that lead to a deeper consideration Textiles. In G. Gabra (ed.), Coptic Civilization: Two of how ṭirāz textiles were made and used, and to our thousand years of Christianity in Egypt, 237-260. understanding of the term ṭirāz. Cairo. Frähn, C. M. (1822) Inscriptiones cuficae acu pictae lin- teolo inserto. MASP 8. St-Petersburg. Grohmann, A. (1913-1936) Ṭirāz. In EI1, vol. IV, 785-793. Abbreviations Guest, A. R. (1906) Notice of some Arabic Inscriptions CPR III = Grohmann, A. (1924) Allgemeine Einführung on Textiles at the South Kensington Museum, Journal in die arabischen Papyri. Vol. 1, part 1: Ein- of the Royal Asiatic Society 38/2, 387-399. führung. Corpus Papyrorum Raineri III. Vienna. Ḥājjī Khalīfa (c. 1360/1941) Kashf al-ẓunūn ‘an asāmī al-kutub wa-al-funūn. 2 vols. Beirut. EI1 and EI2 = Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st and 2nd edition). Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 362/973) (1938-39) Kitāb Ṣūrat al- arḍ. Opus geographicum … Liber imaginis terrae. Ed. GAL = Brockelmann C. (1937-1949) Geschichte der ara- J. H. Kramers, Leiden. bischen Litteratur, 4 vols. Leiden. Kaḥḥāla, ‘U. R. (c. 1376/1957) Mu‘jam al-mu’allifīn: MASP = Mémoires de l’Académie impériale des sciences Tarājim muṣannifī al-kutub al-‘arabiyya. 15 vols. de Saint-Pétersbourg. Beirut. RCEA = Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe. Karabacek, J. von (1909) Zur orientalischen Altertums- Cairo 1931-. kunde. II. Die arabischen Papyrusprotokolle. Vienna. Kühnel, E. (1933) Zur Tirâz-Epigraphik der Abbasiden und Fatimiden. In von Oppenheim, M. (ed.) Aus fünf Jahrtausenden morgenländischer Kultur : Festschrift Max Freiherrn von Oppenheim zum 70. Geburtstage gewidmet von Freunden und Mitarbeitern. Berlin, 59-65. 42. Stillman & Sanders 2000, 534. 382   Anne Regourd and Fiona J. L. Handley in Textile Terminologies (2017) Kühnel, E. & Bellinger, L. (1952) Catalogue of collection. Papyrussammlung, Austrian National Li- Dated Tiraz Fabrics: Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid. brary. Vienna. Washington. Sewell, R. (1907) Arabic Inscriptions on Textiles. Jour- Maqrīzī (d. 845/1442) (1422/2002), Al-mawā‘iẓ wa-al- nal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and i‘tibār fī ḏikr al-ḫiṭāṭ wa-al-aṯār, ed. A.F. Sayyid, vol. Ireland (New Series). Volume 39, 163-164. I. London. Soudan, F. & Kalus, L. (ongoing database) Thésaurus Miquel, A. (1972) L’Égypte vue par un géographe arabe d’épigraphie arabe, Geneva, Foundation Max van du Xe s, Annales islamologiques XI, 109-139. Berchem, http://www.epigraphie-islamique.org/epi/ Muqaddasī (d. c., but after 400/1000) (1906) Aḥsan al- search.php (Accessed in January 2015). taqāsīm fī ma‘rifat al-aqālīm, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Al- Stillman, Y. & Sanders, P. (2000) Ṭirāz. In EI2, vol. 10, Moqaddasi, Descriptio Imperii Moslemici. Leiden, 534-538. Brill. Victoria & Albert Museum 2014 Textile Fragment 257- Pevzner, S. B. (1960) Fatimidskij tirāz iz sobranija Go- 1889 Search the Collections http://collections.vam. sudarstvjennogo Ermitazha, Epigrafika Vostoka XIII, ac.uk/item/O77072/textile-fragment/ (Accessed 10 35-40 December 2014). Quatremère, J. (1811) Mémoires géographiques et histo­ Wiet, G. (1937) Ya‘ḳūbī. Les Pays. Cairo. (French transl.) riques sur l’Égypte et sur quelques contrées voisines. Wüstenfeld, F. (ed.) (1867) Jacut’s geographisches Wör- Vol. I. Paris. terbuch aus den Handschriften zu Berlin, St. Peters- Ramzī, M. (1375/1955) Al-qāmūs al-jughrāfī bi-al-bilād burg und Paris. vol. III.1. Leipzig. al-miṣriyya. Min ahd qudamā’ al-miṣriyyīn ilā sanat Al-Ya‘qūbī (d. 284/897) (1892) K. al-Buldān, ed. de Go- 1945. Vol. 1/2. Cairo. eje. Leiden. Regourd, A., Handley, F.J.L. & Reinfandt, L. (Forthcom- Yāqūt (d. 626/1229) (1410/1990) Mu‘jam al-buldān, ed. ing) Catalogue raisonné of the Arabisch Leinwand Farīd ‘Abd al-‘Azīz al-Jundī. Beirut. 24 Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck Götz König W ährend die in Altavestisch komponier- materiale Kultur dabei einem einheitlichen zeitli- ten Lieder des Avesta (die Gāϑās und das chen, räumlichen und sozialen Horizont angehört, Yasna Haptaŋhāiti) einen rituellen Dich- ist keineswegs sicher (s.u.). Während Vīdēvdād und tungsstil pflegen, der sich in eigentümlicher Weise Nērangestān weitgehend die Lebenswelt der Priester gegen die Dinge der Welt weitgehend verschließt, bzw. Gläubigen zum Zeitpunkt ihrer Textkomposi- d.h. Wörter, die auf Materiales – auf in Raum und tion beschreiben, beziehen sich die (teilweise ‚archa- Zeit Identifizierbares – vermeidet, stellen die in Jun- isch’ anmutenden) Yašts auf eine eher aristokratische gavestisch abgefaßten metrischen wie prosaischen Sphäre, die sich immer wieder in eine heroisch-my- Texte des Avesta eine weitaus ergiebigere Quelle thische Vorwelt ausdehnt. zur Rekonstruktion der materiellen avestischen Kul- In Hinsicht auf Terminologien für Gegenstände tur dar. Richten dabei diejenigen Texte, welche die der Bekleidung sind es vor allem zwei jungavesti- tägliche bzw. zu bestimmten Anlässen zu feiernde, sche Textpartien, die sich diesen konzentriert wid- um die altavestischen Texte herum komponierte men. Die Kapitel 67-69 und 73-78 des Nērangestāns Priesterzeremonie bilden (Yasna bzw. Yasna mit beschreiben diverse Kleidungsstücke (meist textilen Vīsparad), ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf das Ritual und Charakters) der Mazdāverehrer (insbesondere auch dessen Gegenstände, so dringt mit den interkalierba- deren heiligen Gürtel). Die Listen in V 14.7-10 stellen ren Sammlungen (naska) der Hymnen (Yašts; einst die für die drei Gesellschaftsklassen Priester, Krieger im *naska- baganąm zusammengestellt1) und dem und Bauern spezifischen zaiia „Instrumente“ zusam- sich weitgehend auf Rechtsgegenstände beziehenden men, welche im Falle von Priestern (aϑauruuan) und Vīdēvdād ‚Welt’ in die Ritualsphäre ein, die selbst Kriegern (raϑaēštar) auch Kleidung einschließen. So wiederum in ihrer gegenständlichen Konkretion von nennt V 14.8 das bis in die Moderne für den zoroast- dem priesterlichen Unterweisungstext Nērangestān rischen Priester typische „Vor-Tuch“ (paiti.dāna) (s. beschrieben wird. Anhang). V 14.9 listet für den Krieger sechs Angriffs- Ob die in den drei genannten jav. Texten Yašt waffen und sechs Kleidungsstücke = Rüstungsgegen- (Yt), Vīdēvdād (V) und Nērangestān (N) reflektierte stände,2 zeigt also ein Gleichgewicht der offensiven 1. Kreyenbroek 2004; Kreyenbroek 2008; Cantera 2010; König 2012. 2. Zu avestischen Waffentermini s. Malandra 1973. 383 384   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) V 14.9 Pahlavi Übersetzung Verwandtes Bedeutung zrāδō. zreh arm. LW zrahkʿ [Hübschmann Nr. 238]; Cuirass (frz. cuirasse mp. zreh „Bewaffnung“; np. zereh “armour [leather]”) „Cuirass; Kettenhemd“ kū̆iris. grīwbān [ān ī az tarag abāz ō zreh Vgl. Bergname kaoirisas(ca) Yt 19.6 (IE Halsschutz6 bast ēstēd]4 *kur-/*gur- „Hals“) „Halsschutz [was vom Helm aus an das Cuirass gebunden wird]“5 paiti.dānō. padān [ān ī azēr ī zreh dārēnd] Vgl. ai. prati-dhāna- „Anziehen“ Mundvorsatz(-Tuch?) „Mundvorsatz [was man unter dem Cuirass trägt]“ sārauuārō. sārwār [tarag] „sārwār [Helm7]“ arm. LW sałavart [Hübschmann Nr. 566]; Helm; Hut (?) syr. sanvartā „Helm“; vgl. av. hąm-varəiti- „Wehrhaftigkeit“ etc. kamara. kamar np. kamar Gürtel8 rānapō. rānbān [xsparzag (Mss. šplc’)] Zu sparzag vgl. mmp./parth. ʿspr; np. separ Beinschutz „Schild“ und defensiven zaiia. In historischer Hinsicht wird Lehnwortschatz oder im Neupersischen scheinen auf darum der Vergleich mit den Ausrüstungsverhältnis- einen metallenen Charakter der Rüstung hinzuweisen, sen, wie sie sich in den Yašts, insbesondere in Yt 14, wie er spätestens seit sasanidischer Zeit durch Relie- finden, aufschlußreich sein, da diese Ausrüstungsge- fabbildungen oder Graffitis bezeugt wird und typisch genstände in Yt 14 in bezug auf den Schutz des Kör- für den aswār (np. s̱ owār) (< ap. asabāra3), den ira- pers markant von V 14.9 abweichen. nischen Ritter, ist. Die für die im avestischen Text gelisteten Rüs- Vīdēvdād 14.9 tungsteile verwendeten Materialien sind unbekannt. Die (defensiven) Rüstungsgegenstände des Got- Die sechs Bekleidungsgegenstände, die V 14.9 als die tes Vaiiu, die Yt 15.57 als „goldene“ (zaraniia°) für den Krieger typischen listet, beschreiben eine Ein- beschreibt, entsprechen in ihren Bezeichnungen kleidung des gesamten Körpers, also eine vollständige (°xaoδa-„Hut; Helm“;9 x°minu- „Halsgeschmeide“;10 Rüstung. Die Übersetzungen einiger Gegenstände °vastra- „Kleid“; °aoϑra- „Schuh“;11 °aiβiiā̊ŋhana- ins Pahlavi, ebenso Wortparallelen im armenischen „Gürtel“) nicht den in V 14.9 genannten. Jedoch 3. Die Bildung ist im Avestischen nicht bezeugt. In N 19.6 findet sich ein barō.aspa- „ein Pferd reitend“ (im Gegensatz zu vazō.raϑa- „einen Wagen fahrend“). Zum Zusammenhang von Pferd und Mann s.a. das Kompositum Yt 10.101 aspa.vīra.gan- „Pferd und Mann schlagend“. 4. Das bei der Nōzūt-Zeremonie angelegte Hemd wird kīse-ye kerfe und gerebān genannt, letzteres ist vermutlich eine volksetymolo- gische Umbildung von grīwbān (Junker 1959, 28). 5. Zu Helm und Halsschutz aus safawidischer Zeit s. Rehatsek 1882. 6. Zu kuris- „Helm“ s. Bailey 1954, 7-8. Zum Wort siehe auch Duchesne-Guillemin 1937-1939, 861. 7. Np. targ „Helm“ (s. ŠN). 8. Der Gürtel (kamar) zählt im 3. Jh. zu Würdezeichen des zum „Ohrmazd Mowbed“ erhöhten Ēhrbed Kirdīr, s. KSM 5 (KKZ 4, KNRm 9-10) „Und der König der Könige Ohrmazd verlieh mir Hut und Gürtel“ (u-m Ohrmazd šāhān šāh kulāf ud kamar dahēd). 9. Yt 9.30 uruui.xaoδa- „spitzhelmig“ (zu uruui- „spitz“ s. EWA II, 456); der Helm gehört dem (700 Kamele besitzenden) Ašta.auruuaṇt. Vīspa.ϑauruuō.ašti. (Yt 9.30, 17.50), einem Feind des Vīštāspa. Ihm eignet auch ein spitzes Schild/Brustwehr (uruui.vərəϑra-). 10. Auch von Frauen getragen, s. Yt 5.127, 17.10. 11. Vgl. Yt 5.64, 78; V 6.27 (PÜ mōg „Schuh“); xvā.aoϑra- (PÜ xwēš mōg) V 13.39, PV 5.46. 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   385 zeigt weitere Analyse, daß sich aus einer Kleidungs- autoritativen Ms. F1 (Indien 1591) und bildete einst bezeichnung i.d.R. nicht auf das für die Kleidung ver- die Nr. 11 des sasanidischen Nask Bayān, eine der 21 wendete Material schließen läßt. So tragen, wie das Abteilungen der in der Sasanidenepoche unternom- Bildnis des Skunxa in Bisotun zeigt, die „spitzmützi- menen Kanonisierungen des Avesta. Der Ursprung gen“ (tigra-xauda-) Saken xaudas aus Stoff/Filz; hin- des Vərəϑraγna ist vieldiskutiert.15 Sein Name be- gegen beschreibt Yt 13.45 die xaoδas der Frauuaš ̣is deutet „Schläger des Widerstands / der Widerstands- (wie deren gesamte Rüstung) als „eiserne“ (Yt 13.45 kraft (vərəϑra)“, was auf einen Zusammenhang mit aiiō.xaoδā̊. aiiō.zaiiā̊. aiiō.vərəϑrā̊. „eiserne Hüte, den als vṛtra-hán- „die Vṛtra-Schlange schlagend“ eiserne ‚Instrumente’ [= Angriffswaffen12], eiserne qualifizierten vedischen Gottheiten Indra, aber auch Schilder/Brustwehren“), vgl. np. xūd „Helm“, je- Agni („Feuer“), hindeutet. Eigentümlicherweise ist doch pašto xol „Helm; Hut“, oss. xūd/xodæ „(Pelz-) der avestische Vərəϑraγna indes nie vərəϑra-jan- – Mütze“ (EWA III, 148; sem. LW ḥwdʾ „Tiara, Dia- vərəϑra-jan- ist vielmehr das Epitheton des avesti- dem“). Ähnliches gilt im Falle der Gürtelschnüre.13 schen Schlangentöters Θraētaona –, und dunkel ist, Der historisch nächste Vergleichspunkt der Krieger- ob vərəϑra- (≈ ai. vṛtra-) im Avesta auch die (dämo- bekleidung, die V 14.9 aufführt, dürften Relief- und nische) Schlange bezeichnet (hat). Das Wesen des Siegeldarstellungen des achämenidischen Irans bzw. Vərəϑraγna scheinen folgende Züge zu bestimmen: Beschreibungen der mit dem achämenidischen Iran 1. Er besitzt eine enge Beziehung zum Krieg; vertrauten griechischen Historiker sein. Ein solcher 2. Er ist der Schützer der Wege (der Totenseele?) Vergleich kann hier freilich nicht geleistet und nur da- und Reisenden (seine in späterer Zeit wichtigste rauf hingewiesen werden, daß die griechische histori- Aufgabe); sche Literatur diesbezüglich sehr wertvolle Nachrich- ten enthält (s. z.B. Her. 7.84.1 über einen aus Bronze 3. Er ist – im Avesta nur in Spuren zu erkennen oder Silber gehämmerten Kopfschutz der berittenen – der Gott der ewigen Feuer (vermutlich enger Perser [πλὴν ἐπὶ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι εἶχον ἔνιοι αὐτῶν καὶ Bezug zu 2.); χάλκεα καὶ σιδήρεα ἐξεληλαμένα ποιήματα]14). 4. Er besitzt eine besondere magische Kraft.16 Yt 14 zerfällt im wesentlichen in zwei Hälften. Die Yašt 14 erste Hälfte beschreibt 10 (meist tierische) Me- tamorphosen der Gottheit, mittels derer sich der Innerhalb des Jungavesta begegnen in der Textgruppe Gott offenbar einem Opferer (Zaraϑuštra) nä- der Yašts in Yt 14 Beschreibungen von Schutzmaß- hert.17 Diese Fähigkeit zur Veränderung des cor- nahmen des Körpers, die wenig zu denjenigen zu pas- pus (av. kəhrpa-) ist höchst ungewöhnlich für sen scheinen, die das Vīdēvdād nennt. Die in Yt 14 einen iranischen ahura, indes typisch für einen beschriebenen Schutzmaßnahmen sind durchwegs daēuua (Dämon) (s. PY 9.15). Die zweite Hälfte magischer Natur. des Yašt beschreibt (auch falsche [s. Yt 14.54- Yt 14 ist dem Gott Vərəϑraγna gewidmet. 56]) Opfer an Vərəϑraγna, besonders aber eine Sein Hymnus ist der 14. von 21 (22) Hymnen des Reihe von magischen Praktiken. Diese scheinen 12. Vgl. Y 58.1 taṯ. sōiδiš. taṯ. vərəϑrəm. dadəmaidē. hiiaṯ. nəmə̄. ... „Das bestimmen wir als Waffe, das als Schild/Rüstung, das Gebet ...“ 13. In ZWY 7.11 begegnen die dēw ī dawāl-kustīg „ledergegürtete Dämonen“. Demgegenüber scheint der zoroastrische kustīg (≈ av. aiβiiā̊ŋhana- / aiβiiāsti-) immer aus Lammwolle gewebt zu sein. In N 77.5, da der Fall besprochen wird, daß der „auf nacktem Körper“ (maγnąm. tanūm) getragene Gürtel Schaden verursacht, wird lieber auf den Gürtel verzichtet als das Material des Gürtels zu wechseln. 14. Auch bei den Offensivwaffen verwenden noch im 5. Jh. einige iranische Stämme nur teilweise aus Metall gefertigte Waffen, s. Her. 7.85.1 über die Sagartier. 15. Benveniste & Renou 1934; Gnoli 1989 mit Lit. 16. Stark hervorgehoben von Pirart 1999. 17. Man vergleiche Agnis „fetischartige Verkörperungen“ bestimmter Tiere bei der Feueranlegung (s. Oldenberg 1923, 75, 251). 386   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) sich sämtlich auf Krieger zu beziehen. Sie beste- 2. Yt 14.42-46 Zauber mit Federn II23 hen aus apotropäischen Sprüchen/Formeln, die magischer Text in Yt 14.45 sich mit Hantierungen mit kleinen, weitgehend 3. Yt 14.57-58 Zauber mit haoma Zweig24 unbearbeiteten Objekten verbinden, welche of- magischer Text in Yt 14.57(-58) fenbar den nackten Körper berühren oder aber 4. Yt 14.59-60 Zauber mit einem Stein25 am Körper befestigt werden. magischer Text in Yt 14.59(-60) Das Alter von Yt 14 ist nicht bekannt. Wie die an- Die besondere magische Bedeutung, die den Federn deren Yašts setzt der Text von Yt 14 nicht nur die zukommt, ist Vərəϑraγnas wichtigster Gestaltung als Domestizierung und das Reiten des Pferdes (s. Yt Falke (vārəṇjan(a); s. Yt 14.18-21; 14.35) geschuldet. 14.9) voraus (bei Iranern um 2000 v. Chr.18), sondern Der zweite Federzauber scheint eine entscheidungs- auch das Kamel scheint – anders als vermutlich das lose Schlachtsituation zu beschreiben. Er bewirkt ein Schwein19 – bereits von großer Bedeutung zu sein vərəϑra für die den Zauber ausführende Armee, d.h. (Yt 14.11-13, 39),20 ebenso wie der Falke (also ver- er führt den „Sieg“ in der Schlacht herbei. Zugleich mutlich die Falknerei). Wie alle anderen Hymnen ist kommt den Federn eine apotropäisch-defensive Wir- auch Yt 14 mit der Königsinstitution offenbar unver- kung zu (ob das in Yt 14.45 mit verschiedenen Prä- traut, was ein Datum vor den Achämeniden (Mitte verbien verwendete Verb marəz- „streifend berühren“ des 6. Jh.) wahrscheinlich macht. Der geographische auf ein Bestreichen des Körpers hinweist [s. Fußnote Horizont der Yašts läßt sich besser als der des Yasna 45 zu māl-], ist unklar). Sie sind apātar- and nipātār- fassen, und einige Hymnen sind sogar zu lokalisieren „Schützer“, bzw. nišharətar- „Wächter“. Die von die- (Yt 5, 19 am Hamun-See; Yt 13 im nördlichen, Yt 14 sen Termini angedeutete Dialektik von Schutz und im nuristanischen Hindukush). In Yt 10 (an Miϑra) Sieg wird sich in allen anderen drei Zaubern (Nr. 1, 3, scheint das Zentrum der Miϑra-Verehrung im zentra- 4) wiederfinden. Diese Zauber beziehen sich unmittel- len Hindukush zu liegen, von wo aus der Dichter die bar auf den menschlichen Körper, indem sie Handlun- Länder des östlichen/nord-östlichen Iran (Xoresmien gen mit kleinen Gegenständen an diesem beschreiben. und späteres Xorāsān) sukzessive überschaut (Harai- uua > Margu > Gauua > Suxδa > Xvāiriza ). Zauber mit haoma und Steinen (Zauber 3 + 4) Magische Gegenstände und Zauber in Yašt 14 Die magischen Praktiken Nr. 3 (haoma) + 4 (Stein) teilen dieselbe Beschreibung. Nach einer kurzen De- In der zweiten Hälfte von Yt 14 finden sich Beschrei- dikation an Vərəϑraγna nennen die Strophen Yt 14.57 bungen von vier Zauberpraktiken: bzw. 59 den Zaubergegenstand und dessen Behand- 1. Yt 14.34-4021 lung. In Yt 14.58 bzw. 60 folgt sodann die Nennung Zauber mit Federn und Knochen I22 des erhofften Erfolgs: magischer Text in Yt 14.38 18. Boyce 1975, 151. 19. Das Schwein wird im Avesta nur selten erwähnt. Yt 14.15 redet von „des Ebers Schweinsgestalt“ (hū.kəhrpa. varāzahe.), ebenso Yt 10.70, da der Eber eine besonders herausgehobene Erscheinungsweise des Vərəϑraγna darstellt. Dieser Eber scheint als ein wil- des Tier vorgestellt zu sein. 20. Das Kamel wird bereits in Y 44.18 erwähnt, und es figuriert nicht zuletzt im Namen des Zaraϑuštra, was darauf hinweist, daß die aav. Texte in einem Gebiet entstanden sein müssen, da die Domestizierung von Kamelen üblich war („der zarat-Kamele besitzt“). 21. Zu magischen zoroastrischen Texten und den Texten Yt 14.34-40 s. Modi 1894 (1911); 1900a (1911); 1900b (1911). 22. Dazu Lommel 1927, 139 n. 3; Friš 1951, 502-504. 23. Zu diesem s. Hübschmann 1882, 99; Geldner 1884, 82-83; Lommel 1927, 134, 140 n. 1; Friš 1951, 509-512; Humbach 1976. 24. Zu diesem Lommel 1927, 134; Friš 1951, 504-506. 25. Zu diesem Lommel 1927, 135. Zu Steinamuletten s. Callieri 2001, 26-31. In der Pahlavi-Literatur enthält Pahlavi Rivayat Dādestān ī dēnīg 64 eine Aufzählung magischer Steine. 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   387 Yt 14.58, 60 baire. pātārəm. tanuiie. baire. haoməm. yaϑa. azəm. auuata. vərəϑra. hacāne. yim. niuuīzaiti. niuuaṇdāṯ. apaiieiti. yaϑa. vīspe. aniie. aire. dušmainiiaoṯ. pəšana. haca. yaϑa. azəm. aom. spāδəm. vanāni. yaϑa. Wir opfern dem / beten zu 26 dem azəm. aom. spāδəm. niuuanāni. yaϑa. Vərəϑraγna. Ich trage den sāiri.baoγəm azəm. aom. spāδəm. nijanāni. yō. mē. Haoma<zweig>, den Widerstand bre- paskāṯ. vazaite. chenden Haoma<zweig>27 trage ich, den Daß ich begleitet (hac-) werde von solch guten Schützer trage ich, den Hüter für einem vərəϑra wie alle anderen Arier. den Leib trage ich, den Haoma<zweig>, Daß ich jenes Heer überwinde, daß ich je- den man ansteckt (?), <den man> aus der nes Heer vollständig überwinde, daß ich Fessel28 befreit (?) vom Feind mittels des jenes Heer niederschlage, welches hinter Kampfes.29 mir herzieht. Yt 14.57 sagt, jemand „trägt“ (bar-) den haoma. vərəϑra- ist definiert als der Wunsch, zu siegen Die Form baire (1.Sg.Pr.Inj.med.) weist darauf hin, (van-, ni-van-), die feindliche Armee zu schlagen daß bar- im Sinne von „etw. an sich tragen“ ver- (spāδəm. ni-jan-). Die Bedeutung von vərəϑra- ist wendet wird.30 Die Bedeutung von ni-viz- ist unsi- folglich (wie schon im zweiten Zauber) „Sieg“. Zu- cher (möglicherweise „anhängen“).31 Haoma, der gleich ist haoma – wie die Federn im zweiten Zauber angehängte (?) Gegenstand, entspricht dem altindi- – bestimmt als „guter Schützer“ (nipātārəm. vohu.) schen soma und ist sowohl der Name der im „Op- und „Wächter für den Körper“ (pātārəm. tanuiie.): fer“ (yasna) gepreßten (hu-) Pflanze (oder des Pilzes) wie des gewonnenen (ehemals toxischen) Saftes. Yt Yt 14.57 14.57 scheint den haoma als Pflanze/Pilz zu bezeich- vərəϑraγnəm. ahuraδātəm. yazamaide. nen. Deren Attribut sāiri.baoγa- ist unklar (vielleicht haoməm. baire. +sāiri. baoγəm. haoməm. „den Kopf einbiegend“32). vərəϑrājanəm. baire. nipātārəm. vohu. 26. yaz- meint sowohl einen Opfer- wie Gebetsakt. Letzteres zeigt Yt 10.32: surunuiiā̊. nō. miϑra. yasnahe. „Erhöre, o Miϑra, unser Gebet (yasna)“. 27. Nach Benveniste & Renou 1934, 20, eine „allusion au pouvoir de Hauma comme amulette“; s.a. Flattery & Schwartz 1989, 51, 58. 28. Zur Bindung des haoma vgl. Y 10.17 vīspe. haoma. upastaomi. ... yaṯciṯ. ązahu. dərətā̊ŋhō. jaininąm. upadarəzāhu. „Ich preise alle Haoma<zweige> ... die gepreßt gehalten werden in den Befestigungen der Weiber“. 29. Im Šāhnāme besiegt Kay Xosrō den Afrāsiyāb durch Hōms Hilfe (s. Boyce 1975, 159). 30. Allerdings zeigt Yt 14.27 baraṯ., daß auch das Aktiv verwendet werden kann. 31. xniuuīzaiti. → PÜ ēn kāmag +sahist; NpÜ M4 morād xwāste (← niuuazaiti.). 3.Sg.Pr.Ind. ni-viz- „anstecken“ (?). AiW 1329 be- stimmt die Bedeutung des av. Hapax ni-viz- rein kontextuell als „an-, einstecken“. Friš 1951, 505, erwägt verschiedene Etymolo- gien, ist jedoch der Meinung, die Bedeutung sei in jedem Fall „directly opposed to Bartholomae’s“ (Friš übersetzt: „I carry a ha- oma twig as protection (literally „protector“) to my body because it liberates (lifts) from captivity and is the cause of winning the battle over the enemy“). Bailey 1979, 387b, und dann Flattery/Schwartz 1989, 137 n. 9, haben für ni-viz- auf av. a-vaēza- (s. AiW 168; PÜ awināh) und idg. Parallelen hingewiesen (Bailey: „without bond (of evil)“). Kellens 1984, 101-102 („?“) gibt 1995, 56, als Bedeutung „rendre un culte“ – dem folgend de Vaan 2003, 229 („to pay homage to“), Cheung 2007, 433 („to venerate?“) –, je- doch ohne Anbindung im Iranischen noch Indogermanischen. Die Mss. zeigen verschiedenste Schreibungen: niuuazaiti. (für diese Lesung entscheidet sich Geldner 1884, 89-90, mit einer Übersetzung „trägt“; sie wird ebenfalls bei Friš 1951, 505, erwogen [vgl. ai. ní vahati „to carry home“]) in M4 ließe sich als „führt nach unten“ deuten (s. V 5.8 → nigōn-wazēnēd); nīuuazaiṯ. K36, K37; nijaiδi. K40; nizaṯ. K12; niuuīzaiδi. Jm4 / Ml2; niuuījaide. Pt1, L18, P13, O3; naiuuazaiti. J10; nizaiδe. L11. Die PÜ/NpÜ(M4) stellt zu vaš- „wünschen“. Das Anstecken des Zweiges wird von Clemen 1920, 144, mit einer „in (oder in der Nähe von) Persien (und Indien)“ verbreite- ten Sitte der Baumberührung verglichen (wofür allerdings nur Yt 14.57 als Beleg beigebracht wird). 32. sāiri.baoγəm. → PÜ sardār +bay (baγ); NpÜ M4 sardār [o] ḥeṣṣe o qesmat-konande. Das Wort sāiri. ist vermutlich zu sāiriuuaṇt- „around which carrion birds are flying“ (Humbach/Ichaporia 1998, 74) zu stellen. AiW 1573 gibt für sāiri.baoγa- „aus, vor dem Un- tergang rettend“. Humbach/Ichaporia 1998, 74-75, vergleichen mit Vaiius Epitheton Yt 15.45 aipi.δbaoγa- „hinterher einbiegend“ 388   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) Das Motiv des haoma-Tragens scheint in einem In- out with his snout. Overcome the debate dra-Mythos eine Parallele zu besitzen. AV 2.27 zeigt of those that debate against us, render Indra in einem Redestreit mit den asuras. Um diesen them devoid of force, O plant! zu gewinnen, ruft Indra eine pāṭā- genannte Pflanze 3. Indra placed thee upon his arm in or- an (Vers 1/4). Diese wurde einst von einem Adler der to overthrow the Asuras. Overcome (suparṇás) gefunden und von einem Eber ausgegra- the debate of those that debate against ben (Vers 2). Indra plaziert die Pflanze als ein Amu- us, render them devoid of force, O plant! lett am Arm (Vers 3) und ißt (vi-aś-) sie schließlich 4. Indra did eat the pâtâ-plant, in order (Vers 4):33 to overthrow the Asuras. Overcome the debate of those that debate against us, 1. May the enemy not win the debate! render them devoid of force, O plant! 34 Thou art mighty and overpowering. Overcome the debate of those that de- Der suparṇás-Vogel wurde von Malandra als der bate against us, render them devoid of mythologische Vogel Śyena (av. Saēna) identifiziert,35 force, O plant! der mit soma/haoma in enger Verbindung steht.36 2. An eagle found thee out, a boar dug thee Wahrscheinlich ist pāṭā ein spezieller indischer Name (AiW 85; EWA II, 274-275), bieten jedoch keine Übersetzung. Als „Kopf“ ist sāiri. (sāre. L18 / J10.) gedeutet bei Geldner 1884, 89; Lommel 1927, 142; Flattery/Schwartz 1989, 51 („head-saving“). Darmesteter 1892-1893 II, 575 N.80, verweist indes auf V 8.83 saire.hiia- „Mistdarre“ (s. sairiia- „Mist“ V 8.8, np. sar-gīn). Die Übersetzung sāiri. → sardār „Hauptmann“ basiert wohl demge- genüber auf Anklang (sāre. L18 / J10; vgl. Yt 14.46 sārəm. → sar). Die Übersetzung von baoγəm. → PÜ bay geschah möglicher- weise nach einem fehlerhaften Manuskript (baγəm. L18, P13, O3 / Jm4 [sec.m.] / J10). 33. Zu Zusammenstellungen von Indra, Soma und aś- „essen“ vgl. RV 3.36.8, 9.51.3 (beide vi-aś-), s.a. RV 1.170.5, 10.85.3,4. 34. Übersetzung Bloomfield 1897, 137-138 35. Fünf Belege von suparṇá- im RV in dieser Verbindung. 36. Malandra 1979, 220-221 and n. 13. Die ausführlichste Darstellung des zentralen Mythos des Śyená („Falke“ [in Geldners RV-Über- setzung bevorzugen die ersten Bücher eine Bedeutung „Adler“, während in den späteren Teilen Geldner mit „Falke“ übersetzt]) im RV bilden die Lieder RV 4.26&27. Sie halten einen Bericht Indras vor den Maruts fest: Der prá śyenáh śyenébhya āśupátvā „den Śyenas voraus schnellfliegende Śyena“, der „gedankenschnelle“ (mánojavā) habe sich, als ein „Ausgesandter“ (iśitás, RV 9.77.2), auf den Weg zur Herbeibringung der Opferspeise, des „somischen Met“ (mádhunā somyénotá), gemacht. RV 4.26.6-7a erzählen das mythische Urbild dieses Tuns: „Vorausschießend, den Stengel (aṅśúm) haltend, brachte der Adler, der Vogel aus der Ferne (parāvátaḥ [vgl. RV 9.68.8, 10.144.4]) den erfreulichen Rauschtrank, der Götterfreund den Soma, ihn festhaltend, nachdem er ihn aus jenem höchsten Himmel geholt hatte. Nachdem er ihn geholt hatte, brachte der Adler den Soma, tausend und zehntausend Trankopfer auf einmal“ (Übersetzung Geldner 1951 I, 454-455). RV 4.27 (vgl. dazu Oldenberg 1923, 173-174) berichtet den Mythos sodann aus der Perspektive seiner Protagonisten, Śyena und Soma. Śyena erzählt, er sei vor seinem Somaraub von „hundert ehernen Burgen“ (śatám … púra ā́ yasīr) bewacht worden (RV 4.27.1b [Text zitiert in Aitareya-Upanishad II, 4]), und Soma, Śyena habe ihn ungern (wegen seiner überlegenen Kraft) hinfortgetragen. Das Geschehen ist dramatisch: Śyena stürzt sich zum Raub vom Himmel herab, der Schütze Kṛśānu schießt nach ihm (s.a. RV 9.77.2.); doch Śyena gelingt der Raub (er reißt den madirám aṅśúm „berauschenden Stengel“ [RV 6.20.6] vom Felsen [ádreḥ, s. RV 1.93.6], wobei er, als der „Eisenkrallige“ [áyopāśtis], die Dasyus tötet, s. RV 10.99.8), und er bringt den Soma „von den hohen (Himmels)rücken zu den Indraanhängern“ (RV 4.27.4; RV 8.82.9 sagt, er habe den Soma zu Indra „mit dem Fuß gebracht“ [padábharat]), während der Schütze lediglich eine Feder des Śyena herabzuschießen vermag (s. dazu noch Geldner 1951 I, 455-456 n. 4.27.4c). Die Bedeutung des Soma-Raubs besteht in folgendem: 1. In Parallelität zur Herbei- bringung des Feuers (Agni) wird durch den Raub das Opfer erst ermöglicht (s. dazu RV 1.93.6); 2. Der Genuß des „vom Śyena ge- brachten“ (śyenā́ bhṛta-, RV 1.80.2, 8.95.3, 9.87.6; vgl. °-jūta- RV 9.89.1) Soma ermöglicht es erst dem keulentragenden Indra, den Vṛtra zu erschlagen. (In RV 5.45.9 stehen Śyena und Soma in Beziehung zum Wiederhervortreten der Sonne aus dem Himmels- fels, doch scheint dies nicht mit dem Raubmythos in Verbindung zu stehen, da dieses Lied sagt, der Śyena fliege zum Somatrank.) Auch neben dem Mythos werden Śyena und Soma durch Vergleich eng einander verbunden. RV 9.38.4 sagt, Soma „läßt sich in den menschlichen Ansiedlungen (mánuśīśu … vikśu [vgl. RV 1.148.1]) nieder wie ein Falke <im Nest>“ (Übersetzung Geldner; vgl. RV 9.62.4, zur Ergänzung s. z.B. RV 9.71.6; in RV 9.65.19 dient ein ähnliches Bild des Śyena zum Vergleich mit dem Rinnen des Soma ins Holzgefäß). Besonders aber ist auf das Bild RV 9.67.14/15 hinzuweisen: „In die Krüge eilt der Falke; er taucht in seinen Panzer un- ter. Brüllend (geht) er auf die Holzgefäße los. Dein ausgepreßter Saft, o Soma, ward in den Krug übergegossen; er schießt dahin wie der Falke im Fluge“ (Übersetzung Geldner; vgl. RV 9.82.1, 9.96.19). Hier wird der Śyena selbst zum Soma, Soma selbst zum Śyena. Zu einer Parallele der Beziehung von Adlervogel und göttlichem Rauschtrank (in RV 4.18.18 mádhu- statt sóma-) in der Snorra Edda s. Kuiper 1970, 283-284. 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   389 der haoma-Pflanze. Problematischer ist zumindest im bzw. „Immortales“ (Quintus Curtius 3.3.13) des ach- vedischen Material die mythologische Identifizierung ämenidischen Heeres der antiken Historiker: des Ebers.37 Die Zusammenstellung von Śyena und Proximi ibant quos Persae Immortales Eber erinnert allerdings an avestische Verhältnisse. vocant, ad decem milia. Cultus opulentiae In Yt 14.41 wird Vərəϑraγna, dessen zweitwichtigs- barbarae non alios magis honestabat ; illi tes Avatar sonst das des Ebers ist (Yt 14.15; Yt 10.70- aureos torques, illi vestem auro distinctam 72), mit dem Saēna verglichen. Veda und Avesta zei- habebant manicatasque tunicas, gemmis gen also einen Motivzusammenhang von Falke + etiam adornatas. Eber + haoma/soma (pāṭā) + Vərəϑraγna/Indra. Im vierten Zauber ist der Zaubergegenstand ein Als nächste marschierten zu 10000 dieje- Stein. Er wird näher bestimmt als siγūire. bzw. siγūire. nigen, die die Perser „Unsterbliche“ hei- ciϑra-, (vermutlich) „von siγūirischer Herkunft“. Das ßen. Niemand anders wurde im Rahmen Wort siγūiriia- scheint mit den altindischen śígravas, der Verehrung barbarischer Opulenz mehr einem im RV erwähnten Stamm, verwandt zu sein:38 geehrt; goldenen Halsschmuck, ein gold- geziertes Kleid besaßen sie, sowie langär- Yt 14.59 melige Tuniken, sogar mit geschnittenen asānəm. siγūire. ciϑrəm. / abarə. (?39) Edelsteinen (gemmis) besetzt.41 ahurō.puϑrō. / puϑrā̊ ŋhō. baēuuarə. pataiiō. / amauua. ās. vərəϑrauua. nąma. Auch hier tragen die Elitesoldaten Steine/Gem- / vərəϑrauua. ās. amauua. nąma. men als Teil ihrer militärischen Bekleidung. Man mag in solcher Praktik eine Erinnerung an Zeiten se- Der Sohn eines Herrn (ahura) [„Söhne“ hen, da (geschnittene) Steine nicht bloßer Schmuck, <bezeichnet> die Herren über 10000], sondern die eigentliche, nämlich magische ‚Rüstung’ er trägt den Stein von siγūirischer Her- darstellten. kunft <auf dem stand / über den gespro- Der in Yt 14.59 zitierte Zauberspruch ist aufgrund chen war>: „Er ist der Starke (amauuaṇt-), seiner chiastischen Struktur interessant: vərəϑrauuan- ist sein Name; er ist der Wi- derstehende (vərəϑrauuan-), amauuaṇt- ist amauua. ās. vərəϑrauua. nąma. sein Name. X vərəϑrauua. ās. amauua. nąma. Die Passage weist in die Sphäre militärischer Macht.40 Der Ausdruck „Herr der 10000“ (baēuuarə. Folgen wir der allgemeinen Meinung, die eine pataiiō.), der im Text m.E. als inneravestische Glosse Niederschrift des Avesta vor der Sasanidenzeit für zur Definition von puϑra- „Prinz“(?) geführt wird, ge- unwahr­scheinlich hält – ausgeschlossen ist eine sol- mahnt an die berühmten 10000 ἀθάνατοι (Her. 7.83) che Niederschrift in einem semitischen Alphabet 37. Sāyaṇa hatte das Eberbild von AV 2.27 auf Viṣṇu bezogen. 38. siγūire. → PÜ ān kāmag; NpÜ M4 morād. AiW 1580; Cantera 1999. Nur hier belegt. AiW 1580 verbindet siγūire (< *siγuir-iia zu av. *siγru-, s. Cantera 1999, 45) mit dem in RV 7.18.19 figurierenden, pferdeschlachtenden Volk der śígravas (Grassmann 1873, 1393, çigru- „Eigenname eines Volksstammes“), eine Verbindung, der sich auch Cantera 1999, 45, angeschlossen hat (zu śígru- „Moringa pterygosperma“, eine u.a. in Nordindien vorkommende und verwendete Heil- und Nahrungspflanze, dem Namen nach verwandt mit ir. *sigra- > sīr „Knoblauch“, s. mit Lit. EWA II, 635). Die Genese der PÜ/NpÜ(M4) (siγūiri. M4; suγure. L11, K40; suγuiri. Jm4 (sec.m.); suguri. Pt1, L18, O3; siγūrəmi. K36, K37, Ml2; sugərəm. P13; sogauuare. J19.) ist dunkel (ein Erklärungs- versuch bei Dhabhar 1963, 261 N. 59.1). In noch späterer Übersetzung scheint siγūire. von zūdī „Schnelligkeit“ übersetzt zu wer- den, eine Wiedergabe, die auf der Interpretation des Wortes als skr. śī́ghrya- (s.a. guj. śīgh „schnell“) beruht. 39. 3.Sg.Impf. (?); oder xābaire. (Geldner 1884, 91). 40. Vgl. Yt 5.85 auruuā̊ŋhō. ahurā̊ŋhō. daiŋ́hu.pataiiō. puϑrā̊ŋhō. daiŋ́hu.paitinąm. „die auruuaṇt- Herren, die Landesherren, die Söhne der Landesherren“. Zu auruuaṇt- vgl. Darius Eigenschaft der aruvasta- in DNb. 41. Her. 7.83.3 κόσμον δὲ πλεῖστον παρείχοντο διὰ πάντων Πέρσαι „die Perser zeigten (unter den 10000) den reichsten Schmuck“. Zum Schmuck der Achämeniden s. Rehm 1992. 390   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) nicht, da der korrekte avestische Vokalismus durch Der folgende Zauber bildet die Antwort. Der Ver- die orale Tradierung abgesichert ist –, so müssen wir fluchte soll seinen Körper mit einer Feder bestreichen von einem Besprechen des Steines ausgehen. Diese (aiβi.sifōiš.) (Yt 14.35) oder aber Federn und Kno- Praktik, einen Kleidungsgegenstand magisch zu be- chen eines Vogels tragen (baraiti.) (Yt 14.36): sprechen, ist im zoroastrischen Iran nicht unbekannt. Yt 14.35 Sie erfolgt z.B., wenn die Gürtelschnur der Zoroast- mərəγahe. pəšō.parənahe. +vārəṇjanahe. rier vom Webstuhl genommen wird.42 parənəm. aiiasaēša. spitama. zaraϑuštra. ana. parəna. tanūm. aiβi.sifōiš. ana. Zauber mit Federn (Zauber 1) parəna. hamərəϑəm. paiti.saŋhaēša. Der erste Zauber in Yt 14, Yt 14.34-40, operiert mit Des Vogels mit weit gespreizten Flügeln, Federn und Vogelknochen. Wie Yt 14.59/60 bezieht des Vārəṇjana<-Vogels> Feder sollst du sich auch dieser Zauber auf hochrangige Krieger bzw. nehmen, o Spitama Zarathustra! Mit dieser auf mythische Helden.43 In Yt 14.38 scheint der Text Feder sollst du über <deinen> Leib strei- wiederum einen magischen Spruch zu zitieren. Die chen, mit dieser Feder sollst du <deines> gesamte Passage beginnt in Yt 14.34 mit einer Frage: Widersacher<s Fluch> bannen. Yt 14.34 Bis in die Moderne hinein hat eine magisch-medi- yaṯ. bauuāni. aiβi.sastō. aiβi.šmarətō. zinische Praktik überlebt, welche die Rezitation von +pouru. narąm.+ ṯbišiiaṇtąm. ciš. +aŋ́he. Yt 3 – an Aš ̣a (Vahišta), ebenfalls eine ‚Feuergott- asti. baēšazō. heit‘ – mit einem (später durch ein Handtuch ersetz- ten44) Federritual kombinierte. Das Ritual wurde vor Wenn ich von feindlichen Männern mit ca. 100 Jahren von Jackson und Modi beschrieben. Worten und Gedanken verflucht sein sollte, Parallelen im Šāhnāme indizieren,45 daß diese Art der was ist das Heilmittel dagegen? Federheilung in Iran eine lange Tradition besitzt. Die 42. „Fast vollendet, wird das ganze Gewebe vom Webstuhl abgenommen und von einem Priester zurechtgeschnitten und durch vor- geschriebene Sprüche geweiht.“ (Junker 1959, 29). Möglicherweise handelt es sich dabei um Y 55.2. Dieser Vers – er bezeichnet die in Y 54 beendeten Gāϑās als xvarϑam. vastramca. uruuane. „Essen und Kleid für die Totenseele“ – wird von den Hss. eines Pāzand-Traktats über das Kustīg zitiert. 43. Yt 14.39-40: Welche <Kraft und Kraft der Widerstandsbrechung> bei sich führten die Herren, bei sich führten die Herrensöhne, bei sich führten die Ruhmreichen (?) (ahurā̊ŋhō. ... āhūiriiā̊ŋhō. ... haosrauuaŋhanō.), die bei sich führte Kauui Usan ... <und> der starke θraētaona trug/besaß, welcher die Schlange Dahāka erschlug, ...“. 44. In späterer Zeit: “When the custom of making passes was introduced among the Parsees, though the Parsee priest used his hand- kerchief for making passes over the patient, the foreign word ‘pichhi,’ (feather) came into use with the custom. I have more than once seen the Ardibehest Yasht recited over a patient but have never seen the use of feathers.” Modi 1924, 66; vgl. Jackson 1906, 379; Callieri 2001, 20. 45. Die Federzauber von Yt 14 sind schon früh zu den Zaubern im ŠN in Beziehung gesetzt worden (s. Spiegel 1863, XXXIII). Dort dienen die Federn des Sīmorġ (= av. saēna- mərəγa-) als Heilmittel von Kampfwunden oder aber als Schutzmittel, und zwar so- wohl gegen körperliche Gefahren wie verbale Anfeindungen. Dazu werden die Federn entweder über den Körper gerieben (māl-; vgl. Yt 14.45 āmarəzən. vīmarəzən. framarəzən.), oder aber verbrannt, eine Praktik, von der Yt 14 nicht berichtet. Die wesentli- chen Stellen des ŠN sind die folgenden: ŠN 15, 3664-3668 (Kampf Rustam – Isfandiyār) (vgl. ŠN 7.1686): negah kard morġ an- dar ān xastegī / be-ǧost andar ān nīz peywastegī // az-ū cār paykām be-bīrūn kešīd / be-menqār az ān xastegī xūn kešīd // bar ān xastegīhā be-mālīd parr / ham andar zamān gašt bā zūr o farr // bed-ū goft k-īn xastegīhā be-band / hamī bāš yek-hafte dūr az ga- zand // yekī parr-e man tar be-gardān be-šīr / be-māl andar-īn xastegīhā-ye tīr „Der Vogel besah die Wunde und suchte sie zu hei- len. Er entfernte vier Pfeilspitzen und sog mit dem Schnabel das Blut heraus. Mit den Federn strich er über die Wunden, da kamen Kraft und farr <zu Rustam> zurück. Er sagte zu ihm: ‚Verbinde die Wunden, und nach einer Woche wird sich das Übel entfernt haben! Eine meiner Federn befeuchte mit Milch und reibe sie in die Pfeilwunden!’“ Rustam wird Isfandiyār schließlich mit einer List überwinden, in der ein Tamariskenzweig (šāx-e gaz) und das Reiben von Rustams Kopf mit den Vogelfedern eine bedeutende Rolle spielen (ŠN 15.3692ff.). ŠN 7.181-183 (Sīmorġ spricht zu Sām) (vgl. ŠN 7.1665): abā xwīštan bar yekī parr-e man / hamī bāš dar sāye-ye farr-e man // gar-at hīc saxtī be-rūy āwarand / ze nīk ō ze bad goft o gūy āwarand // bar ātaš bar afkan yekī parr- e man / be-bīnī ham andar zamān farr-e man „Nimm eine meiner Federn mit Dir, so wirst Du unter meinem farr stehen. Solltest 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   391 durch Federn und Knochen bewirkte Widerstandskraft der Landesherr, schlägt/tötet nicht hundert, macht in Yt 14 den Bestrichenen unüberwindlich: der <sonst> Männertötende schlägt/tötet nicht auf einmal, – der Bestrichene allein Yt 14.36 x yō. nā. baraiti. astauuō. vā. taxmahe. schlägt/tötet <und> vertreibt. mərəγahe. parənauuō. vā. taxmahe. Yt 14.38 mərəγahe. +vīspe. tərəsəṇti. xparənine. auuaϑa. naēδa.ciš. raēuua. maš́ iia. jaiṇti. naēδa. māuuaiiaciṯ. (tanuuō. auuaϑa. māuuaiiaciṯ.) fraēšiieiti/xfrašāuuaiieiti. (?) paouruua. tanuiie. vīspe. tərəsəṇtu. auruuaϑa. hē. nəmō. baraiti. paouruua. x varənā̊ . vīspe. tərəsəṇtu. duš.mainiiuš.aməmca. vīδāraiieiti. upastąm. vərəϑraγnəmca. niδātəm. tanuiie. manō. <Denn> welcher Mann <am Leib> <sie> [Amulettext:] ‚Alle fürchten den Gefieder- trägt, ob der mit Knochen des starken Vo- ten (Dat.) – so <denn> auch mein <Gefie- gels Versehene, ob der mit der Feder des der> (des Leibes, so auch meinen <von der starken Vogels Versehene, kein <noch so> Feder bestrichenen>) Leib sollen fürchten prächtiger Mensch46 schlägt <ihn dann>, alle Feinde (?), sollen fürchten alle Übelge- und keiner vertreibt <ihn dann>. Ihm zu- sinnten <meine> Kraft und Kraft zur Wider- erst bringt sie (die Feder des Vogels) Ehr- standsbrechung (aməmca. vərəϑraγnəmca.), erbietung <und> zuerst die xvarənahs;47 sie <sowie> den <in/an> <meinem> Leib nie- verteilt Beistand, die Feder des Vogels der dergelegten Gedanken.’ Vögel. Federn als Teil der Rüstung sind aus parthi- Yt 14.37 scher wie sasanidischer Zeit bekannt. In Hung-e tā. ahurō. sāstranąm. daiŋ́hupaitiš. nōiṯ. Kamālwand48 findet sich ein parthisches Relief, das satəm. jaiṇti. vīraja. nōiṯ. hakərəṯ. jaiṇti. einen Ritter in einer sehr eigentümlich mit Federn be- x vaēsifō. ōim./ xaēm. jaiṇti. xfraēšiieiti./ setzten Rüstung zeigt. xfrašāuuaiieiti. (?) Besser bekannt sind Federn (bzw. Flügel, s. Relief Dadurch <geschieht folgendes>: Der Herr Wahrām II, Sar Mašhad) als Teil der sasanidischen unter den Gebietern (ahurō. sāstranąm.), Kronen49 Der erste Sasanidenherrscher, Ardašīr I,50 Du jemals in Schwierigkeiten geraten, sollte man Dich wie immer auch mit Worten anfeinden, dann wirf eine meiner Federn aufs Feuer, und Du wirst sogleich mein farr erfahren!“ 46. Zu den inhaltlichen/syntaktischen Problemen von naēδa.ciš. raēuua. maš́ iia. s. Kellens 1975, 66 n. 10. Vgl. mit raēuua. maš́ iia. auch RV 7.1.23 márto ... revā́ n. In V 20.1 ist es Θrita, der als erster „unter den zauberkundigen, prächtigen ... Paraδāta-Menschen* Krankheit <und> Tod ... abhält“ (maš́ iiānąm. ... yātumatąm. raēuuatąm. ...paraδātąm. yaskəm. ... mahrkəm. ... dāraiiaṯ.; nach AiW 1285 ist yātu° gemäß der PÜ in +yāta° zu korrigieren). *Zu paraδāta- „am Anfang erschaffen“ (?) vgl. die Bezeichnung der Königsskythen als παραλάται in Her. 4.6; zum Wort s. Kel- lens 1974, 264-265. 47. Übersetzung weitgehend nach Hintze 1994, 23. Die Opposition zu baraiti. … xvarənā̊. formuliert Yt 10.27 yō. ... paiti. xvarənā̊. vāraiieiti. apa. vərəϑraγnəm. baraiti. auuarəϑā̊. hīš. apiuuaiti. „welcher (Miϑra) die xvarənahs (des feindlichen Landes) abwendet, die Kraft zur Widerstandsbrechung wegbringt, ihre (der feindlichen Länder) Wehrlosen jagt.“ Malandra 1983, 85, sieht bezüglich Yt 14.36 in xvarənā̊. eine Qualität der Feder (“possessing much (?) xwarənah”). 48. Vanden Berghe & Schippmann 1985, 42-46 + Pls 7-19. 49. Zur Darstellung des Vogels bzw. seiner Federn an Kronen s. Stricker 1964, 312-313; Shahbazi 1984, 317; s.a. Widengren, 1965, 335. Bilder von Vögeln auf Helmen ostiranischer Krieger finden sich in Widengren 1969, Abb. 18+19. Allgemein wird in diesen Darstellungen ein Verweis der Vogeldarstellung auf Vərəϑraγna gesehen, die weitere Deutung ist jedoch umstritten. Nach Koch 2001, 4 & Abb. 2, sind auch die eigenartigen Mützen jener als Perser gedeuteten Bogenschützen auf den Nordpalastreliefs von Ni- nive (Mitte 7. Jh. v. Chr.) als Federn zu identifizien, deren sublimierte Form sich dann in den typischen kannelierten Kopfbedeckun- gen der Persergardisten in Persepolis wiederfinden soll. 50. Dazu Mosig-Walburg 1982, 31-36. 392   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) trägt einen Vogel an seiner Krone, und er bezieht Antonym vərəϑra-γna- (wörtl.) „Schläger des Wider- sich damit auf persische Herrschertraditionen, wie stands“ (bzw. vərəϑra-jan- „den Widerstand schla- sie bereits im 2. Jh. v. Chr. bezeugt sind (Vogel an gend“) hat: Beide Wörter bedeuten „Sieg“ (bzw. der Tiara).51 Von Wahrām II an (276-293) – ein nach „siegreich“) (eine Bedeutung, die im übrigen für ai. Vərəϑraγna genannter König52 – fügen dann zahlrei- vṛtrá- m. nicht angesetzt werden kann). Ich vermute, che Herrscher Federn/Flügel ihrem Kronschmuck zu daß diese Entwicklung von vərəϑra- („Widerstand“ (Hormizd II,53 Wahrām IV, Pērōz, Xusrō II, Ardašīr > „Sieg“) durch einen Wandel in der Militärtech- III, Burān, Hormizd V, Xusrō V, Yazdegerd III),54 nologie, einen Forschritt bei der Entwicklung der und noch das Navsarier np. Ms. F46 (kopiert im 19. Defensivwaffen zu erklären ist. Ein Krieger, dessen Jh.) schließt einen moralischen Text ein, der von Widerstand (aufgrund seiner Ausrüstung) nicht ge- den „21 Kanguras (Federn) an der Krone von Kai- brochen werden kann, der jedoch zugleich fähig ist, ser Noširwan“ zu berichten weiß.55 einen anderen Widerstand zu brechen – nur ein sol- cher Krieger, der über die besseren Defensivwaffen Die Zauber Yt 14 (Zusammenfassung) verfügt, wird siegreich sein. Möglicherweise mar- kiert der semantische Wandel von vərəϑra- jenen Das Ziel der Zauber 1, 3 + 4, ist ein doppeltes. Mit- historischen Punkt, an dem Offensiv-56 und Defen- tels magischer Gegenstände, die dem Körper oder sivwaffen über den Schlachtausgang entschieden.57 der Kleidung angefügt werden, machen die ver- Die Bedeutung von vərəϑra- wäre folglich „Sieg schiedenen Zauber den Körper gegen feindliche durch Defensivkraft“. Angriffe widerstandskräftig, so daß schließlich ein In Yt 14 ist dieser semantische Wandel darum dop- Sieg errungen werden kann. Diesem doppelten Ziel pelt eigentümlich, als die beschriebenen Defensivwaf- dienen freilich alle Defensivwaffen. Gleichwohl fen, d.h. die ‚Rüstungen’, quasi imaginierte, magi- scheint zwischen den magischen Gegenständen in sche, vortechnologische sind. Folglich wären zwei Yt 14 und der technologisch fortgeschrittenen Rüs- Zeitebenen in Yt 14 überblendet: Eine archaische Zei- tung in V 14.9 der Wandel eines Zeitalters zu lie- tebene, auf der die ‚Rüstung’ des Körpers lediglich gen. In Yt 14 begegnet (wie in allen anderen jav. von Zauberpraktiken und weitgehend ‚natürlichen’ Texten) eine semantische Kuriosität, die jedoch in magischen Gegenständen abhing, und eine technolo- Yt 14 eine besondere Pointe besitzt. Diese Kurio- gisch fortgeschrittene Zeitebene, die jener von V 14 sität besteht darin, daß das Neutrum vərəϑra- „Wi- (oder auch Yt 13.45) entspricht. derstand“ (var- „einschließen“) (bzw. vərəϑrauuaṇt- Solche Gleichzeitigkeit des Ungleichzeitigen be- „widerstandsfähig“) dieselbe Bedeutung wie dessen gegnet auch im ŠN (s. N. 45) in anderer antiker sowie 51. Carter 1995, 124 mit Lit. Seit parthischer Zeit machen bis ins 20. Jh. die Vogelzeichen die wohl häufigsten Verzierungen iranischer Kronen aus (s. Calmeyer/Peck/Shahbazi/Ḏokā’ 1993, bes. 410, 415, 417, 418, 421-422 (Seljuken; Sogdien; Buyiden), 424-426. 52. Wahrām II kennt auch eine Eberkopfhaube (s. Göbl 1968, 7). Diese wird vor allem von der Königin und dem Kronprinzen getra- gen, wobei der Eber „gelegentlich dem Kopf eines Sēnmurv ähnelt“ (Göbl 1968, 44). Bezüglich Šābūhr II (309-79) berichtet Am- mianus Marcellinus 19.1.3, daß dieser eine diamantenbesetzte, goldene Figur eines Widderkopfes, was vielleicht als ein Verweis auf Vərəϑraγnas achte Gestaltung zu verstehen ist. 53. Hier ist der Vogel in voller Gestalt dargestellt, s. Shahbazi 1984, 316, 317; Carter 1995, 129. 54. Siehe Colpe 1986, 232, gemäß Göbl 1968, 9 & Abb. 48-72. In achämenidischer Zeit findet sich die Verbindung des Großkönigs mit der Falkengestalt in seiner Funktion als ägyptischer Pharao (Sternberg-el Hotabi 2009). Sternberg-el Hotabi 2009, 403, schreibt: „Ikonographische Anknüpfungspunkte, Dareios in Falkengestalt zu verehren, gab den Persern sicherlich ihr höchster Gott Ahura Mazda, der selbst Falkenzüge aufwies.“ Eine solche Darstellung des Ahuramazdā (oder des Ahura Mazdā) ist m.W. nicht bekannt. Wenn die ägyptische Falkendarstellung des Dareios überhaupt ikonographische Bedeutung für die Perser besaß, dann wohl nur im Sinne einer Vərəϑraγna-Darstellung. 55. Dhabhar 1923, 28. 56. Yt 14 nennt an Offensivwaffen Yt 14.27 ein „Messer mit Goldinlay“ (karətəm. zaraniiō.saorəm.). 57. Zur Bedeutung von Defensivwaffen für den Schlachtausgang s. Yt 13.26. 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   393 mittelalterlicher Literatur,58 und letztlich stehen auch Westen begegnen paiti.dānas bei einigen wenigen die achämenidischen Gemmen oder die parthischen Völkerschaften auf den persepolitanischen Reliefs Federn in diesem asynchronen Verhältnis. Im Falle der Apadāna (Thronhalle), und zwar bei den Gesandt- von Yt 14 erwecken die geschilderten magischen Ge- schaften der Meder, Areier und Arachosier. Bemer- genstände bzw. ihre Behandlung im Vergleich zum kenswert ist nun, daß es wiederum allein Meder und westiranischen Rüstungs-‚Schmuck‘ jedoch den Ein- Areier (oder Arachosier) zu sein scheinen, die auf ei- druck, als seien sie mehr als sublimierte Erinnerung, ner ganz bestimmten Reliefgruppe in Persepolis ab- mehr als symbolischer Zierrat. Ihnen fällt die Auf- gebildet sind. Es handelt sich dabei um jene Reliefs, gabe des Körperschutzes tatsächlich und ausschließ- die vom nördlichen, öffentlichen Sektor (am Tripy- lich zu. Die Zauberpraktiken in Yt 14 dürften darum lon) den Weg zum südlichen, privaten Sektor flan- einen Einblick in militärische ‚Kleidungspraktiken’ kieren, und schließlich zu den sog. Königspalästen (‚Rüstungen’) geben, die wesentlich älter sind als die geleiten. Diese Meder und Areier/Arachosier tragen finale Komposition des Yašt. Schafe, Geschirr, Flüssigkeiten. Angesichts der Tat- sache, daß auf den Reliefs der Terrasse von Perse- Anhang: Der priesterliche paiti.dāna polis, die man doch immer wieder mit dem Vollzug von großen Riten (Neujahrsfest) in Verbindung ge- Unter den priesterlichen „Ausrüstungsgegenständen“ bracht hat, rituelle Szenen fehlen, scheint es plausi- in V 14.8 wird als einziges Kleidungsstück das paiti. bel, jene Träger als Opferpriester zu identifizieren.60 dāna- „(Mund-)Vorsatz(-Tuch)“ erwähnt. Bis heute Mit ihrer Prozessionsszene lassen sich zwei Bilder im gehört das paiti.dāna/padān zu den Kennzeichen des Vīdēvdād vergleichen. In V 5.39 wird von einer Pro- zoroastrischen Priesters. Seine Existenz wird funkti- zession vermutlich von Priestern berichtet: „In die- onal begründet, es soll das Feuer vor dem unreinen ser knochenversehenen Welt tragen wir (die Priester Atem schützen.59 Möglich (und nicht notwendig im [?]), o aš ̣aversehener Ahura Mazdā, das Feuer, das Widerspruch zu der genannten Erklärung stehens) ist barəsman, die Tassen, den haoma und das Preßgerät“ aber auch, daß sich das Vorsatztuch aus einer regi- (yōi. nmānā̊. hąm.barāmahi. aš ̣āum. ahura. mazda. onalen, auch die Priester betreffenden Bekleidungs- ahmi. aŋhuuō. yaṯ. astuuaiṇti. ātrəmca. barəsmaca. praktik herleitet, bevor sich der Brauch dann über taštaca. haomaca. hāuuanaca.). Ein ähnliches Bild den gesamten (zoroastrischen) Iran ausgeweitet hat. zeichnet V 3.1, jedoch ohne Nennung des Feuers,61 Wie gesehen, tragen auch und noch im Avesta die das sich schon am Ritualort zu befinden scheint: „Wo Krieger paiti.dānas, und in Yt 5.123 trägt es auch (in wahrlich der aš ̣aversehene Mann ‚voranschreitet’ (in Gold, wie bei Götten üblich) die Göttin Anāhitā. Im Prozession?), o Spitama Zaraϑuštra, Brennholz in der 58. In der dritten Auenture des Nibelungenlied redet der Text von „liehten bruneie … veste helmen … schilde schoene vnde breit“ (Hs. A, Auenture 3, Str. 67 c-d), zugleich aber heißt es über Siegfried, er „badete sich in dem (lintrachen) bluote, sin huot wart hurnin“ (Hs. A, Auenture 3, Str. 101). Bisweilen treffen beide Entwicklungsstufen aufeinander: Quintus Curtius 10.7.16-26 erzählt die Ge- schichte des pugil nobilis Dioxippus, der nackt und mit einer Keule bewaffnet gegen einen gerüsteten Makedonen kämpft, zum all- gemeinen Erstaunen, quippe armato congredi nudum dementia, non temeritas videbatur „denn für einen Nackten schien es nicht nur Unbedachtheit, sondern Wahnsinn, mit einem Bewaffneten zu kämpfen“. 59. Strabo 15.3.14 sagt, daß das Anblasen des Opferfeuers (der Text bezieht sich auf das sog. Ātaš Zōhr [Y 62]) verboten war: διαφερόντως δὲ τῷ πυρὶ καὶ τῷ ὕδατι ϑύουσι, τῷ μὲν πυρί, προστιϑέντες ξηρὰ ξύλα τοῦ λέπους χωρὶς πιμελὴν ἐπιτιϑέντες ἄνωϑεν: εἶϑ᾽ ὑφάπτουσιν ἔλαιον καταχέοντες, οὐ φυσῶντες ἀλλὰ ῥιπίζοντες: τοὺς δὲ φυσήσαντας ἢ νεκρὸν ἐπὶ πῦρ ϑέντας ἢ βόλβιτον ϑανατοῦσι „Vorzugsweise opfern sie dem Feuer und dem Wasser; dem Feuer, indem sie trockene Holzscheite ohne Rinde anlegen und oben darauf Fett (πιμελὴν). Dann gießen sie Öl darüber und zünden sie an, jedoch nicht anblasend, sondern fächelnd. Wer das Feuer anbläst, oder etwas Totes oder Kot hineinwirft, wird getötet.“ (Übersetzung Forbiger) 60. Vgl. Razmjou 2005, 152. 61. Ob das Feuer unter den getragenen Gegenständen sich befindet, ist unklar. Die Wendung hąm.bar- ātrəmca. barəsmaca. ... „Feuer und barəsman etc. zusammenbringen“ erzwingt diese Interpretation nicht (V 5.39 könnte auch eine metonymische Formulierung sein, vgl. V 5.39 „a) das Feuer, b) das barəsman, c) die Schalen, d) haoma und Preßgerät“ und V 3.1/Y 62.1 „a) Brennholz in der Hand, b) das barəsman in der Hand, c) Milch/Fleisch in der Hand, d) das Preßgerät in der Hand“. 394   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) Hand, das barəsman in der Hand, Milch/Fleisch in der PÜ Mittelpersische Übersetzung (des Avesta) Hand, das Preßgerät in der Hand, Worte aufsagend ŠN Šāhnāme im Einklang mit der daēnā, bittend den weite Fluren V Vīdēvdād besitzenden Miϑra und den gute Weiden habenden Y Yasna Rāman“ (yaṯ. bā. paiti. nā. aš ̣auua. fraiiaṯ. spitama. Yt Yašt zaraϑuštra. aēsmō.zastō. barəsmō.zastō. gao.zastō. ZWY Zand ī Wahman Yasn hāuuanō.zastō. āxštaēδa. daēnaiia. vacō. framrū. miϑrəmca. vouru.gaoiiaoitīm. jaiδiią. rāmaca. xvāstrəm.). Die Komposita aēsmō.zastō. barəsmō. ArOr Archiv Orientálni zastō. gao.zastō. hāuuanō.zastō. „Brennholz in der BSEI Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Iranología Hand, das barəsman in der Hand, Milch/Fleisch in IIJ Indo Iranian Journal der Hand, das Preßgerät in der Hand“ begegnen auch JA Journal Asiatique in Y 62.1 (= Ny 5.7), wo sie offenbar die für die „Li- JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society bation an das Feuer“ (Ātaš Zōhr) benötigten Ritual- KZ Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung gegenstände beschreiben.62 (Kuhns Zeitschrift) MSS Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Abkürzungen Gesellschaft aav. altavestisch ai. altindisch Bibliography ap. altpersisch arm. armenisch Bailey, H. W. (1954) Ariana. In Donum natalicium H. S. av. avestisch Nyberg oblatum, 1-16. Uppsala. jav. jungavestisch Bailey, H. W. (1979) Dictionary of Khotan Saka. LW Lehnwort Cambridge. mmp. manichäisch-mittelpersisch Bartholomae, Chr. (1904) Altiranisches Wörterbuch. mp. mittelpersisch Straßburg. np. neupersisch Benveniste, E. & Renou, L. (1934) Vṛtra et VṛΘragna. oss. ossetisch Étude de Mythologie indo-iranienne. Paris. parth. parthisch Bloomfield, M. (1897) Hymns of the Atharva-Veda. With extracts from the Ritual Books and the commentaries. sem. semitisch Oxford. syr. syrisch Bowman, R.A. (1970) Aramaic Ritual Texts from Perse- → Übersetzung (aus dem Avesta) polis. Chicago. Boyce, M. (1975) A history of Zoroastrianism. Vol. 1. The AiW Altiranisches Wörterbuch (= Bartholomae 1904) early Period. Leiden-Köln. EWA Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoari- Callieri, P. (2001) In the Land of the Magi. Demons and schen (= Mayrhofer 1992-2001) Magic in the Everyday Life of Pre-Islamic Iran. In R. Gyselen (ed.), Démons et merveilles d’Orient, 11-36. Her. Herodot Res Orientales XIII. Bures-sur-Yvette. N Nērangestān Calmeyer, P. et al. (1993): Crown. In: Encyclopædia Ira- NpÜ Neupersische Übersetzung (des Avesta) nica 6, 407-426. 62. Zu den vielen aramäisch beschriebenen Mörsern, Stößeln und Schalen, die man in der Schatzkammer der Terrasse gefunden hat, und die möglicherweise von einer Preßzeremonie (prkn) berichten (vermutlich haoma-Zeremonie), s. Bowman 1970; kritischer Le- vine 1972. Zu Siegelbildern aus Persepolis, die Ritualszenen abbilden (auch haoma-Opfer?), s. Schmidt 1957, Pl. 7. 24. Zur Bekleidung der Krieger im Avesta: Rüstung und magischer Schmuck   395 Cantera, A. (1999) Av. aγuriia- und siγuriia-: Zu einem Hintze, A. (1994) Der Zamyād-Yašt. Edition, Übersetzung, umstrittenen Lautgesetz im Jungawestischen, MSS 59, Kommentar. Wiesbaden. 39-50. Hübschmann, H. (1882) Zu Geldner’s Übersetzungen aus Cantera, A. (2010) Rituales, manuscritos y ediciones del dem Avesta, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachfor- Avesta: Hacia una nueva edición de los textos avésticos schung (KZ) 27, 92-103. de la liturgia larga, BSEI 1, 28-42. Humbach, H. (1976) Das awestische Federorakel. In: Carter, M. L. (1995) Aspects of the Imagery of Vereth- Yādegārnāme-ye Pūrdāvūd (Miscellanea in Honorem ragna: The Kushan Empire and Buddhist Central Asia. Ibrahim Purdavud) [= Farhang-i Īrān-zamīn 21], 58- In B.G. Fragner (ed.), Proceedings of the Second Eu- 63. Tehran. ropean Conference of Iranian Studies, 119-140. Roma. Humbach, H. & Ichaporia, P. (1998) Zamyād Yasht. Yasht Cheung, J. (2007) Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian 19 of the Younger Avesta. Text, Translation, Commen- Verb. Leiden-London. tary. Wiesbaden. Clemen, C. (1920) Die Griechischen und Lateinischen Kellens, J. (1974) Les noms-racines de l’Avesta. Nachrichten über die Persische Religion. Giessen. Wiesbaden. Colpe, C. (1986) Altiranische und zoroastrische Mytholo- Kellens, J. (1975) Sur la transmission des Yašts, MSS 33, gie. In H. W. Haussig (ed.), Wörterbuch der Mythologie. 61-66. Bd. IV: Götter und Mythen der kaukasischen und irani- Kellens, J. (1984) Le verbe avestique. Wiesbaden. schen Völker. Unter Mitarbeit von C. Colpe, G. Dumézil, Koch, H. (2001) Persepolis. Glänzende Hauptstadt des J. Elfenbein, K. Ishkol-Kerovpian, S. 161-48. Stuttgart. Perserreichs. Mainz. Darmesteter, J. (1892-1893) Le Zend-Avesta. Traduction König, G. (2012) Das Nask Bayān und das Xorde Awesta. nouvelle avec commentaire historique et philologique. In A. Cantera (ed.) The Transmission of the Avesta, 355- 3 Vols. Paris. 394. Wiesbaden. Dhabhar, E. B. N. (1923) Descriptive Catalogue of all ma- Kreyenbroek, Ph. G. (2004) Ritual and Rituals in the nuscripts in the first Dastur Meherji Rana Library, Nav- Nērangestān. In M. Stausberg (ed.) Zoroastrian Ritual sari. Bombay. in Context. Studies in the History of Religions, 317-331. Dhabhar, E.B.N. (1963) Translation of Zand-i Khūrtak Leiden. Avistāk. Bombay. Kreyenbroek, Ph. (2008) The Term Bâgân Yasn and the Duchesne-Guillemin, J. (1937-1939) Etymologies Aves- Function of the Yashts in the Zoroastrian Ritual. In: tiques. BSOS 9, 861-869. M. Jaafari-Dehaghi (ed.) One for the Earth: Prof. Dr. Flattery, D.S. & Schwartz, M. (1989) Haoma and Harma- Mahyar Nawabi, Memorial Volume., 81-94. Tehran. line. The Botanical Identity of the Indo-Iranian Sac- Kuiper, F. B. J. (1970) R. Gordon Wasson, Soma, Divine red Hallucinogen „Soma“ and its Legacy in Religion, Mushroom of Immortality, IIJ 12, 279-285. Language, and Middle Eastern Folklore. Berkeley/Los Levine, B. A. (1972) Aramaic ritual texts from Persepolis, Angeles-London. JAOS 92, 70-79. Friš, O. (1951) The Avestan Studies, ArOr 19, 492-513. Lommel, H. (1927) Die Yäšt’s des Awesta. Übersetzt Geldner, K. Fr. (1884) Drei Yasht aus dem Zendavesta. und eingeleitet. Mit Namenliste und Sachverzeichnis. Stuttgart. Göttingen-Leipzig. Geldner, K. F. (1951) Der Rig-Veda aus dem Sanskrit ins Malandra, W. W. (1973) A Glossary of Terms for Weapons Deutsche übersetzt und mit einem laufenden Kommen- and Armor in Old Iranian, IIJ 1973, 264-289. tar versehen. 3 Bde. Cambridge/Mass. Malandra, W. W. (1979) Atharvaveda 2.27: Evidence for a Gnoli, Gh. (1989) Bahrām. i. In Old and Middle Iranian Soma-Amulet, JAOS 99, 220-224. Texts. In Encyclopædia Iranica 3, 510-513. Malandra, W. W. (1983) An Introduction to the Ancient Ira- Göbl, R. (1968) Sasanidische Numismatik. Braunschweig. nian Religion. Readings from the Avesta and Achaeme- Grassmann, H. (1873) Wörterbuch zum Rig-Veda. Leipzig. nid Inscriptions. Minneapolis. Jackson, A. V. W. (1906) Persia, Past and Present. London. Mayrhofer, M. (1992-2001) Etymologisches Wörterbuch Junker, H. F. J. & Tavadia, J. (1959) Der wissbegie- des Altindoarischen. 3 Bde. Heidelberg. rige Sohn. Ein mittelpersischer Text über das Kustīk. Modi, J. J. (1894) Charms or Amulets for Some Diseases Leipzig. of the Eye, Journal of the Anthropological Society of 396   Götz König in Textile Terminologies (2017) Bombay 3, 338-345. (Repr.: Modi, J. J. (1911) Anthro- Rehatsek, E. (1882) Orientalische Rüstungsstücke, ZDMG pological Papers I, 43-50. Bombay.). 36, 655-658 + 1 Pl. Modi, J.J. (1900a) Nirang-i-Jashan-i-Burzigarān. A Reli- Rehm, E. (1992) Der Schmuck der Achämeniden. Münster. gious Formula Used as a Charm on the Festival of the Schmidt, E. F. (1957) Persepolis II: Contents of the Tre- Cultivators (the Fifth Day of the Current Parsee Month, asury and Other Discoveries. Chicago. Spendârmad, i.e., 15th August 1900). In: Journal of the Shahbazi, A .Sh. (1984) On vārəγna- the Royal Falcon, Anthropological Society of Bombay 5, 398-405. (Repr.: ZDMG 134, 314-317. Modi, J. J. (1911) Anthropological Papers I, 122-130. Sternberg-el Hotabi, H. (2009) ’Der Gute Gott, Herr der Bombay). Beiden Länder, Dareios’: Bemerkungen zur Stele Ber- Modi, J. J. (1900b): An Avesta Amulet for Conracting lin ÄS 7493. In Chr. Allison, A. Joisten-Pruschke & A. Friendship, Journal of the Anthropological Society of Wendtland (eds.) From Daēnā to Dîn. Religion, Kul- Bombay 5, 418-425. (Repr.: Modi, J. J. (1911) Anthro- tur und Sprache in der iranischen Welt. Festschrift pological Papers I, 131-139. Bombay). für Philip Kreyenbroek zum 60. Geburtstag., 399-407. Modi, J.J. (1924) A few Parsee Nîrangs (Incantations or Wiesbaden. Religious Formulæ). In: Anthropological Papers III. Pa- Stricker, B. H. (1964) Vārəġna, the falcon, IIJ 7, 310-317. pers Read before the Anthropological Society, S. 52– de Vaan, M. (2003) The Avestan Vowels. Amsterdam-New 71. Bombay. York. Mosig-Walburg, K. (1982) Die frühen sasanidischen Kö- Vanden Berghe, L. & Schippmann, Kl. (1985) Les Reliefs nige als Vertreter und Förderer der zarathustrischen Re- Rupestre d’Elymaïde (Irān) de l’Epoque Parthe. Gent. ligion. Eine Untersuchung der zeitgenössischen Quel- len. Frankfurt a. 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London. 25 Sasanian Exegesis of Avestan Textile Terms Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo T he Zoroastrian religion, taking its name from Although Avestan was and still is used by Zoro- the prophet Zoroaster, Greek version of the astrians for ritual purposes, it was no longer a living Avestan name Zaraϑuštra, developed in South language since the 1st millennium AD, when Middle and Central Asia out of the Indo-Iranian religious Iranian languages had already emerged from the lin- practices going back to the 2nd millennium BC, and guistic pool of the ancient period. Of these Middle is one of the few ancient Indo-European religions that Iranian languages, Pahlavi acquired special relevance, still survive, concretely in some communities in Iran, insofar as it was the language spoken by the Sasanian India and the diaspora. The most ancient Zoroastrian kings, under the rule of which Zoroastrianism was the sacred texts, commonly designated as the Avesta, main state religion. Pahlavi was spoken in the South- were orally composed and transmitted during the 2nd western Iranian province of Fārs after the fall of the and 1st millennia BC in the most archaic Iranian lan- Achaemenid Empire in BC 330, during which Old guage preserved, known as Avestan, until they were Persian was the language of the ruling class, and be- eventually put down to writing in manuscripts going fore the first written documents in New Persian or back to the beginning of the 2nd millennium AD. The Fārsi, dating back to the 8th century AD.1 Since the difficulties of understanding this language, no longer Sasanian kings, whose creed was Zoroastrian, estab- spoken but still needed for the ritual recitations, mo- lished the center of their political power in Fārs, this tivated that several priests rendered the Avestan texts province became a stronghold for Zoroastrianism, and into Pahlavi, the Middle Iranian language of the Sa- Pahlavi, the language spoken there and used by the sanian dynasty (AD 224 - 651), from which they were Sasanian administration, also became the language eventually translated into New Persian in Iran, and of culture for most of the Zoroastrian communities. into Sanskrit and Gujarati in India. Indeed, some centuries after Iran was conquered by 1. The most recent descriptions of the Middle Persian language and writing systems are found in Sundermann 1989 and Skjærvø 2009. According to Lazard 1963, 31, the first preserved texts written in New Persian would be the fragmentary inscriptions in He- brew alphabet found in Afghanistan and dating back to AD 752-753. 397 398   Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo in Textile Terminologies (2017) the Muslims, Pahlavi was still in use as one of the Avestan technical terms and words no longer un- sacred languages of these religious communities but derstood were sometimes incorporated into Pahlavi also for literary compositions, being brief texts com- as loanwords. This is the case, for instance, of Av. posed in Pahlavi by Zoroastrian priests as late as the aδka- / atka- “mantle, cloak,”3 rendered into Phl. adag 19th century AD. <ʾtk’> iñ N 74.2:4 The exegetical schools of Pahlavi-speaking priests Av. aδkˉəsca.5 frazušō. vaŋhasca. during the Sasanian period rendered into their ver- + upasmaēni.6 nacular language most of the Avestan texts that had reached to them, and provided their Pahlavi transla- pleasing7 cloaks and garments made of tions with several commentaries, which reflected the land animals, different interpretations of the Avestan texts by the Phl. [PWN ʾw’ zwtʾn’ tʾpyt’] ʾtk’-c8 leading priests of each school. When rendering the <y> prʾc9 hwʾstk’ kpʾh-HD [ʾy ʾywtʾk] Avestan texts into Pahlavi, these priests applied di- QDM nyhʾn’-c [y +KZY9 lwtk HWE- verse techniques, but they mostly tried to accurately t AMT mwd <y> +ʾywtʾk10 QDM ZK y reproduce the Avestan originals by means of word- ʾnd gywʾk ʾytwn’ YHWWN-yt’ cygwn for-word literal translations that mirrored the Avestan gwnʾk HWE-yh syntax.2 Nevertheless, they sometimes deviated from their models when challenged by terms no longer un- [pad ō zōtān tābīd] adag-iz <ī> frāz derstood, or customs and regulations that had changed xwāstag kabāh-ē [ay ēw-tāg] <ī> abar in their contemporary society. How the Pahlavi trans- nihān-iz [ī +ahy rūdag hād ka mōy <ī> +ēw-tāg abar ān ī and gyāg ēdōn bawēd lators and commentators tried to bridge the exegetical gap between the Avestan and Pahlavi languages and cīyōn gōnāg hē] contexts highly determined their (and subsequently [spun for the zōt (priests)] and pleas- our) understanding of the Avestan and Pahlavi texts. ing cloaks (or) an overcoat [that is, in In this paper I will show by some examples how this one piece] that is also hidden [of the first problem affects our interpretation of Avestan textile shearing, that is, when the hair (is) in one terms and their Pahlavi translations. piece over that much place, it is as if it Avestan textile terms were rendered into Pahlavi were dyed] by means of the following different techniques: 1. As loanwords. The fact that Phl. adag has no other parallel out of 2. By etymological translations based on phonetic the Pahlavi translation of the preceding passage and similarity. is not continued in New Persian indicates that it has 3. By synonymic translations. to be taken as a loanword, which translated a term scarcely attested in Avestan and probably unknown 4. By another word from the same semantic field. to the Pahlavi translators. 5. By reinterpretations. 2. See Cantera 2004, 240-328. On the techniques of the Pahlavi translators see also Josephson 1997 and Buyaner 2010. 3. Attested in Yt 5.126, N 74.2 (Bartholomae 1904, 61). cf. Ved. átka- “mantle” (Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 1.58; Andrés-Toledo 2010, 439). 4. All the Avestan and Pahlavi texts quoted are edited by me according to the oldest manuscripts preserved of each text, the different readings of which I include as footnotes. The English translations are also mine. 5. HJ at.kˉəsca. ̃ 6. HJ uparsmanāi. 7. Regarding Av. frazuš- “pleasing,” see Kellens 1974, 86. 8. HJ y add. 9. HJ KZY-yh. 10. HJ tʾk. 25. Sasanian Exegesis of Avestan Textile Terms   399 The second technique, based on phonetic similarity Who wear reeds, sāδaiiaṇtī- and dry furs but perhaps also on a basic etymological knowledge, Phl. OLE-šʾn’ MNW +nhwmbynd21 finds some good examples in the Pahlavi translations KNYA W +dypʾk-HD22 [krc] <W> of Av. vastra-, drafša- and barəziš-. The first,11 gen- +clm’23 y hwšk erally applied to clothing and derived from the Proto- Indo-European root *u̯ es- “to wear,”12 was systemati- awēšān kē +nihumbēnd nāy ud +dēbāg-ē cally rendered into Phl. wastarag, also a general term [karz] <ud> +carm ī hušk for clothing derived from the same Proto-Indo-Euro- Those who wear reeds, a [silk] brocade pean root. Although the Pahlavi translators could have (and) dry furs chosen other synonyms for clothing like Phl. jāmag and paymōg, they preferred to render Av. vastra- into Insofar as Av. naδa- is the object of the verb vah- its etymological and phonetically related equivalent in “to wear,” it is very likely that it designates a sort Phl. wastarag. The same applies to Av. drafša- “stan- of clothing, “Name eines Kleidungsstücks” accord- dard, banner,”13 rendered into Phl. drafš “banner,” ing to Bartholomae 1904, 1038. Waag 1941, 137 and both deriving from Proto-Indo-European *drep- “to 140, followed by Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 2009, 48- cut off;”14 and to Av. barəziš- “cushion,”15 systemat- 51, went a step further and proposed a highly hy- ically rendered into Phl. bāliš “cushion,” both deriv- pothetical translation as “cap.” Av. naδa- is actually ing from the same Proto-Indo-European root *bhelǵh- related to Ved. nadá- and naḍá- “cane, reed,”24 and “to swell.”16 Phl. drafš and bāliš are also attested in was rightly understood by the Pahlavi translators, who other passages apart from the Pahlavi translations and rendered it into Phl. nāy “reed,” being impossible to continue as NP. derafš and bāliš respectively with the know what kind of clothing made of reeds (or simi- same meaning as in Pahlavi. lar vegetal fibres) the Avestan term naδa- referred to. Etymological Pahlavi translations also help cor- Some examples of the third technique, the syn- rectly interpreting Avestan textile terms, as demon- onymic translation, also reveal the Pahlavi transla- strated by the Pahlavi translation of Av. naδa- in N tors’ skills to rightly interpreting and translating Aves- 77.4: tan words, and are the key to correctly editing them. This is the case of Av. aoϑrauuan- “footwear,” at- Av. +yōi.17 +vaŋhəṇti.18 naδˉəsca. tested in V 8.23a and N 68.2: +sāδaiiaṇtīšca.19 carəmąnca. +hiku.20 11. Attested in Y 10.20, 55.2, V 3.18-19, 4.46, 5.38, 5.49, 5.54-58, 6.27, 7.11-13, 7.17-18, 7.64, 7.69, 8.23-25, 9.32-35, 9.49, 12.2, 12.4, 12.6, 12.8, 12.10, 12.12, 12.14, 12.16, 12.18, 12.20, 12.22, 16.16, 17.3, 18.19, 18.21, VN 13, N 68.1, 69.2, 73.3, 75.1, 78.2, Yt 5.129, 10.126, 14.61, 17.14, 19.56, 19.59, 19.62, Vyt 7.45, VīD 2, 12 and 20 (Bartholomae 1904, 1385). 12. Present, for instance, in Ved. vástra-, Gr. heímata and Lat. vestis (Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 2.529). 13. Attested in Y 10.14a, 57.25d, Yt 1.11, 4.3, 8.56, 10.93, 13.136 and 14.48 (Bartholomae 1904, 771-772), and rendered into Phl. drafš <dlpš> in Y 10.14a and 57.25d. 14. Present, for instance, in Ved. drāpí- “mantel, cloak” and Gr. drépō “I cut off” (Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 1.758). 15. Attested in V 5.27b, 5.59c, 7.8e, 7.9, 14.14d and 18.26a (Bartholomae 1904, 950). This word was also identified in the Avestan compound Av. xvābarəziš- “own cushion” (Bartholomae 1904, 1878), rendered into Phl. xwad-bāliš <BNPŠE bʾlš’> in V 6.51. Phl. bāliš(n) <bʾlš(n)’> was wrongly written <wʾlš(n)’> in the manuscript L4 (f. 247r, l. 11) in V 18.26. 16. cf. Ved. barhíṣ- “grass bedding spread for the offerings” (Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 2.213-214). 17. HJ yō. 18. HJ vaŋhaiti. 19. HJ sāδaiiaṇtišca. 20. HJ huki. 21. HJ hwmb’ynd. 22. HJ dyywʾk-HD . 23. HJ lyp’. 24. Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 2.7. 400   Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo in Textile Terminologies (2017) V 8.23a. Av. |a| dātarə. gaēϑanąm. must beat him with four hundred lashes astuuaitinąm. aš ̣āum. yō. vastrəm. of the horse’s whip, four hundred of the upaŋharəzaiti. upairi. aētəm. iristəm. Sraoša’s lash.” ubdaēnəm. vā. izaēnəm. vā. auuauuat. ̃ N 68.2. Av. yaϑa. +aoϑrauuanō.25 biš. aipi. yaϑa. narš. aoϑrauuana. |b| kā. hē. paiti.26 maiδiiōi. +paitištāne.27 asti. ciϑa. |c| āat. mraot. ahurō. mazdā̊. ̃ caϑβārō. sata. upāzananąm.̃ upāzōit. as- When wearing footwear, twice to the pahe. aštraiia. caϑβārō. sata. sraošō.̃ middle of the leg28 caranaiia. Phl. cnd 229 pʾdypʾnk’30 [GBRA31 prʾc |a| Maker of the material creatures, Righ- hwmbyt’] OD OL nymk +ptyštʾn’32 teous one, whoever casts clothes upon cand dō pāybānag [mard frāz humbēd] this dead, woven or made of goat(’s tā ō nēmag +padištān leather), in as much as man’s footwear, As much as [a man wears] two footwear, |b| what is the atonement for it? |c| And to the middle of the leg Ahura Mazdā said: “four hundred lashes with the horse’s whip one must decree In the first passage Av. aoϑrauuan- is written as (for him), four hundred with the Sraoša’s aoϑrauuana in the Iranian manuscripts 4000, 4045, lash.” 4050 and 4055. In the passage of the Nērangestān, Phl. |a| dʾtʾl MNW wstlg QDM āϑrauuanō (with ā- instead of the diphthong ao-) is ŠḆKWN-yt’ QDM ʾw’ ZK lyst’ ttk the common variant of the manuscripts TD and HJ, ʾywp pwstyn’ ZK y ʾnd cnd GBRA the oldest preserving this text. Ch. Bartholomae 1900, +LGLE-pʾnk |b| ktʾl OLE AYT’ twcšn’ 125-127 and 1904, 323 preferred the latter variant and |c| AP-š gwpt ʾwhrmẕd AYḴ 400 PWN translated it as “Strumpf,” following its Pahlavi trans- QDM znšnyh QDM znšn’ ʾsp’ ʾštl 400 lation pāybānag “protecting the feet,” but did not ex- slwšclnʾm plain it etymologically. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 2009, 31 also edited Bartholomae’s form āϑrauuanō and |a| dādār kē wastarag abar hilēd abar ō translated it as “stockings,” but they were also unable ān rist tadag ayāb pōstēn ān ī and cand to explain its etymology. Thanks to the Pahlavi trans- mard +pāybānag |b| kadār ōy ast tōzišn |c| lation pāybānag “protecting the feet” we can con- u-š guft ohrmazd kū cahār sad pad abar firm that the variant aoϑrauuana of V 8.23a is the zanišnīh abar zanišn asp aštar čahār sad right one, and that āϑrauuanō of N 68.2 is merely srōšōcarnām a corrupted form out of the former, probably in- |a| Maker, whoever casts clothes upon troduced during the written transmission by con- the dead, spun or leathern, in as much as tamination of the usual word for priest in Avestan: man’s footwear, |b| what is the atonement āϑrauuan-. That Av. aoϑrauuan- “having shoes,” a for it? |c| And Ahura Mazdā said: “one noun deriving from aoϑra- “shoe”33 and going back to 25. TD HJ āϑrauuanō. 26. TD HJ pai.i. biš. 27. TD paitištānō; HJ paiti.štānō. 28. That is, the sacred girdle can reach up to the middle of the leg in both legs. 29. TD y 1. 30. TD pʾdypʾn‘. 31. HJ GRRA. 32. TD HJ pytyštʾn’. 33. Attested in Yt 5.64, 78 and V 6.27. 25. Sasanian Exegesis of Avestan Textile Terms   401 Proto-Indo-European *h2eu̯ - “to weave,”34 was iden- present in Ved. chad- “to cover,”38 and that it would tified and rightly translated by the Pahlavi translators designate something covering the body. Although sev- is just another proof of their competence. eral Iranian words related to clothing and outfit, like In other instances the Pahlavi translators did not Phl. cādur “sheet, veil” (actually a loanword from choose a Pahlavi synonym of the Avestan textile term, Late Sanskrit), its New Persian form cādor “veil” and but another word from the same semantic field. This Paštō psōl “necklace, belt,”39 go back to this Indo- is the case of the Pahlavi translations of Av. ubdaēni-35 Iranian root, it is not possible to precise the mean- and ubdaēna-36 “woven, made of textile,” rendered ing of Av. sāδaiiaṇtī-, which therefore remains un- into Phl. tadag <ttk> “spun.” Although the Avestan known. Many centuries ago the Pahlavi translators verbal root vaf- “to weave,”37 from which the pre- of the Sasanian period were challenged by the same ceding Avestan adjectives are formed, also existed in problem, which they solved by choosing the contem- Pahlavi as waf- “to weave,” the Pahlavi translators porary terms dēbāg-ē [karz] “a [silk] brocade” for preferred the verbal root tadan, tan- “to spin,” from translating this Avestan hápax legómenon. The rea- which tadag “spun” derives, to render these adjec- son for this choice might be found in a parallel pas- tives into Pahlavi. Although spinning is certainly not sage of N 73.1, in which another Avestan textile há- the same as weaving, the Pahlavi translators simply pax legómenon, Av. kərəti-, is mentioned: picked up another term from the common semantic Av. +yōi.40 +vaŋhəṇti.41 kərətīšca. field of verbal roots related to textile production. Finally there are also examples in which the (Those) who wear kərəti- Pahlavi translators reinterpreted the Avestan terms, Phl. OLE-šʾn’ MNW +nhwmbynd42 either because they did no longer understand them ZK-cy klynytk’ [cygwn twp <y> gy- or because they were trying to update them to make tyg hm nmtk cygwn krc +dypʾk-HD43 them fit into their own contemporary context. This AYT’ MNW ʾytwn’ YMRRWN-yt’ ʾy is the case, for instance, of the hápax legómenon HD MNW hm hdybʾl OL hm’ mynyt’ Av. sāδaiiaṇtī- in N 77.4, rendered into Phl. dēbāg-ē YKOYMWN-yt’] [karz] “a [silk] brocade.” Although Bartholomae 1904, 1570 was again very cautious and just identi- awēšān kē +nihumbēnd ān-iz kirrēnīdag fied this Avestan word as a sort of clothing, “Name [cīyōn tōf <ī> gētīg ham namadag cīyōn eines Kleidungsstücks,” A. Waag 1941, 137 and 140, karz +dēbāg-ē ast kē ēdōn gōwēd ay ēw followed by Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 2009, 48-51, was kē ham ayār ō ham menīd ēstēd] more imaginative and translated it as “Hose,” that is, Those who wear the kirrēnīdag (= cut) trousers. Actually, the only thing we can guess from [like spun wool of flock together with this word is that it derives from IIr. *sćad- “to cover,” felt;44 like a silk brocade. There is (a 34. Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 1.754-755 and 1.758; Andrés-Toledo 2010, 439. Av. aoϑra- is also the second element of the compound xvā.aoϑra- “having its own shoes,” attested in V 13.39 and VN 53, 62 (Bartholomae 1904, 1875). 35. Attested in V 7.15a. 36. Attested in V 8.23a, 8.24a and 8.25a. 37. Bartholomae 1904, 1346; Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 2.506; Andrés-Toledo 2010, 437-438. 38. Bartholomae 1904, 1570; Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 1.554-555. 39. Morgenstierne 2003, 60; Cheung 2007, 341-342. 40. HJ yō. 41. HJ vaŋhənti. 42. HJ HWE-d. 43. HJ dypk-HD. 44. cf. NP. namad “felt; a garment of coarse cloth; cloak worn during rain; a rug or coarse carpet on which people sit; a thick veil” and namad dar bar “with a coarse cloak or garment over the shoulders” (Steingass 1930, 1425-1426). Or maybe “wild plum” used as a dye; cf. NP. namatk “wild plum” (Steingass 1930, 1425). 402   Miguel Ángel Andrés-Toledo in Textile Terminologies (2017) commentator) who says: “all have agreed Abbreviations that (it is) one that helps for everything.”] Av. Avestan It is noteworthy that the Pahlavi translators of this passage were still able to identify that Av. kərəti- was Gr. Greek related to the verbal root *kart- “to cut,”45 as their IIr. Indo-Iranian Pahlavi translation kirrēnīdag “cut” suggests. How- Lat. Latin ever, it seems that the exact meaning of both Av. N Nērangestān kərəti- and Phl. kirrēnīdag was not clear enough to NP. New Persian them, because they added a short explanation to it Phl. Pahlavi in Pahlavi, according to which this textile term was V Wīdēwdād like a silk brocade. As we observe, the Pahlavi trans- Ved. Vedic lators and commentators of N 77.4 and 73.1 reached VīD Wizargard ī dēnīg the same conclusion when trying to identify the Aves- VN Vaēϑā Nask tan hápax legómena sāδaiiaṇtī- and kərəti-, which ac- Vyt Wištāsp Yašt cording to them might have been silk brocades. Ob- Y Yasna viously none of these translators regarded whether Yt Yašt or not these types of textiles were used by the Aves- tan-speaking population of South-western and Cen- tral Asia during the 2nd and 1st millennia BC, when the Avestan text of the Nērangestān was probably composed. They were simply interested in finding an equivalent in the Sasanian period for these ancient textile terms. The use of this technique, together with the rest they resorted to, demonstrates that the Pahlavi translations of Avestan texts, in spite of their many inaccuracies, were the product of learned and skilled translators who still were able not only to mechani- cally render one language into another, but also to re- flect on the meanings of the very difficult texts they were confronting, and to provide the best possible contributions to their interpretation. 45. Present for instance in Ved. kart- “to cut,” going back to Proto-Indo-European *(s)kert- “to cut” (Mayrhofer 1992-2001, 1.315- 316; Cheung 2007, 243-244). 25. Sasanian Exegesis of Avestan Textile Terms   403 Bibliography Lazard, G. (1963) La langue des plus anciens monuments de la prose persane. Paris. Andrés-Toledo, M. Á. (2010) Some Considerations about MacKenzie, D. N. (1971) A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary. Vedic, Avestan and Indoiranian Textile Terminology. In London. C. Michel & M. L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies Mayrhofer, M. (1992-2001) Etymologisches Wörterbuch in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the des Altindorarischen. Heidelberg. Third to the First Millennia BC. Ancient Textile Series Morgenstierne, G. (2003) A New Etymological Vocabulary 8. Oxford, 430-444. of Pashto. Wiesbaden. Bartholomae, Ch. (1900) Arica XIII. Indogermanische Shaked, Sh. (1996) The Traditional Commentary on the Forschungen 11, 112-144. Avesta (Zand): Translation, Interpretation, Distortion? Bartholomae, Ch. (1904) Altiranisches Wörterbuch. In La Persia e l’Asia Centrale: da Alessandro al X se- Straßburg. colo. Roma, 641-656. Buyaner, D. (2010) Different Modes of Rendering Aves- Skjærvø, P. O. (2009) Middle West Iranian. In G. Windfuhr tan into Pahlavi. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlän- (ed.). The Iranian Languages. London – New York, dischen Gesellschaft 160/1, 79-88. 196-278. Cantera, A. (2004) Studien zur Pahlavi-Übersetzung des Steingass, F. J., Richardson, J., et al. (1930) A compre- Avesta. Wiesbaden. hensive Persian-English dictionary, including the Ar- Cheung, J. (2007) Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian abic words and phrases to be met with in Persian lit- Verb. erature. London. Josephson, J. (1997) The Pahlavi Translation Technique as Sundermann, W. (1989) Mittelpersisch. In R. Schmitt Illustrated by Hōm Yašt. Uppsala. (ed.), Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum. Wiesba- Kellens, J. (1974) Les nom-racines de l’Avesta. Wiesbaden. den, 138-164. Kotwal, F. M. & Kreyenbroek, Ph. G. (2009) The Waag, A. (1941) Nirangistan. Der Awestatraktat über die Hērbedestān and Nērangestān. Volume IV: rituellen Vorschriften. Leipzig. Nērangestān, Fragard 3. Paris. 26 “Der Faden soll nicht reißen, während ich meine Dichtung webe…”: Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda Stefan Niederreiter W enn man sich als historisch-vergleichender Gebrauch in Metaphern, die ja bei nicht vorhande- Sprachwissenschaftler mit einem speziel- nem Verständnis ihre Wirkung verfehlt hätten. So len realienkundlichen Thema einer aus- kann auch keine Spezialuntersuchung, die sich mit gewählten Epoche einer altindogermanischen Spra- der Textilterminologie im Altindischen beschäftigt, che beschäftigt, so ist man aus Erfahrung darauf diesen Aspekt außer Acht lassen. In seiner Untersu- gefasst, dass Informationen zumeist lückenhaft vor- chung Weben und Flechten im Vedischen Indien bie- handen sind und die Erschließung der Texte mit den tet Wilhelm Rau1 zunächst einen klar strukturierten unterschiedlichsten philologischen und linguistischen Überblick über das einschlägige Vokabular, das er fol- Schwierigkeiten verbunden sein kann. genden Bereichen zuordnet: Rohstoffe; Aufbereitung; Trägt man das Erkenntnisinteresse textiltermino- Spinnen; Weben; Namen für Kleidungsstücke; Flech- logischer Fragestellungen an den ältesten indischen ten. Bereits innerhalb dieser onomasiologischen, im Text, den Rigveda (RV), heran, liegt es schon an der Sinne der „Wörter- und Sachenforschung“ präsentier- Textsorte der für rituelle Zwecke bestimmten sacer- ten Betrachtungen ist es oft unvermeidlich, die meta- dotalen Dichtung, dass Informationen zur handwerk- phorischen Gebrauchsweisen der einzelnen Termini lichen Praxis des Webens allenfalls verstreut, beiläu- zumindest zu erwähnen; zudem beschließt Rau sei- fig und dann vor allem in poetischen Metaphern den nen Aufsatz mit einer kurzen Betrachtung zur indi- vedischen Hymnen zu entnehmen sind. Aber gerade schen Geistesgeschichte: Sieht man die Textiltermi- der Befund der – wie gezeigt werden soll – ausge- nologie von einem anderen Blickwinkel als dem des bauten Metaphorik beweist den „Sitz im Leben“ die- Handwerks, kann man einiges über die Selbstauffas- ses Handwerks in dieser Zeit; der hohe Stellenwert sung altindischen Denkens lernen. Es ist sicher kein und die weit verbreitete Kenntnis der Kunst des We- Zufall, dass manche Termini, die in der frühen Phi- bens ist ohne Zweifel eine Voraussetzung für ihren losophie eine Rolle spielen, und vor allem solche, 1. Rau 1970. 404 26. Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda   405 die als Bezeichnung für wissenschaftliche Texte – aus beruflichen Gründen – die eines Lexikogra- dienen, aus der Sprache der textilen Technik stam- phen; als solcher gehe ich zunächst an die Erstellung men: grantha-, ein Nomen zur Verbalwurzel grath-/ eines Wörterbucheintrags (Lemmas) für das hier wohl granth- „knüpfen, binden, verbinden“ bedeutet also wichtigste Verbum o- „weben“; die durch langjährige nicht nur „das Binden“ oder (konkretisiert) „Knoten“, Praxis bewährte Form der Behandlung und Darstel- sondern bezeichnet auch eine kunstvolle Verskom- lung3 führte zu folgendem Ergebnis: position (vorwiegend den śloka-Vers mit 32 Silben), eine wissenschaftliche Abhandlung oder ein beliebi- o- (v.) facientiv-transitiv „WEBEN“ – ges literarisches Produkt. - tantra-, eine Ableitung zur “WEAVE”; ápa, prá (sich hin- und herbe- Wurzel tan- „spannen, dehnen“, einerseits der Auf- wegen, weben, entstehen – move to and from, zug eines Gewebes, die Webkette, ist aber vor allem weave, emerge); ví („auseinanderweben“, aus- in seinen vielen übertragenen Bedeutungen bekannt: breiten – “weave apart”, spread out); sam (zu- ausgehend vom Bild der „Hauptsache“, dem „durch- sammenweben – weave together) Tiefenkasus-Schema (semantische Rollen): laufenden System“, einer Norm oder Lehre steht es ▪ Deep Case Scheme (semantic roles): eben für Regeln, Theorien bzw. wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, die in mündlicher Tradition oder in 1 ACTOR – (THEME) schriftlicher Fixierung als Texte überliefert sind. – In 1 ACTOR – THEME „jmd. webt etw.“; ACTOR = nibandha- und prabandha- erkennt man unschwer die Nom. +bel., -abstr.; THEME = Akk. -bel., +/-ab- Verbalwurzel bandh- „(zusammen)binden“, wobei die str.; (Simplex; sam); Aktiv [optionaler BENE- beiden Ableitungen je nach Belegstelle für „Vertrag“ FACTIVE (Dat. +bel., -abstr.) ist mit * gekenn- oder „Kommentar“ stehen können, jedenfalls aber ei- zeichnet]; Aktiv ▪ ACTOR – THEME “s.o. weaves s.th.” ACTOR = nen Text im allgemeinen bezeichnen. – sūtra-, eine Nom. +bel., -abstr.; THEME = Akk. -bel., +/-ab- Ableitung zum Verbum sīvy- „nähen“, ist in seiner str.; (Simplex; sam); Aktiv [optional BENE- Bedeutung „Folge, Sammlung von Regeln“ wohl das FACTIVE (Dat. +bel., -abstr.) marked with *]; geläufigste Vokabel mit der allgemeinen Bedeutung active „Text“, das seinen Ursprung im textilen Handwerk hat.2 Diese Beispiele könnten noch erheblich vermehrt 1a ACTOR „jmd. webt weg (ápa) und vorwärts werden; es ist also offensichtlich, dass vor allem die (prá)“; ACTOR = Nom. +bel., -abstr.; THEME Philosophen und Dichter des Alten Indien ihre Arbeit ist unspezifiziert;1 Aktiv ▪ ACTOR “s.o. weaves away (ápa) and forward mit textilen Metaphern bezeichneten: Jemand, der ei- (prá)”; ACTOR = Nom. +bel., -abstr.; THEME nen Text (grantha‑) erstellt, knüpft oder bindet et- is unspecified;1 active was zusammen; wer eine Folge oder Sammlung von Regeln (sūtra-) verkündet, spinnt gewissermaßen die 2 Partizip, substantiviert: „die Webende“; ACTOR einzelnen Regeln wie Fasern zu einem (Leit)faden zu- in der Substantivierung enthalten; THEME aus- sammen; und jemand, der einen wissenschaftlichen gespart; Aktiv Text (tantra-) verfasst, spannt gewissermaßen Kett- ▪ participle, nominalized: “she who weaves”; AC- fäden auf einen Rahmen, also im übertragenen Sinn TOR kept in nominalisation; THEME left out; active Gedanken in ein Bezugssystem. Allen diesen sprach- lichen Bildern ist gemein, dass ein vorhandener Roh- 3 ta-Partizip (beide Belege mit ví): „auseinander stoff mit Geduld und Geschick zu einem neuen Ge- gewoben“, i.S.v. „ausgebreitet“; ACTOR ausge- brauchsgegenstand verarbeitet wird. spart; THEME = Nom. -bel., +/-abstr.; Passiv Im Folgenden seien einige Beispiele für diese me- ▪ ta-participle (both references with ví): “woven taphorische Verwendung der Textilterminologie im apart”, in the sense of “spread out”; ACTOR left Rigveda präsentiert. Meine Herangehensweise ist out; THEME = Nom. -bel., +/-abstr.; passive 2. Vgl. auch Rau 1970, 38. 3. Vgl. Krisch 2006, 2012. 406   Stefan Niederreiter in Textile Terminologies (2017) 4 Infinitiv (final); THEME unspezifiziert 3 Metaphorisch für die Opferhandlung. ▪ infinitive (final); THEME unspecified 4 Metaphorisch für die Opferhandlung. 5 In der „Webeallegorie“ auf die Dichtkunst ange- Präsensstamm themat. (X. Kl.) (váya-): wandt, vgl. Fn. 2. **Aktiv 6 THEME metaphorisch für die Generationsfolge, *Indikativ Präs. 3.Pl. váyanti 1 6,9,22; vayanti 1 vgl. Ge. Kommentar z.St. 5,47,6*; 9,99,1*; 10,130,13 7 THEME metaphorisch: Preislied (arkám). *Imperativ 2.Sg. vaya 1a 10,130,1 (ápa); 10,130,1 8 Vgl. Fn. 6. (prá); 2.Pl. vayata 1 10,53,64 9 átkam „Gewand“ wahrscheinlich metaphorisch für *Partizip Präs. Gen.Sg.m. váyatas 1 2,28,55; Nom. den Sternenhimmel, vgl. Renou EVP 5: 6. Pl.m. váyantas 1 7,33,9;6 Nom.Sg.f. váyantī 2 10 Vgl. aber Wackernagel KZ 46: 269, der (gegen Pp.) 2,38,4; Nom.Du.f. váyantī 1 2,3,6 (sam) den Beleg zu yav2- „fernhalten“ stellt. Perfektstamm (ūv-): **Aktiv Wie bei den Lemmaeinträgen für Verben üblich, *Indikativ Perfekt 3.Pl. ūvur 1 1,61,87 wird zunächst eine allgemeine Übersetzung (in Groß- buchstaben, deutsch und englisch) gegeben; es folgt Futurstamm (vay-iṣyá-): ein grau hinterlegter Block mit syntaktischen Infor- **Aktiv mationen. Im darunter befindlichen morphologischen *Partizip Nom.Sg.m. vayiṣyán 1 7,33,128 Teil wird jede belegte Verbalform mit der Nummer der jeweiligen syntaktischen Konstruktion verbunden. -ta-Partizip Diese Kreuzklassifikation ermöglicht ein Höchstmaß Akk.Sg.m. utam 3 1,122,29 (ví); Lok.Sg.m. ute 3 an Information auf möglichst geringem Raum.4 Be- 3,54,910 (ví) sonders an den Fußnoten zu einigen Belegstellen ist sofort zu erkennen, dass auch bei diesem Verbum der Infinitiv metaphorische Gebrauch häufig anzutreffen ist, wie ótave 4 10,130,2; otavaí 4 1,164,5 z.B. in RV 10,130,1-2:5 Vielleicht iir., vgl. sogd. ptw’y „rollen“. Idg. *h2eṷ- „weben“, vgl. lit. (mit Dentalerweiterung) áusti 10,130,1a yó yajñó· viśvátas tántubhis tatá „weben“. Der Präsensstamm geht auf * h2ṷ-éi̭ e- zurück, vgl. EWAia I: 275f. Aus dem Präsens- ékaśataṃ devakarmébhir yataḥ | stamm wurde eine neue Wurzel vay- abstrahiert 10,130,1c imé vayanti pitáro yá āyayúḥ und zur Futurbildung verwendet; vgl. auch LIV: prá vaypa vayéti āsate taté || 224 s.v. ?*Heṷ-. VIA:163. 10,130,2a púmā enaṃ tanuta út k̥rṇatti ________________ púmān ví tatne ádhi nke asmín | 1 Selbstgespräch der Väter, die „weben“ [an die- 10,130,2c imé maykhā úpa sedur ū sádaḥ ser Stelle (10, 130,1) metaphorisch-allegorisch smāni cakrus tásarāṇi ótave || für das Weben des „Opferteppichs“ (= Zuberei- ten des Opfers)]. „(1) Das Opfer, das nach allen Seiten mit ▪ Soliloquy of fathers, who “weave” [in this passage seinen Fäden aufgespannt ist, das mit (10,130,1) metaphorical-allegorical for the wea- hundert und einem gottes(dienstlichen) ving of the “sacrifice carpet” (= preparing of the Werken aufgezogen ist, das weben diese sacrifice)]. Väter, die herbeigekommen sind. Sie sit- 2 Das THEME („Faden“) ist zu ergänzen. – In der zen bei dem aufgespannten und spre- „Webeallegorie“ auf die Dichtkunst angewandt, chen: Webe hin, webe her! vgl. ótu- „Schussfaden“ (s.d.). 4. Zu Genauerem vgl. Krisch 2006, VIIIff. 5. Der vedische Text ist entnommen aus Van Nooten & Holland 1994; die Übersetzungen richten sich nach Geldner 1951=2003 und Witzel & Gotō 2007. 26. Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda   407 (2) Der Mann spannt es auf, zieht den Fa- „Nicht verstehe ich den Faden noch den aus, der Mann hat es an diesem den Einschlag, nicht (weiß ich), wel- Firmament festgespannt. Dies sind die chen (Faden) sie weben, wenn sie in Pflöcke. Sie haben sich an ihren Sitz ge- den Wettstreit eintreten. Wessen Sohn setzt; sie haben die Melodien zu Web- könnte hier wohl Worte reden, höher schiffchen gemacht, um zu weben.“ als sein Vater hienieden?“ Diesen beiden Strophen ist zu entnehmen, dass das Was genau ist nun unter „Faden“ und „Einschlag“ Opfer, dessen Erschaffung hier allegorisch geschildert in diesem Kontext zu verstehen? Von entscheidender wird, mit Fäden aufgespannt wird, das heißt, es hat Wichtigkeit ist hier die Tatsache, dass es sich bei diesen eine gewisse vorbestimmte Form, und die Hymnen, ältesten vedischen Hymnen um metrische Texte han- also die einzelnen Wörter, hier verglichen mit Web- delt. Das grundlegende Prinzip, das diese Metrik be- schiffchen, werden in diesen Rahmen verwoben. Die stimmt, ist die Vorgabe einer bestimmten Anzahl von Väter, die hin- und herweben, produzieren eigentlich Silben, die in einem sog. Pāda enthalten sind. Ein Pāda die Hymnentexte. entspricht in dem obigen Beispiel 6,9,2 der Hälfte ei- Die metaphorische Verwendung von tántu-, der ner Zeile bzw. einem Viertel der Strophe. Dazu kommt, Webkette als die Form eines Opferhymnus und von dass diese Verse mehr oder weniger strikt einem quan- ótu-, dem Schussfaden, der mit dem Webschiffchen titativen Rhythmus folgen, nach dem sich kurze und eingewoben wird als die Wörter dieses Texts wird lange Silben abwechseln, wobei der zweite Teil eines in der folgenden Passage RV 6,9,2 noch klarer: Die Pāda, die Kadenz, in dieser Hinsicht strenger reguliert Stelle beschreibt die Selbstzweifel eines jungen Pries- ist. Um den folgenden Beispielen besser folgen zu kön- ters, der befürchtet, „den Faden zu verlieren“ und in nen, sei noch (kurz und vereinfacht) auf den Begriff einem Dichterwettstreit zu unterliegen: Positionslänge hingewiesen: Eine Silbe, die auf den ersten Blick als kurz erscheint, ist als Länge zu messen, 6,9,2a nháṃ tántuṃ ná ví jānāmi ótuṃ wenn ihr mehr als ein Konsonant folgt (daher bildet ná yáṃ váyanti samaré 'tamānāḥ | z.B. das á in váktuvāni den Gipfel einer langen Silbe).6 6,9,2c kásya svit putrá ihá váktuvāni paró Die Stelle 6,9,2 hat nun folgende metrische Gestalt: Es vadāti ávareṇa pitr || sind vier Zeilen bzw. Pādās zu je elf Silben, was das sog. Triṣṭubh-Metrum ergibt. n háṃ tán tuṃ ná ví jā nā mi ó tuṃ ná yáṃ vá yan ti sa ma ré 'ta mā nāḥ ká sya svit pu trá i há vák tu vā ni pa ró va dā ti á va re ṇa pi tr       In vertikaler Richtung sind so in diesem (sprachli- kurzen Silben: Die langen Silben sind hier schwarz chen) Bild elf Kettfäden (tántu-) ausgespannt, die je- hinterlegt, die kurzen grau; auf weißem Grund sind weils eine Stelle für eine Silbe repräsentieren. ótu-, diejenigen Silben, die hinsichtlich ihrer Länge nicht der Einschlag, läuft horizontal von links nach rechts festgelegt sind.7 Hier wird die die strengere Regle- mit seiner festgelegten Abfolge von langen und mentierung der Kadenz, die auch für andere Metren 6. Eine nützliche Einführung in die vedische Metrik bietet z.B. MacDonell 1916 (=1990), 436ff. 7. Gängige Kennzeichnungen sind: ­- für eine lange, ⚒ für eine kurze Silbe und ⚔ oder x für eine kurze oder lange Silbe („anceps“). – Die hier gewählte Darstellungsweise soll einerseits die fixierte „Breite“ des Text(il)stücks veranschaulichen, die farbliche Kenn- zeichnung lässt andererseits das Entstehen eines (Web-)Musters erkennen. 408   Stefan Niederreiter in Textile Terminologies (2017) gilt, deutlich sichtbar. Diese Darstellung zeigt, dass 2,28,5a ví mác chrathāya raśanm ivga der Dichter innerhalb des Triṣṭubh-Metrums zwi- dhyma te varuṇa khm tásya | schen zwei Verstypen wählen konnte: Pāda a folgt 2,28,5c m tántuś chedi váyato dhíyam me dem Vers-Typ 1,8 die Pādās b-d dem zweiten mög- m mtrā śāri apásaḥ purá rtóḥ || lichen Muster.9 Wie zu erkennen ist, werden die für dieses Metrum vorgegebenen Muster genau einge- „Löse die Sünde von mir wie einen Gurt! halten; bezogen auf den Inhalt der Textpassage kann Wir möchten dir die Quelle der Wahr- man demnach sagen, dass der junge Poet wohl kei- heit recht machen. Der Faden soll nen Grund hat, unsicher oder nervös in den Dichter- nicht reißen, während ich meine Dich- wettstreit einzutreten. tung webe, noch soll der Maßstab des Diese Nervosität und Unsicherheit kann freilich Werktätigen vor der (rechten) Zeit vor dem Hintergrund gesehen werden, dass im ge- zerbrechen.“ samten Rigveda sehr genau auf eine möglichst sau- Der Dichter hofft also, weiterhin seiner Tätigkeit, bere metrische Gestalt der Hymnen geachtet wurde. der Erschaffung von Hymnen gemäß den vorgege- Dies liegt im Glauben begründet, dass metrisch man- benen Richtlinien nachgehen zu können; er fürchtet gelhafte Verse nicht die Aufmerksamkeit der Götter, einen vorzeitigen Tod, der sein Werk unterbrechen an die sie gerichtet waren, erhalten würden. In der könnte. folgenden Stelle RV 2,28,5 kommt dieser Anspruch zum Ausdruck: ví mác chra thā ya ra śa nm i v ga  dhy ma te va ru ṇa khm  tá sya m tán tuś che di vá ya to dhí yam me m m trā śā ri a pá saḥ pu rá rtóḥ       An dieser Darstellung von RV 2,28,5 ist zu er- 2,3,6c tántuṃ tatáṃ saṃváyantī samīc ya- kennen, dass das metrische Muster wieder durch das jñásya péśaḥ sudúghe páyasvatī || Triṣṭubh-Versmaß bestimmt ist, wir sehen also elf „Nacht und Morgen, seit alters erwach- Kettfäden bzw. Silben in jedem der vier Halbverse sen, (wirken) für uns geschickt ihre (Pādās) als Einschläge mit der festgelegten Abfolge Werke wie zwei fröhliche Weberinnen, von langen und kurzen Silben. die vereint den aufgespannten Aufzug Nicht nur das Material, also Webkette und Schuss- (und) die Verzierung des Opfers ver- faden, sondern auch Wörter für den Weber selbst – weben, sie die gut milchenden, milch- oder seltener die Weberin, wie im folgenden Beispiel reichen (Kühe).“ – konnten in verschiedenen Kontexten metaphorisch gebraucht werden, vgl. z.B. RV 2,3,6: Hier werden die Tageszeiten Nacht und früher 2,3,6a sādhūˊ ápāṃsi sanátā na ukṣité Morgen10 mit Weberinnen11 verglichen; tántu-, die uṣsānáktā vayíyeva raṇvité | 8. Das heißt: x –­x – ­, ⚒ ⚒ –­| –­⚒ –­x. 9. Das heißt: x -­x -­x, ⚒ ⚒ | –­ ⚒ –­x. 10. Vgl. auch die Behandlung von uṣás- „Morgenröte“ in Andrés-Toledo 2010, 42-45. 11. Es sollte nicht unterschlagen werden, dass der Padapāṭha vayíyā zeigt, der Form nach also ein mask. Dual; der hier eigentlich anzu- nehmende fem. Dual vayíye (u.a. weil dann auch in Kongruenz mit raṇvité, fem.Du.) kann zugrunde gelegt werden, wenn man ei- nen doppelten Sandhi annimmt: vayíye iva  vayíya iva  Saṃh. vayíyeva. Vgl. auch Oldenberg 1909 (zur Stelle). 26. Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda   409 Webkette, kann hier als die vorgegebene Zeit inter- erscheint und wohl auch für das Opfer steht,12 das pretiert werden, während der Einschlag als péśas-, diese wichtige Tageszeit ausfüllt. also das eingearbeitete Muster bzw. die Verzierung sā dh á pāṃ si sa ná tā na u kṣi té u ṣ sā nák tā va yí ye va raṇ vi té tán tuṃ ta táṃ saṃ vá yan tī sam ī c ya jñá sya pé śaḥ su dú ghe pá yas va tī       An dieser Strophe sieht man, dass sich eine Zuord- wieder die zentrale Rolle der rituellen Handlungen nung zu einem bestimmten Metrum bisweilen schwie- auf, und so wird, wie in der folgenden Stelle, der Opf- rig gestalten kann bzw. dass Unregelmäßigkeiten in erpriester als Weber angesprochen und eingeladen, der metrischen Ausformung der Verse immer wieder sein Werk weiterzuführen: auftreten. Die hier gegebene Darstellung zeigt (bis auf 10,53,6a tántuṃ tanván rájaso bhānúm ánv Pāda c) 12 Silben pro Pāda, was einem Jagatī-Metrum ihi jyótiṣmataḥ pathó rakṣa dhiy ktn | entspricht.13 RV 2,3,6 wird von Van Nooten & Hol- 10,53,6c anulbaṇáṃ vayata jóguvām ápo land als zwölfsilbige Triṣṭubh geführt, mit Pāda c als mánur bhavā15 janáyā daíviyaṃ jánam || katalektischem Vers.14 Bedenkt man nun, dass der üb- rige Hymnus RV 2,3 sich im allgemeinen sauber an „Deinen Faden weiterspannend geh du das Triṣṭubh-Versmaß hält und die Strophe 7 klar als dem Lichte des Luftraums nach; nimm Jagatī einzuordnen ist, könnte man von einem spie- die lichten Pfade, die mit Kunst berei- lerischen Changieren der beiden Metren bzw. einer teten, in acht! Webet ohne Knoten das kunstvollen Überleitung in den Zwölfsilbler der sieb- Werk der Sänger! Sei du Manu, schaffe ten Strophe sprechen, was gerade in dieser Passage, in das göttliche Volk (herbei)!“ der die Metaphorik des Webens anklingt, als das „Ein- Hier ist die Webkette tántu-, die ausgespannt wird, flechten“ eines auffälligen Musters in einen sonst me- das Opfer selbst (in 2,3,6 wird ja eher die entspre- trisch gleichförmigen Text verstanden werden könnte. chende Zeitspanne gemeint, s.o.), und die Verse, die Richtet man den Blick wieder auf thematische es begleiten, sollen „ohne Knoten“ sein, das heißt Kerngebiete des behandelten Themas, so fällt immer ohne Fehler in der metrischen Gestaltung: tán tuṃ tan ván rá ja so bhā núm án vi hi jyó tiṣ ma taḥ pa thó ra kṣa dhi y k tn an ul ba ṇáṃ va ya ta jó gu vām á po má nur bha vā ja ná yā daí vi yaṃ já nam       12. Bzw. für den Sternenglanz und die ersten Sonnenstrahlen, die sie selbst verbreiten, vgl. Witzel & Gotō 2007, 783. 13. Beispielsweise entspricht Pāda a einem Jagatī-Vers vom Typ b bei MacDonell 1916 (= 1990), 442. 14. Also unterzählig, vgl. die obige Darstellung bzw. Van Nooten & Holland 1994, 600. 15. bhavā nach Arnold 1905, 320; Van Nooten & Holland 1994, s.v. bhava. 410   Stefan Niederreiter in Textile Terminologies (2017) Man sieht hier, dass die geforderte Silbenanzahl für 1,142,1c tántuṃ tanuṣva pūrviyáṃ Jagatī-Verse genau eingehalten wird (4x12); bezüg- sutásomāya dāśúṣe || lich der Silbenquantität kann zumindest den diesbe- züglich so wichtigen Kadenzen Regelmäßigkeit zu- „Entzündet fahre, o Agni, heute die geschrieben werden; Pāda a und d folgen dem ersten Götter zu dem (Opfernden), der den von zwei möglichen Jagatī-Mustern,16 während Pāda Schmalzlöffel erhebt. Spanne den altge- c dem zweiten, sich in der Zäsur unterscheidenden wohnten Faden für den Opferspender, Typ folgt.17 Die auffälligste Unregelmäßigkeit stellt der Soma ausgepresst hat!“ jedoch die Zäsur in Pāda b dar, die sich in keines der gängigen Schemata eingliedern lässt.18 Agni, der Gott des Feuers, der hier angerufen wird, Der metaphorische Gebrauch von tántu-, der Web- wird als Bote zwischen den Menschen und den Göt- kette als das Opfer kann nun selbst wieder in einem tern angesehen; der ausgespannte Faden tántu- kann erweiterten Sinn aufgefasst werden, vgl. RV 1,142,1: also einerseits für die Kontinuität der Opferpraxis ste- hen, andererseits auch als Verbindung zum Bereich 1,142,1a sámiddho agna  vaha dev des Göttlichen verstanden werden. Das metrische adyá yatásruce | Schema zeigt vier Zeilen (= Pādās) zu je acht Silben: sám iddh o a gna  va ha de v a dyá19 ya tá sru ce tán tuṃ ta nuṣ va pūr vi yáṃ su tá so mā ya dā śú ṣe       Klar tritt wieder die Einhaltung des metrischen folgenden Stelle werden die Somasäfte als die „ra- Musters in den Kadenzen hervor; die ersten vier Sil- schen Güsse“ bezeichnet: ben der Verse werden, wie üblich, freier behandelt, 9,69,6a sryasyeva raśmáyo drāvayitnávo obwohl häufig versucht wird, sie einem Grundmus- matsarsaḥ prasúpaḥ sākám īrate | ter anzunähern (vgl. Fn. 18). 9,69,6c tántuṃ tatám pári sárgāsa āśávo Dass dieses oft sehr komplexe System von Meta- néndrād té pavate dhma kíṃ caná || phern auch dazu führen kann, ein Wort wieder in ei- ner – manchmal schwer zu ermittelnden - konkre- „Gleich den Sonnenstrahlen, die die Schlä- ten Bedeutung zu verwenden, soll an einer Strophe fer auf die Beine bringen, kommen die aus einem Hymnus an Soma gezeigt werden. Soma berauschenden (Säfte) auf einmal her- ist das heilige Getränk des vedischen Opfers; seine vor. Die raschen Güsse um(kreisen) Zubereitung wird zwar ausführlich, aber meist mit den ausgespannten Faden. Ohne In- vielen schwer aufzulösenden Metaphern und Allego- dra läutert sich kein Ding.“ rien im neunten Buch des Rigveda geschildert. In der 16. Typ a nach MacDonell 1916 (= 1990), 442. 17. Typ b nach MacDonell 1916 (= 1990), 442; Arnold 1905, 320 nimmt vayatā an, um Pāda c an a und d anzugleichen. 18. Vgl. Van Nooten & Holland 1994, 656: „uncommon break“. 19. Arnold 1905, 295: adyā́ ; metrisch nicht notwendig nach Van Nooten & Holland 1994, 591. 26. Zum metaphorischen Gebrauch von Textilterminologie im Rigveda  411 Die Wörter, die uns hier besonders interessieren, während seiner Herstellung durch ein Sieb gegossen, sind tántuṃ tatám, der ausgespannte Faden: Im spe- um sich zu läutern. Diese wie so oft sehr vorausset- ziellen Kontext dieses Hymnus kann man sie als das zungsreichen poetischen Bilder werden auch hier in Opfer, das als Kettfäden die Verbindung zu den Göt- einem klaren metrischen Schema dargebracht, was er- tern herstellt, sehen,20 aber zugleich wird das Bild von neut auf die Parallelität von Dichtung und Webkunst Fasern der Somaseihe evoziert: Der Somasaft wird verweist: sr yas ye va raś má yo drā va yit ná vo mat sa r saḥ pra sú paḥ sā kám ī ra te tán tuṃ ta tám pá ri sár gā sa ā śá vo nén drād  té pa va te dh ma kíṃ ca ná   Die Jagatī-Strophe ist vor allem in den Kadenzen „Ich rufe die gut zu rufende Rākā mit schö- sehr regelmäßig gebaut;21 am auffälligsten ist noch nem Loblied; die mit gutem Anteil soll es die unregelmäßige Zäsur in Pāda a (positionslanges von selbst bemerken. Sie soll (ihr) Werk raś), das kurze sa in Pāda b steht im ersten, freier ge- mit unzerbrechlicher Nadel nähen; sie haltenen Versteil. soll einen hundertfachen Anteil habenden, Diese Rigvedapassagen, die zeigen, wie eng die preiswürdigen Heldensohn schenken.“ Dichtkunst mit dem Vokabular des Webehandwerks verbunden ist, und wie auch die Breite eines Tex- Hier wird Rākā, die Göttin, die über den Tag des tilstücks mit der Silbenanzahl eines Verses korres- Vollmondes, um Hilfe in der Zeit der Schwanger- pondiert bzw. die Längen und Kürzen der Silben ein schaft und Geburt angerufen. Man sieht sehr klar an Muster ergeben, könnten noch um weitere Beispiele dem hier verwendeten Vokabular wie dem Verb sīvy- vermehrt werden. Man kann aber auch zeigen, dass „nähen“ und sūcī́ - „Nadel“, dass das Konzept der sich der metaphorische Gebrauch der Textiltermino- Textilproduktion auch auf natürliche Zeugungs- und logie nicht auf den Bereich der Komposition von met- Schaffensprozesse übertragen wird. Genau wie der rischen Texten für den rituellen Gebrauch beschränkt. Dichter eine Hymne ohne Fehler „weben“ muss, da- Die folgende Stelle aus dem zweiten Buch des Rig- mit sie von den Göttern akzeptiert wird, so wird auch veda zeigt, wie die Textilproduktion auf andere Schaf- die Göttin Rākā darum gebeten, ein gesundes Neuge- fensprozesse übertragen werden kann: borenes „anzufertigen“. Überblickt man den Rigveda in seiner Gesamtheit, 2,32,4a rākm aháṃ suhávāṃ suṣṭut huve so kann man beobachten, dass die Dichter dieser Zeit śṇótu naḥ subhágā bódhatu tmánā | nicht nur im Kontext der Dichtkunst auf Metaphern 2,32,4c svyatv ápaḥ sūciychidyamānayā aus dem Handwerk des Webens zurückgriffen. Diese dádātu vīráṃ śatádāyam ukthíyam || poetischen Kunstgriffe erfüllten freilich eine wichtige 20. Diese verbindende Funktion begegnet wie bei Agni immer wieder, vgl. z. B. RV 9,22,6-7: 9,22,6a tántuṃ tanvānám uttamám ánu praváta āśata | 9,22,6c utédám uttamyiyam || 9,22,7a tuváṃ soma paṇíbhya  vásu gávyāni dhārayaḥ | 9,22,7c tatáṃ tántum acikradaḥ || „Entlang der Höhen haben sie den ausgespannten höchsten Faden erreicht, der als der Höchste gelten muss. Du, Soma, sollst den Paṇis die Rinderschätze abnehmen. Du hast den aufgespannten Faden laut erklingen lassen.“ – Der aufgespannte Faden steht hier wieder für das Opfer, das der heilige Rauschtrank Soma als wichtiger Bestandteil der Zeremonie zum Erfolg führt. 21. Vgl. den Typ a bei MacDonell 1916 (=1990), 442. 412   Stefan Niederreiter in Textile Terminologies (2017) Funktion: Sie sollten den am Ritus beteiligten Men- MacDonell, A. A. (1990 = 1916) A Vedic Grammar for Stu- schen religiöse Wahrheiten näherbringen und psycho- dents. Bombay-Calcutta-Madras. logische Prozesse begreiflich machen. Natürlich hat Mayrhofer, M. (1992–1996–2001) Etymologisches Wör- dieses Verfahren der sehr ausgebauten Metaphorik für terbuch des Altindoarischen. 1., 2. und 3. Band. den Übersetzer dieser Texte in der Gegenwart oft zur Heidelberg. Folge, vor enigmatischen Formulierungen zu stehen Müller, F. M. (1877) The Hymns of the Rig-Veda in the und dem vollen Gehalt dieser Texte nur schwer näher Samhita and Pada Texts. London. zu kommen. Aber es erweist sich doch immer wieder, Oldenberg, H. (1909) Rigveda. Textkritische und exegeti- dass der Rigveda als ältester indischer Text auch für sche Noten. I. 1.-6. Buch. Berlin. die Kulturgeschichte wertvolle Quellen bietet. Oldenberg, H. (1912) Rigveda. Textkritische und exegeti- sche Noten. II. 7.-10. Buch. Berlin. Rau, W. (1970) Weben und Flechten im Vedischen Indien. Bibliographie Mainz-Wiesbaden. Rix, H., Kümmel, M., Zehnder, T., Lipp, R., Schirmer, B. Andrés-Toledo, M.-Á. (2010) El Hilo de la Vida y el Lazo (2001) LIV. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die de la Muerte en la Tradición Indoiranica. Institució Al- Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Unter Lei- fons el Magnànim. Diputación de Valencia. tung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer. Arnold, E. V. (1967 = 1905) Vedic Metre in its historical 2. erweiterte Auflage bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel Development. Delhi. und Helmut Rix. Wiesbaden. Geldner, K. F. (1951) Der Rig‑Veda. Aus dem Sanskrit ins Van Nooten, B. A. & Holland, G. B. (1994) Rig Veda. A Deutsche übersetzt und mit einem laufenden Kommen- Metrically Re­stored Text with an Introduction and No- tar versehen (4 Bände). Cambridge. tes. Cambridge-Lon­don. Gonda, J. (1975) A History of Indian Literature. Vedic Lite- Werba, C. H. (1997) VIA. Verba Indoarica. Die primären rature (Saṃhitās and Brāhmaṇas). Wiesbaden. und sekundären Wurzeln der Sanskrit Sprache. Pars I: Grassmann, H. (1999 =1873) Wörterbuch zum Rig-Veda. Radices Primariae. Wien. Delhi. Witzel, M., Gotō T. (2007) Rig-Veda. Das heilige Wissen. Krisch, T. (2006) RIVELEX: Rigveda-Lexikon. Band 1. Un- Erster und zweiter Liederkreis. Aus dem vedischen ter Mitarbeit von Christina Katsikadeli, Stefan Nieder- Sanskrit übersetzt und herausgegeben von Michael reiter und Thomas Kaltenbacher. Graz. Witzel und Toshifumi Gotō unter Mitarbeit von Eijirō Krisch, T. (2012) RIVELEX: Rigveda-Lexikon. Band 2. Un- Dōyama und Mislav Ježić. Frankfurt am Main-Leipzig. ter Mitarbeit von Christina Katsikadeli, Stefan Nieder- reiter, Konstantinos Sampanis und Sabine Ziegler. Graz. 27 Der Text als Gewebe: Lexikalische Studien im Sinnbezirk von Webstuhl und Kleid Oswald Panagl D ie Thematik des folgenden Beitrags ist pragmatisch im Vordergrund standen. Die Kehrseite gleichsam doppelt gepolt. Sie ist zunächst der semantischen Analyse ist bekanntlich das sema- im terminologischen Feld der Prozesse, In- siologische Procedere, in dem Lexeme bzw. Syntag- strumente und Produkte der Sachbereiche von We- men ihre sprachlichen Merkmale preisgeben. Erst das ben und Flechten verankert. Zugleich ist sie auch in Zusammenspiel der beiden Vorgangsweisen ergibt ein den metaphorischen Verwendungsweisen der zuge- Resultat, das als aufschlussreiches semantisches Pro- hörigen Sinnbezirke bzw. Wortfelder, also im weit- fil gelten darf. gespannten Horizont der Herstellung von Stoffen, Was sich für das Weben und die Herstellung von Tüchern und Gewändern verortet. „Vom Textil zum Textilien behaupten lässt, gilt ebenso für die Praxis Text“ ließe sich die Intention des Artikels bündig zu- des Dichtens. Diese nach unserer modernen Einschät- sammenfassen: Dabei verläuft also die Richtung der zung geistige Tätigkeit wurde in der durch alte Texte Bedeutungsentwicklung des Produkts in ihrer Ten- zugänglichen Frühzeit als Handwerk empfunden oder denz gegen den Vorgang der zugehörigen morpho- schien sich - als ein alternatives Extrem - göttlicher logischen Ableitung. Inspiration zu verdanken. Ein spezifischer, verbind- Ich möchte mich meinem Vorhaben zunächst mit licher allgemein gültiger Wortschatz, wie er sich für einem Blick auf die bekannten beiden konversen Zu- manuelle Verrichtungen oder kriegerische Vorhaben gänge zur Semantik von Einzelwörtern und lexikali- herausgebildet hat, scheint in diesem Segment des schen Systemen zuwenden.1 Das onomasiologische geistigen Überbaus zu fehlen. Und gerade dieses De- Verfahren untersucht die Bezeichnungsweise be- fizit erklärt den späteren metaphorischen Gebrauch stimmter Gegenstände, Vorgänge oder Sachverhalte oder - mit anderen Worten - die sekundäre Sublimie- und wirft dabei ein Licht auf die Benennungsmotive, rung von professionellen Handgriffen und techni- die für die Prägung der einschlägigen Ausdrücke we- schen Abläufen zur Beschreibung geistiger Leistun- sentlich waren und für deren ‚Erfinder‘ mental bzw. gen und künstlerisch-kreativer Vorgänge. 1. Vgl. Bußmann 2002, svv. 413 414   Oswald Panagl in Textile Terminologies (2017) Das Lexikon ausgewählter Synonyme indoeuro- skald, ae. scop, ahd. scof, mhd. päischer Sprachen, als kollektives Nachschlagewerk tihtaere, poête, lit. poėtas, skr. unter der Leitung von Carl Darling Buck2 in Chicago pjesnik, russ. poet, stichotvorec, ai. entstanden, stellt den ehrgeizigen Versuch dar, For- kavi- schungsergebnisse der linguistischen Einzeldiszipli- Auch in diesem Bereich dominieren die Unter- nen zu sammeln, aufzubereiten und einer interessier- schiede vor den Gemeinsamkeiten, die sich ihrerseits ten breiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. zumeist sekundären Lehnbeziehungen verdanken, wie Die einzelnen Sprachen sind dabei unterschiedlich die Verbreitung von gr. ποιητής z.B. im lateinischen, ausgewertet und dokumentiert: Die später entdeck- mittelhochdeutschen, slawischen und litauischen Le- ten und philologisch aufbereiteten Idiome erscheinen xikon darlegt. Das alternative lateinische Wort vātēs, darin unterrepräsentiert, und nicht alle vorgeschla- das man mit einem Etymon „wehen“ in Verbindung genen Etymologien sind nach dem neuesten Stand bringen wollte, wurzelt wohl im kultisch-magischen der Forschung stichhaltig. Dennoch eignet sich das Bezirk. Es bezeichnete in älterer Zeit ein eher un- Werk noch heute für einen ersten Blick auf die kom- heimlich-dämonisches Wesen, einen Hexer quasi, ehe paratistische Gliederung und verbale Besetzung ei- es in der augusteischen Periode zu einem besonders nes thematischen Bereichs. Was ich unter (1) in Aus- rühmenden Ausdruck für den inspirierten und begna- wahl vorstelle, sind Bezeichnungen für das Weben in deten Autor aufstieg.4 einer Reihe von verwandten Sprachen, die allein in Geht man, sofern die einzelnen Bezeichnungen dieser Auflistung völlig unterschiedliche Wurzeln er- überhaupt sicher gedeutet sind, auf ihre Benennungs- kennen lassen. Auch Sprachzweige, die sonst häufig motive ein, so zeichnen sich einige Schwerpunkte vergleichbare Wege gehen, zeigen in diesem Fall an- bzw. ‚Nester‘ oder Konvergenzen ab, die gleichsam deres Wortmaterial. einen onomasiologischen Pfad säumen. Der Dich- (1) Buck (1949): 6.33 WEAVE ter erscheint dabei vor allem als „Macher“ bzw. ge- (Auswahl) - gr. ὑφαίνω, lat. texere, nauer als „Schöpfer von Versen“; eine jüngere Kul- ir. figim, an. vefa, ae. wefan, ahd. turstufe setzt ihn mit der Tätigkeit des Schreibens weban, lit. áusti, aksl. tъkati, ai. u- gleich, auch „Sänger“ wird er apostrophiert oder mit prophetischen Gaben bedacht. Ein besonderer Fall ist Ich verweise, ohne auf etymologische Details ein- der Name Dichter und das zugrundeliegende Verbum zugehen, auf die Varianten im germanischen, balti- dichten im Deutschen. Es gehört nicht in einer Lesart schen und slawischen Bereich sowie auf die latei- „dicht machen, verdichten“ zum Adjektiv dicht, son- nisch-keltische Evidenz. Über die Differenzierung dern ist ein frühes Lehnwort aus lat. dictāre „wieder- einer gleichen Wurzel durch morphologische Ver- holt sagen, ansagen“ und gewährt damit gleichsam ei- änderungen oder Erweiterungen, etwa im Verhältnis nen Blick in die Werkstatt dieses Berufs. zwischen den griechischen, germanischen und altindi- schen Formen, informieren in Einzelheiten jeweils die (3) - themo dihtôn ih thiz buah (Otfrid, entsprechenden etymologischen Nachschlagewerke.3 Widmung an König Ludwig, 82) Ein vergleichbar heterogenes Bild bietet Bucks - dizze buoch dihtôte zweier kinde Liste zu den Bezeichnungen des Dichters: muoter diu sageten ir disen sin (Jüngstes Gericht bei Diemer 292,13) (2) 18.67 POET (Auswahl) - gr. ποιητής, - der ime daz buoch wider liez und lat. poeta, (vātēs), ir. faith, fili, an. 2. Buck 1949. 3. Vgl. Frisk 1970, 976f; Beekes 2010, 1540; Mayrhofer 1992, 275; Kluge & Seebold 2002, 975; Falk & Torp 1960, 1405 s.v. vaeve; Fraenkel 1962, 26; Vasmer 1958, 109 s.v. tkatь; Matasović 2009, 409 s.v. *weg-yo-. 4. Vgl. Tacitus Dialogus de oratoribus 9.2: “Quis Saleium nostrum, egregium poetam vel, si hoc honorificentius est, praeclarissimum vatem, deducit […]?” 27. Lexikalische Studien im Sinnbezirk von Webstuhl und Kleid   415 iz in vol tihten hiez (Veldeke, Eneit An ursprünglich verwandten Verben nennt das 13,311)5 jüngste etymologische Wörterbuch des Lateini- schen,7 wie oben unter (4) vermerkt, Beispiele aus Distinktives Merkmal für das Selbstverständnis dem Hethitischen, Germanischen und Avestischen. und die Fremdbezeichnung des Poeten war zur Zeit Deren Bedeutungen lassen auf eine zunächst konkrete der Lexikalisierung des einschlägigen Vokabulars of- Werktätigkeit schließen, die sich (lat., ahd.) auf die fenbar das Ansagen, das Diktieren von Worten und Flachsverarbeitung spezialisiert hat, aber auch schon Sätzen, die von professionellen Schreibern festge- Ansätze zur semantischen Sublimierung bzw. zu bild- halten wurden. Die drei Zitate aus dem ahd. Otfrid, lichem Gebrauch (heth., avest.) zeigen. der Darstellung des Jüngsten Gerichts und dem früh- Wenigstens am Rande möchte ich auf die Diskus- mittelniederdeutschen Heinrich von Veldeke zeigen, sion um die rekonstruierte Grundform des lat. Ver- dass die Ausdrucksweise eng mit der bereits blühen- bums hinweisen, die zuletzt Gerhard Meiser8 belebt den Buchkultur verknüpft war: An der letztgenannten hat. Er bespricht zunächst die traditionelle, auch im Stelle überließ der adelige Auftraggeber dem Dichter LIV9 vertretene Analyse als *te-tḱ- „erzeugen, her- wieder das Buch und befahl ihm, es „voll zu dichten“, stellen“, bevorzugt aber dann ein Rekonstrukt *tek- d.h. als Werk zu vollenden. s- mit wurzelerweiterndem -s-, das vielleicht als se- Wenden wir uns nun dem Spezialfall von lat. te- kundärer, aus einer Desiderativbildung erwachsener xere zu: Stamm zu erklären sei. Bei dieser Herleitung bie- (4) lat. texere – Ableitungen6: textilis, ten sich gr. τέχνη (< *tek-s-nā) „Fügung, Verfahren“, textor, textus, textūra, tēla, ahd. dehsala „Deichsel, Achse“ und air. tál „Axt“ an. subtīlis, extexere, praetexta. Etym. Michiel de Vaan10 tritt zuletzt für eine Wurzelgestalt Anknüpfung: heth. takš-zi „ersinnen, *teḱs- ein, da sich inlautendes -tḱ- im Lateinischen unternehmen“, mhd. dehsen „Flachs zu -s(s)- (vgl. ursus vs. gr. ἄρκτος, ai. ṛ́kṣa-) entwi- brechen“, ai. tákṣati „to hammer, ckeln sollte. form, fashion“ - táṣṭar- „carpenter, Meiser geht auch auf eine alte Beobachtung von master“, aav. tāšt 3.Sg.Inj. „bildet, Darmesteter11 ein, der in der Junktur dieses Ver- formt“, tašta- „geschaffen“. bums und seiner Derivate mit einem Ausdruck für Die angeführten, reichhaltigen, durchwegs früh be- „Rede, Wort“ als Objekt eine frühe grammatikalisch- zeugten innerlateinischen Derivate zeigen die feste poetische Metapher erkennen wollte. Die Beispiele Verankerung des Ableitungsparadigmas im Fachwort- aus dem Vedischen und Griechischen (ved. vácāṃsi schatz, doch in der Folgeperiode auch in der Stan- … takṣam, RV 6,32,1; gr. ἐπέων … τέκτονες, Pind. dardsprache. textor ist der Berufsname, textilis das Pyth. 3,199) lassen für das Verbum an eine Bedeu- Adjektiv für alle Produkte, textus zunächst der vollzo- tung „zimmern“ denken, das avestische Kompositum gene Prozess, textūra das Gewebe, tēla (< *teks-la-) vacastašti- „Strophe, Hymnentext“ weist bereits auf ist das fertige Tuch, aber auch der Webstuhl. subtīlis eine Verfestigung zum Terminus technicus der Poetik bezog sich auf den feinen Faden bei der Verarbeitung hin. Für die folgende Plautusstelle, in der sermones und praetexta ist als besonderes Epitheton der Toga die Objektstelle besetzt (quamvis sermones possunt sogar zu einem Gattungsnamen des römischen Dra- longi texier Plaut. Trin. 797, „wiewohl lange Reden mas geworden. gefügt/gewoben werden können“), bieten sich zwei 5. Zitiert nach Grimm 1860, s.v. dichten. 6. Nach de Vaan 2008, 619 s.v. 7. Vgl. Fn. 5. 8. Vgl. Meiser 1998, 96f; 2003, 126f. 9. Vgl. Rix et al. 2001. 10. Vgl. Fn. 6. 11. Vgl. Darmesteter 1883 in deutscher Übersetzung bei Schmitt 1968, 26-29. 416   Oswald Panagl in Textile Terminologies (2017) Erklärungswege an: entweder ist die Fügung vor der später auch als internationales Vokabel durchgesetzt Spezialisierung des Verbums zur Semantik „weben“ hat, bietet sich ein Beleg aus Quintilian an: entstanden, oder das Syntagma ist insgesamt als Tex- (6) Quint.Inst. 9.4.13: verba eadem qua tilmetapher zu verstehen. Die letztere Lösung hätte compositione vel in textu iungantur vielleicht den Vorzug, dass in diesem Fall sermō als vel claudantur. Ableitung von serere „reihen, knüpfen“ ursprünglich auf eine anschauliche Lesart hindeutet. In dieser Passage wird die kontextspezifische Geltung Als Stellen, die bereits den Übergang des angesprochen und die Anwendung auf Wortverbin- handwerklichen Vokabels zu einer bildlichen Verwen- dungen erörtert. Ich verweise auf den unter (6) zitier- dung für sprachliche Vorgänge markieren, empfehlen ten entscheidenden Teilsatz innerhalb einer längeren sich die drei lateinischen Beispiele unter (5): Periode: „In welchem Zusammenhang (qua compo- sitione) dieselben Wörter (verba eadem) entweder im (5) Cic.Fam. 9.21.1: epistulas … Gewebe (scil. textlich eingebettet) verbunden werden cotidianis verbis texere; Cic.Qu.fr. (textu iungantur) oder als Klausel am Satzende auf- 3.5/6.1: sermo … in novem et dies treten (claudantur).“12 et libros distributus … de optimo Im mittellateinischen Schrifttum wird die eben be- cive (sane texebatur opus luculente); sprochene Bedeutung und Verwendung von textus als- [Quint.] Decl. 3B.2: ita callidissimus bald ganz üblich, was wenigstens an drei Beispielen actor orationem suam ordinavit et aus Urkunden bzw. Protokollen belegt sei: texuit, ut … tribunum impudicitiae criminetur. (7) „Urkunde“: donationum nostrarum textus ostendant; de venditione quam Im Brief Cic.Fam. 9.21.1 verwendet der Autor eine textus iste continet; „Evangeliar“: Konstruktion epistulas … texere für den Prozess ein- dedit rex quatuor evangeliorum facher verbaler Verknüpfung; im Schreiben an seinen librum qui textus dicitur.13 Bruder Cic.Qu.fr. 3.5/6.1 wird ein auf neun Tage und Bücher verteilte sermo als texebatur opus resümiert. An den ersten beiden Stelle handelt der ‚Text‘ von ei- In einer pseudoquintilianischen Schrift ([Quint.] Decl. ner Schenkung bzw. einem Verkauf (de venditione), 3B.2) erweisen bereits die beiden verbundenen Ver- während der andere Beleg einen Evangeliar im präg- ben ordinavit „gliederte“ und texuit „verknüpfte“ ne- nanten Wortsinn textus nennt. ben dem Objekt orationem, dass das Sprachbild schon Wie die unter (8) stehenden Beispiele erweisen, zur unmarkierten Ausdrucksweise verallgemeinert treten bisweilen zwei konkrete handwerkliche Tätig- worden bzw. verblasst ist. Übrigens findet sich auch keiten, nämlich weben und kneten, als Metaphern- beim litauischen Verbum áusti „weben“ eine Tendenz spender in Konkurrenz zueinander: zur metaphorischen Verwendung, die allerdings leicht (8) lat. fingere mit gutem idg. Anschluss pejorativ gefärbt ist und nur in spöttischem Jargon (ai. deh-, arm. dizanem, got. digan, auftritt: „Geschwätz, Lügenreden, Phantasien“ sind toch. tsik-; gr. τεῖχος, got. daigs u.a. die typischen nominalen Ergänzungen. Das Nomen acti textus ist in der lateinischen Lite- Das gilt im Lateinischen etwa für texere und fingere. ratur gut belegt, hat aber über einen langen Zeitraum Das Verbum fingere „kneten, plastisch formen“ hat seine fachsprachliche Lesart konsequent bewahrt. Als sich als technischer Ausdruck für die Verarbeitung Schaltstelle für die zunächst bildliche, später termi- von Lehm, also Tonerde etabliert, was auch Ablei- nologische Verwendung, in der sich der Ausdruck in tungen wie figulus „Töpfer“, figūra „aus Ton gebil- allen germanischen sowie romanischen Sprachen, dete Gestalt“ und effigiēs „geformtes Bild“ bezeugen. 12. Eine grundlegende Studie zur metaphorischen Verwendung des Sinnbezirks von Weben und Flechten in den klassischen Sprachen hat Wagner-Hasel (2005) vorgelegt. 13. Vgl. Niermeyer & van de Kieft II, 2002, 1341. 27. Lexikalische Studien im Sinnbezirk von Webstuhl und Kleid   417 Das Etymon ist in den indogermanischen Einzelspra- die ursprünglichen Waffen des Helden an Hektor ver- chen weit verbreitet, was die oben zitierte Auswahl an loren hatte. In einem weitgespannten narrativen Bo- Belegen bezeugt. Wie eine Grundbedeutung lexika- gen beschreibt der Dichter den bildlichen Schmuck lisch verschieden aufgefächert wird, zeigt sich u.a. in der Waffe, auf der eine Reihe von Szenen geradezu der Gegenüberstellung von gr. τεῖχος „Mauer“, τοῖχος einen visuellen Kosmos erzeugt. Wesentlich an die- „Wand“ und got. daigs, dt. Teig, denen das gleiche ser Art der literarischen Darstellung ist die erzähleri- ursprüngliche Muster eines plastischen Gebildes aus sche Verselbständigung der Textsorte und ihre Ablö- Lehm zugrunde liegt. sung von plausiblen realen Vorstellungen. Wir dürfen Betrachtet man die Wortgeschichte von fingere daher als Leser nicht fragen, wie groß denn eigent- im Detail, so führt der Weg der Bedeutungsentwick- lich das Objekt sein muss, um allen erwähnten Vor- lung von „kneten“ über allgemein „plastisch gestal- gängen und Milieus überhaupt Platz zu bieten. Das ten“ (mit bereits künstlerischer Ambition) zu verba- sprachliche Kunstwerk löst sich von der Funktion ei- lem „dichten, ersinnen“ und schließlich pejorativem ner Beschreibung optischer Eindrücke ab; es wird au- „lügen“. Alte Derivate wie figulus oder figūra haben tonom und begründet eine eigene literarische Gattung. diesen semantischen Prozess nicht mitvollzogen; jün- Der homerische Archetyp hat nach mehreren Richtun- gere- auch als Fremdwörter geläufige - Ableitungen gen ausgestrahlt und in zahlreichen Beispielen fortge- wie fictiō oder fictīvus hingegen begegnen in beiden wirkt, von denen ich in diesem Rahmen nur drei er- Richtungen und mit den gleichen Resultaten als „(Er‑) wähnen möchte: Dichtung“ wie als „Lüge“.14 - Als Schildbeschreibung spiegelt sich das große In der Diskussion über die Rekonstruktion einer Vorbild in einer analogen Episode der Aeneis Ver- indogermanischen Dichtersprache spielt eine Wen- gils, in der die entsprechende Schutzwaffe des Ti- dung aus Toch. A, auf die Wilhelm Schulze in einem telhelden mit den Stilmitteln der epischen Tradi- Aufsatz erstmals hingewiesen hat,15 eine wichtige tion dargestellt wird16. Rolle: In einem Text, der ein wenig an den Mythos - In einem Chorlied der euripideischen Tragödie Ion von Pygmalion und Galatea erinnert, wird eine Phrase zeigen sich die Frauen des Kollektivs von den äs- tseke ṣi peke ṣi pat arämpāt, die sich als eine Junk- thetischen Eindrücken und bildlichen Details be- tur mit Reimwörtern präsentiert, zur Bezeichnung geistert, die ihnen die Metopen, Friese, Säulen- von plastischer und malerischer Gestaltung (tseke kapitelle und anderen Architekturelemente des ṣi peke ṣi) und künstlerischer Schönheit (arämpāt) Apollontempels von Delphi vermitteln.17 verwendet. Etymologisch wie idiomatisch kann man diese festgefügte Wendung mit lat. figura vel pictura - In einem von mir als Student der Universität Wien paraphrasieren. erlebten Vortrag hat der Gräzist Joannis Theopha- Gewebe, Kleider, Tücher und andere Textilien nes Kakridis aus neugriechischer Volksdichtung spielen auch in einer verbreiteten Textsorte bzw. ei- die Ekphrasis eines kunstvoll gewebten Teppichs nem Typus literarischer Darstellung eine Rolle, der nacherzählt, in der in gut homerischer Tradition unter dem Terminus Ekphrase kursiert. Als berühm- Ensembles, Situationen, Konstellationen, ja ganze testes Beispiel und Vorbild für viele spätere Varian- Handlungszüge in den materiellen Gegenstand als ten gilt die Schildbeschreibung im 18. Gesang (V. dekorative Elemente einbezogen sind. Auch und 468-608) der homerischen Ilias. Hephaistos hat auf gerade bei einem solchen physisch begrenzten Bitte von Thetis ihrem Sohn Achilleus eine neue Rüs- Kunstobjekt ist die Frage nach der Plausibilität re- tung geschmiedet, da Patroklos als sein Stellvertre- dundant, ja verfehlt: es handelt sich demnach ge- ter in der Schlacht ums Leben gekommen war und rade nicht um einen überdimensionalen Zierrat,18 14. Vgl. Panagl 1992, 307-320, bes. 318-320. 15. Vgl. Schulze 1933 in Schmitt 1968, 34-39. 16. Vgl. Aeneis VIII, V. 608-731; in: Binder & Binder 2001. 17. V. 185-235, in: Seeck & Buschor 1972, 238-242. 418   Oswald Panagl in Textile Terminologies (2017) sondern das narrative Genre behauptet sich vor Mannigfache Gestalten der Vorzeit, Taten von und gegenüber den gegenständlichen Fakten. Helden Zu diesem Typus zählt auch die Dichtung, aus der Zeigte in vielerlei Bildern der kunstvollendete ich in der Folge einige Verse zitiere und interpre- Teppich: tiere. Das Carmen 64 des römischen Lyrikers Catull Sorgsam späht Ariadne von Naxos‘ ist ein Epyllion, das sich mit der Hochzeit von Pe- flutenumrauschtem leus und Thetis, also eines Sterblichen mit einer Göt- Strande hinaus in die See nach Theseus‘ tin, beschäftigt. Da die beiden Brautleute später die fliehenden Schiffen, Eltern von Achilleus werden, stiftet der Text perso- Und unendlicher Kummer ihr Innres aufs nell gleichsam eine mittelbare Verbindung zum ho- tiefste erschüttert.“20 merischen Muster. Das ungewöhnliche Ereignis wird In epischer Breite wird sodann die Geschichte von im Erzählduktus mit allem Pomp begangen; auch die Theseus und Ariadne in Gestalt einer Ekphrase wie- olympischen Götter erscheinen als geladene Gäste, dergegeben. Die Aussetzung der Heroine auf der In- wobei das Erscheinen von Zeus-Juppiter eine erzäh- sel Dia/Naxos gipfelt in einer weitgespannten Kla- lerische Pointe darstellt. Denn immerhin war er einst gerede von 70 Versen, die später zum Vorbild der selbst als Freier um die Hand der schönen Meeres- zahlreichen Lamenti di Arianna in Oper und Orato- göttin bemüht, hatte aber auf den Rat der Moiren/ rium geworden ist. Die endliche Befreiung, Erlösung Parzen hin von diesem Vorhaben abgelassen. Gemäß und Tröstung durch den Gott Bacchus/Dionysos/Iac- einer Prophezeiung drohte ihm nämlich von einem chus fehlt auch in dieser Fassung nicht, doch wird ihr Sohn aus dieser Beziehung Gefahr: und nach seinem nur ein bemerkenswert knapper Raum zugestanden, eigenen Verhalten gegenüber seinem Vater Kronos und das wohl aus künstlerischen Gründen: entweder musste der oberste Gott ein gebranntes Kind sein. weil die erhabene Frau als trauernde Gestalt im Zen- In die Schilderung des Textes eingebettet ist die Be- trum bleiben sollte oder gleichsam aus kunstökono- schreibung eines Kunstwerks, das in den Versen 48- mischen Gründen, indem auf die Bildbeschreibung 5519 vorgestellt und in direktem Anschluss bildlich ohnehin erneut der Festesjubel folgt, der sich an die nacherzählt wird. Verse 265f. anschließt: (9) Puluinar uero diuae geniale locatur (10) Talibus amplifice uestis decorate figuris Sedibus in mediis, Indo quod dente politum Puluinar complexa suo uelabat amictu. Tincta tegit roseo conchyli purpura fuco. Haec uestis priscis hominum uariata figuris „Mit solchen Gestalten verschwenderisch Heroum mira uirtutes indicat arte. geziert war die Decke, Namque fluentisono prospectans litore Diae die das Lager rings als Überwurf umhüllte.“ Thesea cedentem celeri cum classe tuetur Nur am Rande erwähnen möchte ich eine an- Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores, dere Variante bildlicher Darstellung eines Gesche- hens, das sich zur Ekphrase gewissermaßen spiegel- „Doch inmitten erhebt sich das bräutliche verkehrt verhält. Hatte diese die visuellen Eindrücke Lager der Göttin, von plastisch oder malerisch gestalteten Vorgängen Schimmernd von Elfenbein, in Indiens in Worte umgesetzt, so vertritt im folgenden Fall eine Ländern gewonnen, nonverbale Botschaft den vereitelten Bericht. Es geht Und darüber sich breitet ein purpurfarbener um den Mythos von König Tereus, der Philomele, die Teppich. Schwester seiner Gattin Prokne vergewaltigt und ihr, 18. So neuerdings die volksetymologisch motivierte („Zier-rat“), offizielle Rechtschreibung des Nomens, das eigentlich eine suffixale Ableitung (wie Armut oder Kleinod) von der Basis zier- darstellt. 19. Zitiert nach Holzberg 2009. 20. Übersetzung nach http://www.deutsche-liebeslyrik.de/europaische_liebeslyrik/catull.htm. 27. Lexikalische Studien im Sinnbezirk von Webstuhl und Kleid   419 damit sie die Untat nicht anzeigen kann, die Zunge An mehreren Stellen meiner Auseinandersetzung herausschneidet. In ihrer Verzweiflung macht die ge- mit Dramaturgie, Mythenrezeption und Sprachkunst schändete Frau ihre Misshandlung bekannt, indem sie des Bühnenschaffens von Richard Wagner habe ich die erlittene Schmach als Vorgang in ein Tuch stickt. mich mit dieser und vergleichbaren Passagen seiner Die Sage endet mit einer mehrfachen Verwandlung: Dichtersprache auseinandergesetzt.22 Tereus wird zum Wiedehopf, Prokne zur Nachtigall, Wie produktiv der metaphorische Wirkungs­be­ Philomele aber zur Schwalbe, da deren unartikulierte reich von Webstuhl und Spinnwirtel auch und ge- Tongebung dem antiken Ohr unangenehm und wie rade unsere heutige Zeit geblieben - oder vielleicht eine lautliche Verstümmelung klingen musste. Apol- wieder geworden - ist, mag zum Ausklang eine kei- lodor (3,193ff.) und Pausanias (1,41,8) teilen in my- neswegs vollständige Liste von englischen Fachter- thographischer Darstellung das sagenhafte Gesche- mini belegen, die drei einschlägige Ausdrücke unse- hen in dieser Variante mit. Die römische Literatur hat res Forschungsgegenstandes (weben, spinnen, Netz) in ihrer Version der Metamorphose21 die Rollen ge- aufgreifen und zu verbindlichen technischen Begrif- tauscht: In dieser Fassung und in den späteren Tradi- fen des internationalen Wortschatzes der neuen elek- tionen wird Philomela (so die lateinische Wortform) tronischen Medien verfestigen: zur Nachtigall, deren Gesang man - man denke nur (12) web address, on the web, web based, an die romantische Dichtung - den Gestus von Sehn- web browser, web designer, webcast, sucht, Trauer und Klage unterlegte. web forum, webhead, webmaster, web Mit der Deutung der folgenden Sequenz über- page, web-site; spin doctor; network, schreite ich den Referenzzeitraum der Tagung und internet, net speak ihrer Dokumentation, freilich nicht so stark, wie es auf den ersten Blick den Anschein haben mag. Denn Dass dabei auch das Randgebiet der Augenblicks- Richard Wagner hat sich in der Dichtersprache seiner bildungen mit eingeschlossen ist, zeigt das letzte Musikdramen, besonders aber im Zyklus Der Ring Beispiel der Liste, denn net speak wird von rezenten des Nibelungen die frühdeutsche und altnordische Wörterbüchern des Englischen unter Hinweis auf den Epik anverwandelt, stilistische Figuren zitiert oder Funktionalstil als informelle Bezeichnung des Inter- imitiert und archaische Metaphern aufgegriffen, al- netjargons gebucht. lerdings zusätzlich pointiert und mit den Merkmalen seiner eigenen poetischen Diktion angereichert. Im zweiten Aufzug von Siegfried greift der Dichterkom- Bibliographie ponist das alte Motiv der sprechenden und weissagen- den Tiere auf. Der Waldvogel, der den jungen und na- Beekes, R. (2010) Etymological Dictionary of Greek II. iven Titelhelden vor bösen Nachstellungen warnt, ihm Leiden. die Wirkung der erbeuteten Objekte Ring und Tarn- Binder E. & G. (2001) Aeneis: lateinisch - deutsch / P. Ver- helm enthüllt und dazu künftiges Liebesglück ver- gilius Maro. Stuttgart. heißt, fasst die Ambivalenz seines eigenen Wesens Buck, C. D. (1949) A dictionary of selected synonyms in und Wirkens in einem schönen Sprachbild zusammen, the principal Indo-European languages: a contribution das in seinem zweiten Teil das Thema dieser Konfe- to the history of ideas. Chicago. renz im Wandel von Gewebe zum Text auf den Punkt Bußmann, H. (2002) Lexikon der Sprachwissenschaft. bringt (II, 3): Stuttgart. Darmesteter, J. (1968) Eine grammatikalische Metapher (11) Lustig im Leid sing ich von Liebe. des Indogermanischen. In R. Schmitt (1968), 26-29. Wonnig aus Weh‘ web ich mein Lied: De Vaan, M. (2008) Etymological dictionary of Latin and nur Sehnende kennen den Sinn. the other Italic languages. Leiden. 21. Vgl. Ovid: Metamorphosen, VI, 412-674. 22. Vgl. Panagl 2014, 1-25, bes. 23f; 2015, 272-283, bes. 279. 420   Oswald Panagl in Textile Terminologies (2017) Falk, H. S. & Torp, A. (1960) Norwegisch-dänisches ety- Panagl, O. (2014) „Die Tonsprache ist Anfang und Ende mologisches Wörterbuch : mit Literaturnachweisen der Wortsprache“ Zur Diktion der Opern und Musik- strittiger Etymologien sowie deutschem und altnordi- dramen Richard Wagners. In Die Musikforschung 67. schem Wörterverzeichnis. II. Oslo - Bergen. Jahrgang, 1-25. Fraenkel, E. (1962) Litauisches etymologisches Wörter- Panagl, O. (2015) „Lustig im Leid sing’ ich von Liebe“ buch I. Heidelberg. Richard Wagners Siegfried - beim Wort genommen. In Frisk, H. (1970) Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch U. Müller & O. Panagl (eds.), Von der Wartburg nach II. Heidelberg. Walhall. Studien zum musikdramatischen Werk Richard Grimm, J. & W. (1991=1860) Deutsches Wörterbuch. Wagners, 272-283. Anif/Salzburg. München. Rix, H. (2001) Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben: Holzberg, N. (2009) Catullus, Gaius Valerius: Carmina = LIV; die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Gedichte : lateinisch - deutsch. Düsseldorf. Wiesbaden. Kluge, F. / Seebold, E. (2002) Etymologisches Wörterbuch Schulze, W. (1933) Tocharisch tseke peke. In R. Schmitt, der deutschen Sprache. Berlin. 34-39 (1968). Matasović, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto- Schmitt, R. (1968) Indogermanische Dichtersprache. Celtic. Leiden. Darmstadt. Meiser, G. (2003) Veni Vidi Vici: die Vorgeschichte des la- Seeck, G. A. (1972) Sämtliche Tragödien und Fragmente: teinischen Perfektsystems. München. griechisch - deutsch / Euripides. Übers. von Ernst Buschor. München. Meiser, G. (1998) Historische Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. Darmstadt. Vasmer, M. (1958) Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch III. Heidelberg. Niermeyer, J. F. & van de Kieft, C. (2002) Mediae latini- tatis lexicon minus = Lexique latin médiéval = Medie- Von Albrecht, M. (ed.) (2010) Ovidius Naso, Publius: Me- val Latin dictionary = Mittellateinisches Wörterbuch. tamorphoses Metamorphosen: lateinisch - deutsch. Éd. remaniée par J. W. J. Burgers. Darmstadt; Leiden. Stuttgart. Panagl, O. (1992) Bedeutungswandel, relative Chronolo- Wagner-Hasel, B. (2005) Textus und texere, hýphos und gie und Ableitungsparadigmen im Lichte lateinischer hyphaínein: Zur metaphorischen Bedeutung des Webens Daten. In R. Beekes et al., Rekonstruktion und relative in der griechisch-römischen Antike. In L. Kuchenbuch Chronologie. Akten der VIII. Fachtagung der Indoger- & U. Kleine (eds.), Textus im Mittelalter. Komponenten manischen Gesellschaft, Leiden, 31. August - 4. Septem- und Situationen des Wortgebrauchs im schriftsemanti- ber 1987. Innsbruck, 307-320. schen Feld. Göttingen, 15-43. 28 Weaving a Song. Convergences in Greek Poetic Imagery between Textile and Musical Terminology. An Overview on Archaic and Classical Literature1 Giovanni Fanfani εἰ γὰρ ἠδύνατο ἕκαστον τῶν ὀργάνων κελευσθὲν ἢ προαισθανόμενον ἀποτελεῖν τὸ αὑτοῦ ἔργον, ὥσπερ τὰ Δαιδάλου φασὶν ἢ τοὺς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τρίποδας, οὕς φησιν ὁ ποιητής αὐτο- μάτους θεῖον δύεσθαι ἀγῶνα, οὕτως αἱ κερκίδες ἐκέρκιζον αὐταὶ καὶ τὰ πλῆκτρα ἐκιθάριζεν, οὐδὲν ἂν ἔδει οὔτε τοῖς ἀρχιτέκτοσιν ὑπηρετῶν οὔτε τοῖς δεσπόταις δούλων. Arist. Pol. 1253b34-1254a1 For if each tool could perform its own task either at our bidding, or anticipating it, and if – as they say of the artefacts made by Daedalus or the tripods of Hephaestus, of which the poet says, “self-moved they enter the assembly of the gods” – weft-beaters should beat the weft of their own accord, and plectra should pluck the kithara of themselves, then master-craftsmen would have no need of assistants and masters no need of slaves.2 I n an analysis of the household-management (οἰκο- over the first,3 what interests us here lies mainly within νομία) in the first book of the Politics, Aristotle the realm of inanimate tools. As commentators to the discusses the nature and use of tools (ὄργανα), both passage have not failed to notice, a first literary frame inanimate (τὰ ἄψυχα) and animate (τὰ ἔμψυχα). While of reference for Aristotle’s exemplum fictum is to be such a distinction is functional, in Aristotle’s argument, found in the conflation of two motifs: the myth of self- to illustrate the priority of the latter group (represented moving (ἀυτόματα) artefacts created by divine or di- by the assistant, ὁ ὑπηρετής, and the slave, ὁ δοῦλος) vinely-gifted craftsmen (Hephaestus’ wheeled tripods 1. I would like to thank the three editors for both their work on this volume and for the organization of the conference in Copenhagen back in June 2014; I am grateful to the Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research for hosting my postdoc- toral research in the last two years in a stimulating environment. Deborah Steiner, whom I sincerely thank, has generously given me access to a draft version of a forthcoming discussion of hers on weaving and chorality. The research for this chapter has been generously supported by the Danish Council for Independent Research and FP7 Marie Curie Actions ‒ COFUND (DFF ‒ 1321- 00158) through a MOBILEX grant. Greek texts are quoted from the most recent OCT (Oxford Classical Texts) editions, unless otherwise stated. English translations are adapted from the most recent Loeb editions. Double quotation marks are only used for direct quotations (in translation) of pas- sages from classical authors and for quotations of modern scholars; single quotation marks are adopted in all other cases. 2. Translation: Saunders 1995, adapted. 3. A further, significant distinction is operated by Aristotle between assistant and slave: while the first can be defined as “a superior tool among tools” (ὄργανον πρὸ ὀργάνων, 1253b33, literally “a tool that is prior to/outperforms other tools”: see Barker 1961, 10 n.1; Newman 1950, 138; on πρό as conveying here a notion of superiority in status see Schütrumpf 1991, 244-245; on the whole pas- sage see now Besso & Curnis 2011, 226-228), the slave is rather “a sort of animate possession” (κτῆμά τι κτῆσις, 1253b32), gran- ted that “a possession is also a tool for the purpose of life” (καὶ τὸ κτῆμα ὄργανον πρὸς ζωήν ἐστι, 1253b31). 421 422   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) and Daedalus’ statues),4 and the Old Comedy utopia of recognizable rhythmic sound. Both these features ex- a golden age when no slaves were needed, as house- plain, to a certain degree, why in a number of literary hold utensils would move and perform their task by as well as iconographic sources the technique of strik- themselves.5 In addition to that, however, a further un- ing the strings of a lyra or kithara with a plectrum (κι- derlying element that joins together the τέχναι (crafts) θαρίζειν is the verb used in Politics 1254a1) is assim- alluded to in the Politics passage can be detected in ilated to the act of hitting and strumming threads on a the relationship these entertain with the concept (cum loom with a weft-beater.7 Aristotle’s juxtaposition of technology) of weaving, reflected at the level of poetic κερκίδες and plectra is a case in point: while the focus imagery by patterns of textile terminology. This may is kept on the similar function performed by the two seem pretty obvious in the case of the verb κερκίζειν, objects in the realm of their respective (and thus com- i.e. the action of beating the weft threads into place parable) τέχναι,8 the passage may, if only indirectly, by means of a weft-beater (κερκίς). 6 As a fundamen- reflect the long-standing association in ancient Greek tal principle in the mechanics of weaving on the ver- musical imagery between the craft of weaving and the tical warp-weighted loom, striking the threads with a craft of playing (mainly stringed) instruments. At the κερκίς had a distinctive visual and acoustic dimension: root of this connexion lies a terminological conver- it was one of the most typical gestures of the weaver, gence grounded on the semantics of the verb κρέκειν and, more important, it seems to have produced a (‘to weave’, ‘to pluck the strings, play’ and ‘to cause 4. Aristotle quotes from Il. 18.376: the passage (vv. 373-377) describes Hephaestus who “was fashioning tripods, twenty in all, to stand around the wall of his well-built hall, and golden wheels he had set beneath the base of each so that of themselves they could en- ter the assembly of the gods (ὄφρα οἱ αὐτόματοι θεῖον δυσαίατ᾽ ἀγῶνα), a wonder to behold”. As it happens, the elaborate tripods’ handles have a ‘daedalic’ connotation (οὔατα ... δαιδάλεια, v. 378-379): see below on the series δαιδάλεος, δαίδαλον and δαιδάλλω. For Daedalus as “human double of Hephaestus” see Power 2011, 78 and n. 29, in the context of a fine discussion of the choral fea- tures of Hephaestean and Daedalic automata (77-82). The reference works on Daedalus in Greek literature and art are Frontisi-Du- croux 1975 and Morris 1992; McEwen 1993 brings architecture into the picture. 5. Several Old Comic passages on the topic are collected by Athenaeus in a section on slavery in the sixth book of his Deipnosophi- stai (267e-270a); a fragment from Crates’ Beasts (Θηρία), fr. 16 K-A = Ath. 267e, explicitly connects needlessness of slaves and self-moving household equipment (τὰ σκευάρια). Interestingly, a number of literary references to Daedalus’ moving figures are also found in humorous context in drama (satyr play: Aeschylus Theōroi fr. 78.6-7 Radt (TrGF vol. 3); Euripides Euristheus fr. 372 Kannicht (TrGF vol. 5.1); comedy: Aristophanes’ Daedalus, frr. 191-204 K-A; Cratinus fr. 75 K-A and Plato Comicus fr. 204 K-A, both in Σ Eur. Hec. 838) and in Plato (Euthphr. 11b-c; Men. 97d-e): see the rich discussion in Morris 1992, 215-237. Cf. Besso & Curnis 2011, 229; Newman 1950, 138 ad loc. 6. For an excellent discussion of the multiple functions of the κερκίς in ancient weaving see Edmunds 2012, §40-§51; in addition to beating up the weft threads, two further uses of the device were “to even out the warp threads by strumming across them” and “to pick the shed, especially in pattern weaving” (§46). See also Crowfoot 1936-1937, 44-45; Barber 1991, 273-274; Andersson Strand & Nosch 2015. Moxon 2000 surveys the Greek sources on the ‘sound of the κερκίς’ and argues for a use of the device as a “laze rod” to create the shed(s) in a “properly vertical” loom (p. 25). On the term κερκίς see chapter by Flemestad, Harlow, Hildebrandt & Nosch in this volume. 7. Pomeroy 1978, 19 points out the “physical resemblance between the loom and the lyre”, drawing on two vase paintings depicting a woman sitting and weaving on a tapestry hand-loom (fig. 1, 2 p. 22): the posture of the weavers is remarkably similar to that of fe- male string instruments players (fig. 3 p. 22). See McIntosh Snyder 1981, 194-195 on the “structural similarities between looms and lyres” as a key-element in shaping the imagery of the ‘web of song’ in archaic Greek lyric. For a more nuanced and convincing view see Restani 1995, 99-100: the analogy in the posture between hand-loom weavers and barbitos-players is rather meant to recall, me- tonymically, the auditory experience of (i.e. the sound produced by) weaving on the warp-weighted loom. Keuls 1983, 219 argues that the prominence of depictions of hand-looms over warp-weighted looms in vase paintings is the result of them being more “ae- sthetically pleasing or symbolically meaningful”. See Power 2010, 122-134 for an exhaustive discussion of the technical and per- formative features of both lyre and kithara, including the use of the plēctron. On the musical terminology related to the technē of lyre-playing in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes, where the invention of the tortoise-shelled instrument is narrated, see Franklin 2003. 8. Restani 1995, 106 sees the Politics passage as an instance of a persistent and effortless “associazione concettuale dell’utensile da telaio con il suono percussivo degli strumenti a corde”, thus laying emphasis on the acoustical sphere. 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   423 to resound’ in the new GE s.v.),9 which has been traced and classical Greek literature) composition and per- back to the idea of “hitting strings noisily with sharp in- formance. The metaphorical domain of textile crafts is struments”:10 literary and lexicographical sources help in turn to be seen as part of the larger system of Greek locating certain stages in the semantic development of craftsmanship imagery for poetic creation:13 this is the term. In the first part of this chapter, a sustained pat- particularly evident in the case of cross-craft termi- tern of interaction between textile and musical termi- nology, as a number of weaving metaphors are gen- nology is shown through a survey of passages where erated through the semantically marked use of verbs κρέκειν, or the cognate term κερκίς, occur in musical and adjectives that, while being applied to different context in archaic and classical Greek poetry. Perceived crafts in the literary record, convey a specific techni- similarities in craft, technology and auditory experi- cal meaning when used in a textile-related context. ence seem to favour the exchange; what we also see is To illustrate the point, a few instances of textile im- the appropriation of the technical lexicon of weaving agery are shown as produced by two families of terms by emerging discourses on musical innovation in Greek whose roots, δαιδαλ- and ποικιλ-, seem to express poetry,11 in the context of the imitative poetics of early the structural and aesthetic quality of an intricate and lyric as well as in the late 5th century BC musical ‘rev- variegated pattern in association with skilfully crafts- olution’, the so-called New Music.12 manship.14 Finally, the juxtaposition of Hephaestus In the second part of this chapter, such a pattern and Daedalus in the Politics passage points back to a of terminological interaction is positioned within the Homeric case of interaction between δαιδαλ- and ποι- broader area of textile imagery for poetry-making. κιλ- terms, weaving, and choral dancing. Instances of κρέκειν governing an internal accusa- tive of the type of song/poem or musical mode being More than beating threads: κρέκειν in (musical) executed invite comparison with a group of metapo- context and the sound of the κερκίς etic metaphors mapping aspects of the crafts of weav- ing, plaiting and interlacing onto poetic (and musical, In a study of the semantics of κερκ- and κρεκ- terms ‒ the two notions being largely co-extensive in archaic a vast cluster of words encompassing material objects, 9. The meaning ‘to cause (the voice, a type of song, a musical instrument) to resound’ translates the Italian expression ‘far risuonare’, which renders the interpretation of κρέκειν as ἠχεῖν ‘to resound, echo’ and (causative, with internal accusative) ‘to cause something to resound’ by ancient lexicography, see infra and cf. Restani 1995, 97; Raimondi 2000, 144-145. 10. So Barber 1991, 273. Specific discussions on κρέκειν: Manessy-Guitton 1977; Dunbar 1995, 426-427 ad Aristoph. Av. 682-683; Restani 1995, 97-99; Raimondi 2000, 138-146; Rocconi 2003, 35 n. 185. 11. On the rhetoric of innovation in music as a recurrent motif throughout Greek literature see D’Angour 2011, passim (184-206 on the discourse of novelty in mousikē); Prauscello 2012 on late 6th century BC Peloponnesian musicians and Pindar’s position within the musical debate of his time. See LeVen 2014, 71-112 on late 5th century BC musicians and their strategies of self-presentation, “which included […] a reinterpretation of the concept of novelty” (73); as she aptly points out, New Music was in fact “only the la- test, and the best documented, in a series of [sc. musical] revolutions” (83). 12. See Restani 1995, 105-109 on the lexical borrowings from craft (especially textile) terminology by representatives of the New Mu- sical style in tragedy and comedy as a means to describe “il ‘traumatico’ passaggio a un nuovo tipo di produzione musicale che, lentamente, professionalizzandosi, precisa i propri contorni rispetto alle alter τέχναι” (105). Restani’s emphasis on the language of mousikē as craft (τέχνη) and on its auditory sphere (“universo sonoro”) in both literary sources and later lexicographical syste- matisation is a line of inquiry that Rocconi 2003 has broadened through a systematic investigation of the semantic processes lea- ding to the formation of a technical lexicon of Greek music: I build here on these scholars’ insights to present a different argument. 13. Nünlist 1998, 83-125 surveys and discusses the occurrences of Handwerk metaphors in archaic Greek literature: textile imagery (110-118) represents a substantial portion of the whole picture, together with the domain of Bauwesen (98-106), where both carpen- try and architecture metaphors belong. On craftsmanship imagery and its implications in terms of archaic Greek poetics see Svenbro 1976, 173-212; Gentili 1988, 50-60; Ford 2002, 93-130. 14. In the case of ποικιλ-terms, the focus on the interaction with craftsmanship imagery serves the limited scope of this discussion: in fact, however, it does not exhaust the rich semantics of the root, which often appears in archaic literature in connection with the natural world: see LeVen 2014, 101-105. 424   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) plants, and animals (notably birds) ‒ J. Manessy- γλύκηα μᾶτερ, οὔ τοι δύναμαι κρέκην Guitton detects the basic concept of the two cognate τὸν ἴστον roots in the idea of a sharp, pointed object: thus κερ- πόθῳ δάμεισα παῖδος βραδίναν δι᾽ κίς ‘weft-­beater’, a sharp tool used to beat up the weft Ἀφροδίταν. in weaving, generates κρέκειν ‘to beat the weft with a κερκίς’ and (with extension) ‘to weave’; the same ba- Sweet mother, I really cannot weave sic gesture of ‘beating rhythmically with an object’, my web/strike the loom [with the analogically applied to the sphere of music-making, κερκίς], would be at the root of the prevalent usage of κρέκειν for I am overcome with desire for a boy with the meaning ‘to strike the strings of/play an in- because of slender Aphrodite. strument’ and ‘to cause [the voice, a song] to resound’ i.e. ‘to sing’:15 in such a view, therefore, any notion of Object of the infinitive κρέκην (the Aeolic form sound or noise connected to the semantics of κερκίς for κρέκειν) is ἴστος (Aeolic for ἱστός), ‘loom’ or and κρέκειν is a derived, and thus secondary conno- (with semantic extension) ‘web’: for the latter mean- tation.16 In fact, the assumption that the κερκίς would ing the literary model is Homeric (Il. 3.125 ἡ δὲ μέ- have produced a sharp sound while beating the warp γαν ἱστὸν ὕφαινε “she was weaving a large web”, threads on the warp-weighted loom is supported by cf. also Od. 24.139), and one might be tempted to two sets of sources: 1) the ancient lexicographical and see Sappho’s κρέκην τὸν ἴστον as a variation on the etymological tradition connecting κερκίς with κρέ- epic hemistich effected through the choice of κρέ- κειν (= ἠχεῖν) ‘to resound’, and 2) the literary topos κειν (Homer uses the more common verb for weav- of the ‘voice of the κερκίς’ (also in the variant ‘melo- ing on the loom, ὑφαίνειν). The only other occur- dious κερκίς’), a characteristic sound that we find as- rence of κρέκειν as ‘weave’ is in Euripides’ Electra, sociated in Hellenistic epigram with singing and cry- where the verb governs the accusative πέπλους ‘pep- ing birds or insects.17 loi’ (εἰ δὲ κἄκρεκον πέπλους “and even if I had been The etymological and semantic relationship be- weaving clothes [lit. peploi]”, 542), closely follow- tween κερκίς and κρέκειν is presented by lexica and ing a mention of κερκίς three lines earlier (κερκίδος etymologica in connection with the earliest occur- ... ἐξύφασμα σῆς “a garment of [i.e. woven by] your rence of the verb, Sappho 102 V., a short poem draw- κερκίς”).19 Back to Sappho 102 V., the occurrence ing on a traditional motif of popular song:18 of κρέκειν has called for semantic and etymological 15. See Manessy-Guitton 1977, 253: “De « battre un chant, scander un chant », serait issu le sens de « faire retentir un chant », de « battre un instrument à cordes » serait issu celui de « faire résonner »”. 16. See Manessy-Guitton 1977, 236-237, 252 (“nous avons vu que κρέκειν signifiait « battre avec un bâton » et que l’idée de « bruit », musical ou non, était secondaire”) and 253, where the relevant κερκ- and κρεκ- terms are grouped in semantic categories. 17. As Raimondi 2000, 138-146 shows through a systematic survey and typology of the occurrences of κρέκειν, such a motif is paral- leled by the sustained pattern of imagery, similarly found in the genre of epigram, where κρέκειν designates the sound of singing birds or insects, often with an implied comparison to stringed instruments (this is the type 21, pp. 139-140: the occurrences are Me- leager A.P. 7.196.6 (cicada), Archias A.P. 7.213.3 (cicada), Archias A.P. 7.191.3 (jay)); the first author to associate κρέκειν with birds is Aristophanes in the Birds, as we shall see. On the sound produced by the κερκίς see Restani 1995, 98-99; Noxon 2000. 18. The motif of the opposition of love (seen as a distracting activity) to weaving is widely attested in a series of dedicatory epigrams in the sixth book of the Greek Anthology: see the detailed discussion in Taràn 1979, 115-131. Sappho’s date is problematic, wa- ving between the last quarter of 7th century and the first quarter of 6th century BC: see e.g. the discussion by Hutchinson 2001, 139- 140 and n.1, who proposes 600-570 as the period of the poetess’ activity. A further occurrence of κρέκειν (in the compound form διακρέκειν) in Lesbian context is a papyrus fragment, attributed to Sappho by Lobel and Page (S 99 L-P) and to Alcaeus by Voigt (303A V.), with the sequence χόρδαισιδιακρε̣κην interpreted by Lobel and Page as χόρδαισι διακρέ̣κην ‘to strike on the strings’: see McIntosh Snyder 1981, 195. 19. The significance of textiles in these lines is given by the context, i.e. the exchange between Electra and the Old Man on the return of Orestes (503-544), in which Euripides stages a rationalistic confutation of the famous recognition scene in Aeschylus’ Choephoroi. The date of Euripides’ Electra is unknown: the range 422-416 BC, proposed by J. Diggle in his OCT edition, seems a safe collocation. 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   425 interpretations by ancient lexicography:20 interest- (again, through alleged metathesis: ἀντὶ τοῦ κρε- ingly, the first line of the poem is quoted, and the κολύρα “in place of κρεκολύρα”) and, according to meaning of κρέκειν discussed, in the explanation of the equivalence κρέκειν = ἠχεῖν, it describes a “re- the lemma κερκίς. The etymologica and lexica pre- sounding, echoing lyra” (ἠχητικὴ λύρα in Pseudo- sent κερκίς as a noun derived from the verb κρέκειν,21 Zonaras): in this explanation, the supposed onomat- which they gloss as ἠχεῖν ‘to resound/echo’: παρὰ τὸ opoeic nature of κρέκειν is also part of the picture κρέκειν ὅ ἐστιν ἠχεῖν “(derived) from κρέκειν, that is (as Pseudo-Zonaras illustrates in his gloss: τὸ γὰρ to resound (ἠχεῖν)”; κερκίς is thus an instrument that κρέκε κρέκε ἦχος ἐστὶ τῆς κιθάρας “for κρέκε κρέκε resounds (ἡ ἠχοῦσα in Pseudo-­Zonaras), and κρέκειν is the noise of [the strings of] the kithara”). Mod- may have originally referred to the sound or noise ern interpretations of κερκολύρα entertain the pos- produced by the κερκίς on the loom, as suggested sibility that, in fact, the first component of the term by Donatella Restani.22 The occurrence of κρέκειν may be κερκίς: the compound would express the with internal accusative (τὸν ἵστον ‘loom’ or ‘web’) functional analogy between the action of the weft- in Sappho’s poem suggests that the semantic overlap beater on the threads and that of the plectrum on the with ἠχεῖν includes the causative meaning of the verb strings.24 A more nuanced interpretation locates the ‘to make/cause something to resound/echo’: in this fragment within the archaic Greek poetics of mime- perspective κρέκην τὸν ἴστον in Sappho 102 V. may sis: the poet-musician devises and composes through mean “to make the loom resound (with the sound of the imitation of nature and other crafts,25 and Alc- the κερκίς)”. The idea of a resounding instrument is man offers indeed early instances of such a conceit especially at home in the semantic field of music: when he claims to know “the modes of song of all the Alcman’s compound formation κερκολύρα (PMGF birds” (fr. 40 PMGF ϝοῖδα δ᾽ ὀρνίχων νόμως / πα- 140 = fr. 196 Calame), a one-word fragment, rep- ντών) and to “have devised verses and song by put- resents the earliest instance (the poet was active in ting into words the tongued cry of partridges” (fr. 39 7th century BC) of the long-standing connection be- PMGF ϝέπε τάδε καὶ μέλος Ἀλκμάν / εὗρε γεγλωσ- tween the roots κρεκ-/κερκ- and stringed instruments σαμέναν / κακκαβίδων ὄπα συνθέμενος).26 Though ‒ a lyra in this specific case.23 The term, preserved we lack a broader literary context for Alcman’s κερ- by ancient lexicography, is traced back to κρέκειν κολύρα, the image of a lyra imitating or echoing the 20. In chronological sequence (9th to 12th century AD): Etymologicum Genuinum β p. 183 Miller = Etymologicum Magnum 505.57- 61; Etymologicum Gudianum 316.35 Sturz; Pseudo-Zonaras col. 1190 Tittmann (κερκίς). Etymologica and lexica only give the first line of the poem; Sappho 102 V. (lines 1-2) is transmitted by Hephaestion in his metrical treatise Encheiridion (10.5 p. 34 Consbruch) as an instance of antispastic tetrameter catalectic (scheme ⏑ ‒ ⏑ ‒ / ⏑ ‒ ‒ ⏑ / ⏑ ‒ ⏑ ‒ / ⏑ ‒ ‒ , where only the second unit has the form of an antispast ⏑ ‒ ‒ ⏑) used by Sappho in her seventh book: on the antispastic and glyconic sequences see Gentili & Lomiento 2003, 154-166. 21. The derivation is explained as a transition from the unattested form κρεκίς (κρεκ- + the nominal suffix –ις) to κερκίς through in- ternal metathesis (our sources call it ὑπερβιβασμός ‘transposition’). I thank Marco Ercoles for helpful suggestions on the Etymo- logicum Gudianum gloss of κερκίς. 22. Restani 1995, 97: “l’etimo, forse onomatopeico, di tale verbo [sc. κρέκειν] si riferirebbe al risuonare, ήχεῖν, della κερκίς sul telaio”. 23. The testimonia of Alcman 140 PMGF are: Etymologicum Genuinum s.v. (p. 33 Calame); Etymologicum Magnum 506.18 Gaisford; Pseudo-Zonaras col. 1190 Tittman. 24. Cf. Manessy-Guitton 1977, 252, who sees the root κερκ- in κερκολύρα as referring to the plectrum, and the compound thus desi- gnating “la lyre dont on joue avec le plectre, la lyre à plectre”. 25. See Restani 1995, 98-99, who interprets Alcman’s κερκολύρα as “a lyra echoing the sound of the κερκίς” (p. 99 “una ‘lyra riecheg- giante il suono della kerkis’”). The poetics of mimesis is elaborated by Gentili 1988, 50-54 in relation to the archaic Greek view of poetic creation and music-making: as he puts it, imitation is often presented as “re-creation, through voice, music, dance, and ge- sture, of the actions and utterances of men and animals” (51). 26. See Gentili 1988, 54: “[I]t is in terms of this poetics – a poetics of heuristic imitation rather than of aesthetic creation – that an au- thor’s reference to the novelty of the modes and techniques found in his own work are to be understood. […] To “know the songs of all birds” is to have at one’s disposal a full assortment of natural modules to be used in devising melodies”. For the connections of κρέκειν and κερκίς with singing birds (or insects) and stringed instruments in Hellenistic epigram, see note 16 above. 426   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) sharp sound of the κερκίς may lie somewhere at the recited verses (iambic trimeters) of the Athenian trage- origin of the semantic extension of κρέκειν (in the dian Diogenes (Semele fr. 1.9-10 TrGF vol.1), where sense of ἠχεῖν ‘make something to resound’) as to κρέκειν ‘strike, pluck the string’ governs the accusa- include stringed instruments ‒ a connotation which tive μάγαδιν (a type of harp).30 Two lyric passages in encompasses as well the more specialised meaning the parabasis of Aristophanes’ Birds (staged in 414 ‘to strike the strings of a musical instrument’.27 This BC) exploit the semantic range of the verb and the po- is reflected by a strand of ancient lexicography that tential of its connexions with singing birds, as we find connects κρέκειν to the sphere of instrumental music, κρέκειν associated to the sound of the αὐλός (a wind often in association with κρούειν ‘to beat, strike’, a instrument with double reed) and with the swan’s song. verb undergoing a similar semantic extension into the In the opening of the parabasis (vv. 676-684), the Cho- technical language of music-making, with particular rus of birds sings an invocation to the Nightingale, the regards to the area of stringed instruments.28 In this archetypal singer-bird, addressed as ὦ καλλιβόαν κρέ- respect, the peculiarity of κρέκειν seems to lie in the κουσ᾽ / αὐλὸν φθέγμασιν ἠρινοῖς “you who cause the fact that its semantics is originally grounded in the fair-toned aulos to resound [by playing it] with spring- craft and technical language of weaving, and the ter- time tunes” (682-683)31 ‒ a transparent reference to the minological convergence with the domain of music αὐλός-player accompanying the singing and dancing reflects an exchange (via mimesis) at the level of τέ- of the choral ensemble. In a later section of the para- χναι that Alcman’s κερκολύρα may express in terms basis, an ode in celebration of the swans’ song depicts of musical novelty. how the birds συμμιγῆ βοὴν ὁμοῦ πτε- / ροῖσι κρέκο- When we meet again κρέκειν in a music-related ντες ἴακον Ἀπόλλω “vocalizing all together a mingled context, we are in late 5th century Athenian drama, at shout, accompanying it with (the sound of) their wings, the height of a phase of musical innovations (conven- celebrated [lit. ‘cried, shouted’] Apollo” (771-772): 32 tionally labelled as ‘New Music’ in modern scholar- the wing-beats function here as instrumental and rhyth- ship) investing the sung sections of tragedy and com- mical accompaniment to the swans’ cry. Parallelism in edy, and the lyric genres of dithyramb and kitharodic the syntax of the two passages ‒ similarly structured nomos:29 it is probably not a coincidence, therefore, with κρέκειν + accusative of the instrument/voice that that three out of four occurrences of κρέκω feature in resounds + instrumental dative ‒ is reinforced by dic- the lyric sections, both choral and monodic, of the re- tion, with βοή ‘shout’ qualifying both the swans’ cry spective drama. The only case where the verb occurs and, via the epithet καλλιβόας ‘fair-toned’, the αὐλός- in association to a string instrument is a fragment in sound. The pattern of semantic extension of κρέκειν 27. For a survey of these two semantic areas of κρέκειν, and of further sub-types, see Raimondi 2000, 139-142 (groups 2 and 3). 28. Hesychius s.v. 4044 Schmidt κρέκει· κιθαρίζει “plays the kithara”; Suda κ 2367 κυρίως δὲ κρέκειν τὸ τὴν κιθάραν κρούειν “but in most cases κρέκειν (means) to strike the kithara”; Pollux 4.63 lists κρέκειν among “instruments that strike/beat” (ὄργανα τὰ κρου- όμενα) together with κιθαρίζειν, ψάλλειν (‘pluck the strings with fingers’) and others: see the fine observations by Restani 1995, 107; on the semantic extension of ψάλλειν and κρούειν into the technical terminology of music see the comprehensive discussion by Rocconi 2003, 26-51: the pattern seems to be one of extension and abstraction within the domain of musical, from the more spe- cific meaning ‘strike the strings of an instruments with a plectrum’ to ‘play an instrument’. 29. On the socio-economic context that favoured the rise of New Music in theatrical genres see Csapo 2004; cf. Csapo 1999-2000 on Euripides and New Music; LeVen 2014 is the most comprehensive study of late 5th century lyric. 30. See Rocconi 2003, 27 n. 124 for a different interpretation of magadis here as a kind of musical accompaniment (“più che uno stru- mento, […] una pratica di responsione tra due fonti sonore”), suggested by the musical context of the fragment, a description of ri- tuals connected to the Asian cult of Semele, where at v. 9 two other instruments of the harp family are mentioned, the πηκτίς and the τρίγωνος (on which see Gentili & Lomiento 2003, 85). The passage is transmitted by Athenaeus 14.636, who quotes the verses to argue that Diogenes considered πηκτίς and μαγαδίς two different instruments. 31. The text of Birds is quoted from Dunbar 1995. The Loeb translation (by J. Henderson) tries to restore the textile semantics of the verb: “weaver of springtime tunes on the fair-toned pipes”. The opening section of the parabasis is an astrophic system in aeolo- choriambic metre (682-683 are both glyconics). See Dunbar 1995 ad loc. 32. Translation Dunbar 1995, 427; see commentary ad loc. 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   427 in the two Aristophanic passages has been explained together (Λυδὸν ἅρμοσε … νόμον) the Lydian tune, in different ways. Raimondi sees a derivation of the rival of the Dorian Muse, weaving around (ἀμφιπλέ- meaning ‘play a wind instrument’ from the broader κων) his reeds of quick-moving forms (αἰολομόρφοις connotation of κρέκειν = ήχεῖν as applied to the vo- καλάμοις) the fair-winged breeze of his breath (πνεύ- cal expression (‘to make a voice resound’, ‘to sing’).33 ματος εὔπτερον αὔραν)”.36 As Pauline LeVen has re- Locating the original semantics of κρέκειν in the con- cently pointed out, a distinctive stylistic feature of the cept of ‘beating, striking with a beating tool’, Manessy- New Music that emerges in Telestes’ archaeology of Guitton proposes to set the image of the wing-beats ac- aulos-music of fr. 806 is the innovative exploitation companying the swans’ song in Birds 771-772 against of “the materiality of language to evoke musical fea- its textile counterpart, the beating action of the κερκίς tures”:37 the ‘breeziness’ connected to the art of playing on the loom that provides the rhythm for the weaver; the αὐλός is expressed through paronomasia at v. 4 (in the direction of the semantic extension is in this case the consonantal roots of the terms for ‘breathe’, ‘wing’ ‘to beat, to rhythm a song with a beating instrument’ and ‘weave’ πνεύματος εὔπτερον ... ἀμφιπλέκων), and → ‘to make a song resound’, and a similar develop- through the metaphor of the winged and volatile na- ment invests the specific meaning ‘to strike a stringed ture of Olympus’ breath.38 The archaizing rhetorical instrument’ to encompass the use of κρέκειν in refer- strategy of Telestes, who traces back the intricacy of ence to other families of instruments.34 While a simi- his style of αὐλός-playing to the invention of the Lyd- lar pattern of semantic extension ‒ from the domain ian mode by the mythical musician Olympus, is one of of stringed instrument to that of the αὐλός ‒ has been self-legitimation: by adopting the technical term ἀμφι- illustrated as taking place in the same chronological πλέκειν ‘to weave/plait around’ to illustrate the varie- range for another verb meaning ‘to strike, beat’, κρού- gated and composite nature of the Lydian νόμος, Tel- ειν,35 the distinctive textile background of κρέκειν may estes may have in mind the use of another compound of add to the texture of imagery of the two passages from πλέκειν ‘plait, weave’ in a similar context (a previous the Birds. The same syntactic structure, in reference musical revolution investing αὐλός-music) in a victory to the sound of the αὐλός, is found in a fragment of a ode by Pindar.39 In Pythian 12 (performed in 490 BC), ‘New Musician’, the dithyrambographer Telestes (late an epinician ode in celebration of a victory in the aulos 5th century BC), where a weaving verb, ἀμφιπλέκειν competition by Midas of Acragas, Pindar describes the ‘to plait/weave around’, is used in place of κρέκειν: invention of the αὐλός-music by the goddess Athena.40 the passage, quoted by Athenaeus (14.617b = PMG The poem begins with an invocation to Acragas (the Si- 806), depicts the “Phrygian king of the fair-breathing cilian city), requested to receive Pindar’s choral song holy auloi”, probably Olympus, as the first “who fit as a crown of victory (στεφάνωμα) from Pytho, and to 33. See Raimondi 2000, 145: “l’espressione vocale è assimilata all’emissione di uno strumento a fiato”. 34. See Manessy-Guitton 1977, 236-237, who sees in the occurrence of κρέκειν ‘to weave’ governing πέπλους at Eur. El. 542 a simi- lar case of semantic extension from the original connotation of the verb as ‘strike the weft-threads’. 35. See the exhaustive discussion by Rocconi 2003, 32-43, esp. 35 n. 180 (on PMG 878 where κρούειν is found together with ἀυλεῖν ‘to play the aulos’). 36. Translation: LeVen 2014, 104 adapted; the reading νόμον αἰολομόρφοις at v. 3 is the result of two conjectures (Dobree and Wila- mowitz respectively): the manuscript reads νομοαίολον ὀρφναι. See the discussion of the fragment in LeVen 2014, 113-15 in the context of the New Musicians’ self-presentation of their intricate musical style as variegation (poikilia) through reference to different musical modes (the Lydian and the Dorian in Telestes 806 PMG). See Steiner 2013, 190-191 for a discussion of the technical aspects of aulos-playing mentioned in Telestes’ fragment, and for the fascinating hypothesis that the dithyrambographer may allude in the final verse to an actual change in the shape of the mouthpiece of the aulos, which would have taken place in the late 5th century BC. 37. LeVen 2014, 166. 38. See LeVen 2014, 167-168. 39. On the aulos revolution of early 5th century BC and the role of Pindar in it see Prauscello 2012; Steiner 2013; LeVen 2014, 81-83 with further bibliography. 40. As the scholium 12a (p. 265 Drachmann) to the passage points out, the reference is to ἡ αὐλητική τεχνή ‘the art of playing the au- los’; later in the ode Pindar refers to the melody that Athena “fashioned with every sound of auloi” (αὐλῶν τεῦχε πάμφονον μέλος, 428   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) welcome Midas, who “defeated the Greeks in the art This is especially the case when κρέκειν is (τέχνᾳ) which Pallas Athena once invented (ἐφεῦρε) by matched by the cognate κερκίς, as in a sung mon- weaving into music the fierce Gorgons’ deathly dirge ody from Euripides’ fragmentary Hypsipyle, a trag- (θρασεῖαν <Γοργόνων> / οὔλιον θρῆνον διαπλέξαισ᾽ edy dating to the last decade of 5th century BC and, Ἀθάνα)” (vv. 5-6).41 In the act of heuristic mimesis rep- as far as the text conserved in the Bodleian papyrus resented here, the goddess devises (ἐφεῦρε) the craft of (POxy. 852) allows to conclude, displaying signifi- playing the αὐλός by imitating the “echoing lament” cant metrical variegation and sustained musical im- (ἐρικλάγταν γόον, v. 21) of the two Gorgons as they agery in its lyric sections.44 The first conserved frag- are slaughtered by Perseus,42 and by weaving it into a ment of the play transmits the end of Hypsipyle’s θρῆνος ‘dirge’, a structured form of music ‒ the term opening lyric monody, which the girl sings to the designates as well a sub-genre of choral lyric.43 baby Opheltes: the theme of the song, and of the fol- While it is difficult to imagine the exact musical lowing lyric dialogue with the Chorus, is a metamu- effect of διαπλέκειν and ἀμφιπλέκειν in association sical reflection on just what kinds of song are appro- with the art of playing the αὐλός, the use of com- priate for Hypsipyle to sing as she wishes to amuse pound forms of πλέκειν in the context of program- the baby. A reference to the rhythmical sound of cas- matic declarations of musical poetics suggests that tanets (ἰδού, κτύπος ὅδε κορτάλων “Look, here is the the craft of weaving represented a favourite source sound of castanets”, v. 8) is followed after a one-line of techniques and technical terminology for illustrat- lacuna by a recusatio, where Hypsipyle mentions the ing innovations in instrumental music; the compos- work-songs she is not going to sing, as the norm of ite nature of the αὐλός, made of two reeds, resulted generic appropriateness (a fundamental principle of in a highly mimetic and variegated sound accord- archaic aesthetics)45 requires her to turn to “what is ing to the sources, and the semantic domain of in- fitting for a tender young boy” (ὅτι … π]αιδὶ πρέ- terlacing, plaiting, and weaving (especially the tech- πει νεαρῷ, v. 14): nique of pattern-weaving) may have been perceived οὐ τάδε πήνας, οὐ τάδε κερκίδος as aptly conveying the complexity of the αὐλετικὴ ἱστοτόνου παραμύθια Λήμνι᾽ ἃ τεχνή. Occurrences of κρέκειν in association with Μοῦσα θέλει με κρέκειν· (…) the αὐλός, and in general the use of the verb in mu- sical context, may thus gain a further layer of con- Eur. Hyps. fr. 752f 9-11 K. (TrGF notations if set against the term’s semantic origin in vol. 5.2)46 the craft of weaving. v. 19) and “called it the many-headed tune” (ὠνύμασεν κεφαλᾶν πολλᾶν νόμος, v. 23), the nomos polykephalos, a melody for the αύλός which might have been used by Midas in his victorious performance. 41. The text of Pindar is Snell-Maehler (Teubner). 42. The “echoing wail” of v. 21 is referred to just one of the sisters, Euryale: however, as also the scholium 35c (p. 268 Drachmann) makes explicit, the γόος is issued by both the Gorgons. Held 1998, 384 makes the different point that “[T]he singling out of one of the Gorgons implies the singling out of the other”, which supports his view that the deathly dirge woven into music by Athena is composed of two strains of sound, i.e. the groaning of each of the two sisters. 43. Through a survey of the occurrences of διαπλέκειν in pre-Hellenistic literature, Held 1998 persuasively argues that in most cases the verb refers to the woven product, rather than to the materials that are interlaced to fashion it: in this perspective, the οὔλιος θρῆνος composed by Athena is the final product of her interweaving. 44. I draw in this section on the detailed discussion of the parodos of Hypsipyle by Battezzato 2005; other important studies of the fragments of the play are Bond 1963 and Collard, Cropp & Gibert 2004. The reference edition is Kannicht 2004 (TrGF vol. 5.2, ffr. 752-769). As Collard, Cropp & Gibert 2004, 230 synthetically remark in their introduction, the style of the Hypsipyle “is that of the ‘New Music’ of which Euripides was a leading practitioner, characterized by freedom and variety of form and emotional expres- sion, especially through female voices, and mimetic musical performance such as Hypsipyle’ castanet-song”. 45. On this crucial principle of distinction between poetic genres see Ford 2002, 13-22. 46. At the end of v. 10 I print Battezzato’s proposal of reading Λήμνι᾽ ἃ, with the relative pronoun ἃ introducing the following clause (“… the Lemnian songs that the Muse..”) in place of Λήμνια of the papyrus, thus linking the double τάδε at v. 9 to the sound of the 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   429 These are not the Lemnian songs, relieving Euripides’ late production. In this case, the adjective the labour of [inserting] the weft-threads ἱστότονος is connected to weft-threads (πηνίσματα), and (the labour) of the sounding-on-the- in turn defined as “practisings of singer kerkis” and loom [or ‘stretched-on-the-loom’] kerkis, wound by spiders with their fingers ‒ an image with (these are not the Lemnian songs) that the no apparent logical coherence, as it is aimed at mock- Muse desires me to make resound; (…) ing Euripides through a juxtaposition of excerpts from his lyric verses: The “Lemnian alleviations” (παραμύθια Λήμνια, v. 10) that the Muse wants Hypsipyle to κρέκειν (‘cause αἵ θ᾽ ὑπωρόφιοι κατὰ γωνίας to resound’) are at first sight songs sung at the loom εἰειειειλίσσετε δακτύλοις φάλαγγες to relieve the boredom and labour of weaving; the ἱστότονα πηνίσματα, weft (πήνη, v. 9) and the κερκίς are generally taken κερκίδος ἀοιδοῦ μελέτας as referring metonymically to the act of weaving on Aristophanes Frogs 1313-1316 the loom. The rare compound adjective ἱστότονος is translated as ‘loom-stretching’ or ‘stretching-across- and you spiders in crannies beneath the roof the-loom’:47 the first component, ἱστός ‘loom’, des- who with your fingers wi-i-i-i-i-nd ignates the area of application of τόνος, a nomen ac- the weft-threads stretched across the loom, tionis from the verb τείνειν (‘to stretch, put under practisings of singer kerkis tension’) meaning ‘tension’, but undergoing a seman- tic shift into musical terminology with the connota- The focus on the sound/noise produced in weaving tion of ‘sound’ (generated by the tension of a string) is mimetically rendered by the repetition of the first and ‘note’.48 It is inviting to speculate that the adjec- syllable of εἱλίσσετε “you who wind”, signalling “the tive may bear here its entire semantic range, and that setting of a single long syllable to a cluster of shorter the notion of ‘tension’ associated with the κερκίς in- notes, forming an ornamental turn”.49 When referred vests both the physical (the striking of the stretched to the weft-threads, ἱστότονος makes good sense as threads) and the auditory sphere of the tool’s action; ‘stretched across the loom’, in this case by the action this seems to be supported by Euripides’ choice of the of the “singer kerkis” κερκίδος ἀοιδοῦ ‒ also a Eurip- verb κρέκειν, whose perceived connexion with κερ- idean quotation, according to the scholia ad loc. (as- κίς (in terms of the ‘resounding’ of the weft-beater cribed to the fragmentary Meleagros, fr. 523 N.2 = fr. on the loom) is well attested by the lexicographic 528a K. TrGF vol. 5.1). tradition, as we have seen. Aristophanes’ parody of The topos of the ‘tuneful κερκίς’, with the variant Euripidean lyric in the Frogs (staged in 405), sung ‘sound/voice of the κερκίς’, surfaces in 5th century BC by the character of Aeschylus, includes a citation of drama in two fragments of Sophocles,50 but enjoys a Hypsipyle monody in a passage mimicking the hyper- new popularity in a number of votive epigrams col- mimetic and densely imagistic New Musical style of lected in the sixth book of the Anthologia Palatina, castanets: see Battezzato 2005, 183-189. At v. 11 θέλει (“desires”) is a conjecture by Morel: the papyrus has the problematic μέλει (“is concerned (for me to sing)”. The metrical pattern is acatalectic dactylic tetrameter (four dactyls), also known as ‘Alcmanian’ due to its frequent use in Alcman. 47. Respectively Collard, Cropp & Gibert 2004, 190-191 and Dover 1993 in the commentary ad loc. 48. See the discussion on the semantics and usage of τόνος as a technical musical term in Rocconi 2003, 21-26. 49. Barker 1984, 115, who quotes the scholium ad loc. and translates ἑλίσσειν with ‘weave’ in the passage: the verb is Euripides’ fa- vourite for denoting the whirling movements of circular Dionysiac dance: see Csapo 1999-2000, 422. In the MMS the number of repetition of ει vary between four and six; the metrical pattern of the song is Aeolic, with v. 1316 that can be interpreted as ia + cho or as a variation on the preceding cr + ioma with an added final syllable (hypercatalectic). 50. Both in a non-musical context: the “voice of the kerkis” (κερκίδος φωνή) of fr. 595 Radt (Tereus), transmitted by Aristotle in his discussion of tragic recognition (ἀναγνώρισις, Poetics 1454b 36-37), refers to Philomena’s in-weaving into a fabric of the story of her rape by Tereus; fr. 890 Radt mentions the “songs of the kerkis” (κερκίδος ὕμνοις) that (subject is κερκίς) “wakes up those who are sleeping”. 430   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) where weavers dedicate the implements of their fa- 806 the Lydian νόμος was composed through the tiguing work on the loom to the goddess Athena, pa- act of weaving around (ἀμφιπλέκειν) the composite tron of handicraft, often with the purpose of aban- sound of the αὐλός, here Telestes chooses κρέκειν to doning textile activity to turn hetaerae.51 The range convey the image of a song executed with the accom- of sounds attributed to the κερκίς in this group of ep- paniment of a harp-instrument. The Lydian ὕμνος igrams encompasses several birds’ cries (the swal- (‘song’) which is made to resound in PMG 810 could low, the halcyon, the nightingale):52 such a ornitho- be set against a sample of metaliterary metaphors logical characterization of the sharp noise produced that conceptualize the composition and the perfor- by the striking of threads on the loom may be posi- mance of a choral song in terms of weaving, plaiting tioned within a broader pattern of imagery in Hellen- and interlacing. As it has been aptly noted, crafts- istic epigram, where we find instances of κρέκειν in manship imagery in Greek choral lyric, especially in association with singing birds and insects whose cry the well-attested genre of victory ode (epinikion), of- is compared with the sound of stringed instruments.53 ten presents the analogical relationship between the This seems to have become at this stage a literary to- poem/song and the artefact as qualified by “a word pos, very far from the imitative poetics of Alcman’ for ‘loud’ or ‘sounding’”.54 To stay within the asso- singing birds and κερκολύρα, and it certainly does ciation with the Lydian musical mode that we have not retain the semantic proximity with the domain of seen picked up by Telestes, Pindar presents the choral textile craft that we have seen in fifth century occur- persona in his eight Nemean as bringing a metaliter- rences of κρέκειν in musical context. ary “pattern-woven Lydian headband endowed with sound” (φέρων / Λυδίαν μίτραν καναχηδὰ πεποικιλ- Metapoetics of weaving and cross-craft μέναν, vv. 14-15); in the fourth Nemean (vv. 44-46) terminology: the case of ποικιλ- and the image of the φόρμιγξ (a stringed instrument) that δαιδαλ- terms is invited to “weave out (ἐξύφαινε) this choral song (μέλος) in the Lydian mode (Λυδίᾳ σὺν ἁρμονίᾳ)” Very similar in structure and theme to PMG 806, an- reaffirms the terminological osmosis between the other fragment by Telestes (PMG 810) is concerned τέχναι of weaving and music-making.55 The popu- with projecting innovations in instrumental and sung lar etymology linking the term ὕμνος (‘choral song’ music back to an archetypal time and to barbar- in pre-classical poetry, but later generally ‘song’, as ian, Oriental origin; the Phrygian νόμος (‘mode’ or probably also in Telestes 810 PMG) to the verb ὑφαί- ‘tune’) was introduced in Greece by “the companions νειν (‘to weave’) in the sense of ‘fabric’ reflects the of Pelops; and the Greeks began to make the Lydian significant role of textile imagery within the broader hymnos to resound (κρέκον / Λύδιον ὕμνον) with the metapoetics of craftsmanship specific to the genre shrill-voiced plucking of the pēktis”. While in PMG of choral lyric.56 A good number of metaphors for 51. This group of epigrams, and the dynamics of variation on the model, are discussed in Taràn 1979, 115-131. 52. Swallow: Philip of Thessalonica A.P. 6.247.1-3; swallow + halcyon: Antipater Sidonius A.P. 6.160.1-2; nightingale: Antipater Si- donius A.P. 6.174.5-6. In a few epigrams, the κερκίς is more generally “melodious” (φιλαοιδός): Antipater Sidonius A.p. 6.247; “singer-and-dancer of the looms” (μολπάτις): Leonidas of Tarentum A.P. 6.288.4-5; “sonorous” (εὔθροος): Archias A.P. 6.39.5. 53. See the systematic survey of the occurrences by Raimondi 2000, whose starting point is Theocritus A.P. 9.433. 54. Ford 2002, 120, in the context of a fine discussion of “singer and craftsman” (113-130). 55. On Pindar’s references to Lydian harmonia, and the relationship with the rhythmical pattern of the respective poem, see Prauscello 2012, 65 and 80-81: Nemean 4 is in Aeolic metre, Nemean 8 in dactylo-epitrite. 56. Bacchylides plays on this (par)etymology in two well-known passages (5.9-10 ὑφάνας ὕμνον “weaving a hymnos”; at 19.8 ὕμνοισιν· ὕφαινε κτλ. we have juxtaposition but no syntactical relationship). A systematic survey of ὕμνος and ὑμνεῖν in archaic poetry and especially in Pindar is presented by Maslov 2015, 286-307, who discusses as well the prehistory of the term and convincingly pro- poses as its original meaning ‘cult choral song’. A comprehensive argument supporting the different view that hymnos is grounded in the semantics of fabric-making and, pointing to a pervasive conception of poetic performance as weaving, should always be ta- ken as ‘fabric, weave’ in archaic poetry, is built by Gregory Nagy in a number of works of his: see e.g. Nagy 2002, 70-98. 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   431 song-making in Pindar are drawn from the semantic of literary imagery featuring ποικιλ- or/and δαιδαλ- domains of weaving (ὑφαίνειν: fr. 179 S-M), plait- terms bear special relevance for the purpose of this ing (πλέκειν: Ol. 6.86-87), and interlacing (εἴρειν: chapter: a) occurrences of the syntactical construct Nem. 7.77): they are thus integral to, and should be ποικίλλειν τι ἔν τινι, which in a textile-related context set against, the communicative strategy of the poet, can be rendered as ‘to in-weave something (a pattern who may want to illustrate the chorus’ performance or pictorial motif) in/on something (the structure of or dramatize the author’s process of composition, and a fabric)’, and b) the metaphorical use of δαιδάλεος/ often makes these two temporal levels interact within δαιδάλλειν and ποικίλος/ποικίλλειν in association the structure of the poem.57 with the poem/song as metapoetic markers: this seems A distinctive characteristic of textile metaphors to be a distinctive trait of choral lyric poetics, as the within the wider frame of craftsmanship imagery extant instances of the trope feature prominently in to which they belong is the capacity to appropriate Pindar and may serve to advertise the composite na- cross-craft terms and integrate them into the imagery ture of the choral performance (made of music, sing- of weaving. ing, dance, and their respective rhythmic, melodic and It is with regards to the τέχναι of metal-working, orchestic patterns) as well as the complexity and va- carpentry and especially weaving that the seman- riety of the poem’s structure.60 tic range of the series (adjective-verb-noun) δαιδά- Among the extant instances of the phrasing ποικίλ- λεος/δαιδάλλειν/δαίδαλον and ποικίλος/ποικίλλειν/ λειν τι ἔν τινι in archaic and classical literature, the ποικίλμα partially converge in archaic and classical only occurrence in prose is represented by the scene Greek literature: both formations point to an under- of cosmic weaving described by Pherecydes of Syros lying model for the different techniques used to craft (6th century BC) in his cosmological work, the earliest artefacts of different material (bronze, wood, fibre), depiction of earth as a work of craftsmanship: on the and both reflect the perception of the beauty and com- occasion of the wedding between Zas and Chtonie, plexity of elaborately wrought objects (in the case of the god “fashions a beautiful and large robe, and in- the adjective ποικίλος, the concept of variegation en- weaves into it Gē [the earth], Ogēnos [the see] and tails as well the sensory dimensions of colour and Ogēnos’ dwellings” (ποιεῖ φᾶρος μέγα τε καὶ καλόν, sound).58 The particular weaving techniques that let καὶ ἐν ἀυτῷ ποικίλλει Γῆν καὶ Ὠγηνὸν καὶ τὰ Ὠγενοῦ the intricate, variegated and multicoloured quality of δώματα fr. 68 Schibli = D-K 7 B2).61 Pythian 9.76-79 δαιδάλεος and ποικίλος emerge in the shape of in-wo- is a typical statement of epinician poetics on the part ven designs and patterns in fabrics have been identi- of Pindar, who advertises the interlacement of differ- fied with tapestry and pattern-weaving.59 Two samples ent themes within the ode: “great achievements are 57. On this specific aspect of archaic lyric poetics see D’Alessio 2004. See Gallet 1990, 77-82 for a discussion of weaving metaphors in Pindar. 58. Frontisi-Ducroux 1975, 52-63 explores the technical aspects of metal-working, wood-working and weaving associated with the δαι- δάλεος object: in detecting “homologie des procédés techniques” and “solidarité et interdépendance des différentes matières” (60), she concludes that “[L]es diverses techniques mises en œuvre pour la réalisation du daidalon paraissent pensées selon un même modèle intellectuel. L’accent y est mis, semble-t-il, sur la relation entre l’ensemble et les parties. Découpage et assemblage en con- stituent les axes privilégiés” (61). For a survey of δαιδαλ- terms in Greek literature, with focus on the metaphorical use of δαιδάλ- λειν in Pindar, see Coward 2016, 48-49 with n. 24. LeVen 2013 offers an analysis of the concept of ποικίλος from the point of view of the semantics of colour and sounds, and traces the transformation of the term (and the cognate noun ποικιλία) in the musical di- scourse of the late classical period (in connection with specific features of the New Musical style); as for the connotation of ποικί- λος in archaic poetry as a colour term, LeVen observes that the adjective “does not describe one colour, pattern, or chromatic shade, but a mottled or dapple appearance, or a skilful arrangement of parts” (233). 59. See the rich discussions of the relevant passages, and further bibliography, in Frontisi-Ducroux 1975, 53-55; Barber 1991, 358-365; Nagy 2010, 273-308; Edmunds 2012, §§52-57. 60. On this regard see Pfeijffer 1999, 22: “[T]he kind of ποικιλία Pindar is aiming at is structural diversity that results from the use of different kinds of material”, with references to ποικιλία in ancient literary criticism. 61. See the edition and commentary by Schibli 1990, 50-77 on this section of Pherekydes’ book. 432   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) always worthy of many words; but to in-weave an- sound of the loom in connection with the κερκίς sur- cillary themes into the structure of the main themes faces in the parodos of the Iphigenia among the Tau- of the ode (βαιὰ δ᾽ ἐν μακροῖσι ποικίλλειν, v. 77) is rians, where Iphigenia laments that she is not allowed something that (only) wise men can understand (ἀκοὰ to sing in honour of Hera at Argos, nor is she able to σοφοῖς, lit. ‘that can be heard by sophoi’), for the kai- “pattern-weave with the κερκίς on the fair-sounding ros maintains the cohesion of the whole structure (ὁ looms (ἱστοῖς ἐν καλλιφθόγγοις / κερκίδι, vv. 222- δὲ καιρὸς ὁμοίως / παντὸς ἔχει κορυφάν)”.62 It is sig- 223) the likeness of Athena Pallas and the Titans”. nificant that the image gains in coherence once it is The second sample of imagery marks Pindar’s ap- set against its material background in textile technol- propriation of δαιδαλ- and ποικιλ- terminology as a ogy: the poetic technique of inscribing minor themes vehicle of metapoetic metaphors, integrating or sub- within larger ones, making them surface in a way that stituting ὑφαίνειν and πλέκειν, and adding a connota- only the sophoi in the audience can fully appreciate, tion of intricateness and variegation that may refer to is described in terms of pattern or tapestry-weaving. the musical and rhythmical features of the song. The The picture acquires a further layer if, as Bernard Gal- metaphorical use of the verb δαιδάλλω with the mean- let suggests, the term καιρός ‘due measure, right time’ ing ‘to ornament, to adorn with song’ is a Pindaric in- is traced back to its homograph καῖρος, the ‘chained novation: we find instances of this image both in epi- spacing cord’ that keeps the warp-threads separated nician verse (Ol. 1.105 “to ornament in famous folds and in due order: Gallet sees a further connotation of of songs” κλυταῖσι δαιδαλωσέμεν ὕμνων πτυκαῖς, see the weaving term καῖρος in the starting-border of the also Nem. 11.17-18) and in a Theban daphnephorikon weave, and applying this meaning to kairos at vv. 78- (fr. 94b.31-32 S-M δ̣αιδαλλοισ᾽ ἔπεσιν “adorning with 79 sees in it a description of the function of the start- verses”). The usage of ποικίλος/ποικίλλω is more reg- ing band, which “holds the summit of the whole fab- ularly associated with weaving imagery: the adjec- ric by keeping the threads constantly in order”.63 tive qualifies both the variegated and multi-coloured Two lyric passages in Euripides present the con- aspect of the woven object (fr. 179 S-M ὑφαίνω δ᾽ struct ποικίλλειν τι ἔν τινι associated with the craft of Ἀμυθαονίδαισιν ποικίλον / ἄνδημα “I am weaving a in-weaving (through pattern- or tapestry-weaving) ep- pattern-woven headband for the sons of Amythaon”) isodes of the myth on fabrics or garments destined to and the composite nature of the hymnos that is being cultic or ritual functions: the Chorus of Trojan cap- performed (Ol. 6.86-87 “I shall drink [sc. the lovely tives in Hecuba 466-471 envisages the weaving of water of Thebe], as I plait for spearmen a pattern-wo- the Panathenaic peplos for Athena in terms of “pat- ven choral song” ἐρατεινὸν ὕδωρ / πιόμαι, ἀνδράσιν tern-weaving into Athena’s saffron-coloured peplos αἰχματαῖσι πλέκων / ποικίλον ὕμνον).64 in weft threads intricately quilted with flowers (ἐν While the metaphor of ‘weaving a hymn’ is widely δαιδαλέαισι ποικιλλουσ᾽ / ἀνθοκρόκοισι πή- / ναις) attested in Vedic and Avestan poetry, instances of the the joking of her lovely chariot mares, or the race of ‘weaving a choral dance’-motif suggests that Greek Titans”, with an interesting juxtaposition of δαιδαλ- literature appropriates the image of poetic weaving in and ποικιλ- terms in the same line. The motif of the a rather genre-specific way.65 62. For the interpretation of this gnomic passage I draw on the excellent discussion by Gallet 1990, 83-101. 63. Gallet’s identification of καῖρος with the chained spacing cord and, as in the passage discussed, with the starting border of the we- ave, draws on the lexicographic tradition: see pp. 31-32 for a survey of the glosses. 64. On the future πίομαι see D’Alession 2004, 289-290: “[I]f the subject represents the narrative function of the author, and if the verb suggests a metaphor for poetic inspiration, we have here a case of production projected into the future […] If, however, it refers to the performers, the verb may indicate their receiving the water of poetry from Pindar and their performing his song”. A further instance of ποικίλος illustrating the poetic artefact (a kosmos endowed with words) is fr. 194 S-M., and interesting case of cross-craft metaphor. 65. On Old Indian and Old Iranian texts using weaving and spinning metaphors as poetological device to claim poetic originality see Andrés-Toledo 2016, with further bibliography; West 2007, 37 argues that the prominence of the metapoetics of weaving in Pindar and Bacchylides is to be traced back to the “Dorian tradition of choral song […] a repertory of Indo-European or at least Graeco- Aryan imagery that is hardly visible in the Ionian epic and Lesbian traditions”; Maslov 2015, 299 links the survival of the Proto- Indo-European metapoetics of craftsmanship in Greek poetry to “the genre of (cult) choral song”. For the image of ‘weaving a cho- rus’ see Calame 1997, 34-37 n. 63 and the detailed discussion in Steiner (forthcoming). 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   433 This brings us back to the Politics passage, with There youths and maidens of the price of the mention of τὰ Δαιδάλου (“the artefacts of Dae- many oxen dalus”, 1253b36) and Hephaestus’ tripods from Iliad were dancing, holding their hands on one 18: a constellation of δαιδαλ- terms is used by Homer another’s wrists. in that same book66 ‒ a celebration of the art of the The passage offers a comparison between Hephaes- smith-god culminating in the ekphrasis of the Shield tus and Daedalus as fashioners of a χορός: in its Ho- of Achilles, that Hephaestus “crafted cunningly in meric usage the term can denote both a dancing floor every part” (πάντοσε δαιδάλλων, 479) and on which and the actual dance of a choral formation;67 the choice he “made many δαίδαλα” (482). One of these won- between the two meanings seems to have troubled al- drous creations is a scene of choral dancing (590-606) ready ancient commentators to these lines, as shown represented on one of the outer circles of the shield; by the interpretations provided by the scholia. While indeed, the opening lines see the only appearance of the locative adverb ἔνθα (‘there’) at v. 593 seems to Daedalus in Homer: suggest that χορός designates here the dancing floor,68 ἐν δὲ χορὸν ποίκιλλε περικλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις a scholium connects Daedalus’ χορός for Ariadne to τῷ ἴκελον, οἷον ποτ᾽ ἐνὶ Κνωσῷ εὐρείῃ the circular choral dance that Theseus ‘wove’ (ἔπλε- Δαίδαλος ἤσκησε καλλιπλοκάμῳ Ἀριάδνῃ. κεν, lit. ‘plaited’) after his victorious exit from the lab- ἔνθα μὲν ἠίθεοι καὶ παρθένοι ἀλφεσίβοιαι yrinth with the fourteen youths (seven young men and ὠρχεῦντ᾽, ἀλλήλων ἐπὶ καρπῷ χεῖρας ἔχοντες. seven girls);69 the image of ‘weaving a chorus’ of danc- Hom. Il. 590-594 ers (the ensemble of youths) may as well have been generated here, as the scholiast suggests, by the fact On it furthermore the famed god of the two that the choreography of the dance, created by Daeda- lame legs inlaid (ποίκιλλε) a dance (χόρον) lus and transmitted to Theseus and the youths, was in- like the one which once in wide Cnossus spired by the “twists and turns of the labyrinth”.70 In Daedalus fashioned for fair-tressed Ariadne. the first line of the Homeric passage (590), χορόν is 66. See Morris 1992, 226: “Iliad 18 is the richest source of such expressions [sc. artefacts endowed with “legendary, divine, or exo- tic craftsmanship”] in their full range, convening Hephaistos, Daidalos, every variant of δαιδαλ- words, and the power of move- ment in art”. Occurrences of δαιδαλ- terms in Iliad 18: adjective δαιδάλεος, vv. 379, 390, 612; noun δαίδαλον (pl. δαίδαλα), vv. 400, 482; verb δαιδάλλειν, 479. 67. χορός indicates the choral ensemble later in the passage, at v. 603 (where a crowd of spectators take delight in the “lovely chorus” ἱμερόεντα χορόν) and in the choral performance executed for Odysseus by Phaeacian dancers in Od. 8.264 (whereas at 8.260 χορός is the dancing floor). See Morris 1992, 12-15 for a thorough discussion of our passage and its significance for later traditions about Daedalus (“[R]eaders since antiquity have made him an architect, sculptor, or choreographer on the basis of this passage and its possible interpretations, beginning with the scholia”, p. 14); cf. Power 2011, 80-82 on Daedalus and chorality, and on this passage as “an impetus to the metaphoric elaboration of the choral singer-dancer as a ‘bionic’ statue of stone or metal” (82). 68. See Scholia A ad 18.590a (Erbse IV p. 564) τὸν τόπον χορὸν εἴρηκεν, οὐ τὸ σύστημα τῶν χορευόντων “[Homer] calls χορός the place [of the dance], not the formation of dancers” and Scholia BT ad 18.590b (Erbse IV p. 564) χορόν: τὸν πρὸς χορείαν τόπον “χορός: the place for choral dance”, adding that this is made explicit by the following ἔνθα ‘there’; Scholia T ad 18.590c (Erbse IV p. 564) introduces architectonical ποικιλία (‘variegation’), explaining that Hephaestus adorned the dancing floor with columns and statues in circle. See Morris 1992, 14 on ancient ‘architectural’ interpretations of Daedalus’ χορός, especially Pausanias 9.40.3 (a marble relief with dancers in Cnossos). 69. Schol. AB ad 18.590 (Bekker p. 514, ll. 33-37) ἐξελθὼν δὲ μετὰ τὸ νικῆσαι ὁ Θησεὺς μετὰ τῶν ἠιθέων καὶ παρθένων χορὸν τοιοῦτον ἔπλεκεν ἐν κύκλῳ τοῖς θεοῖς, ὁποία καὶ ἡ τοῦ λαβυρίνθου εἴσοδός τε καὶ ἔξοδος αὐτῷ ἐγεγόνει. τῆς δὲ χορείας τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ὁ Δαί- δαλος αυτοῖς ὑποδείξας ἐποίησεν “When Theseus emerged after his victory [over the Minotaur] with the young men and the young girls, he wove such a χορός in a circular formation for the gods, just as his entrance and exit from the labyrinth had been. Daedalus devised the craft of the choreia and showed it to them” (transl. Power 2011, 82). 70. Muellner 1990, 91. In other sources this choreography is associated with the ‘crane dance’ (γέρανος), performed by Theseus and the youths in Delos: on the mythical episode, and Daedalus’ role in it as both choreographer and architect, see Frontisi-Ducroux 1975, 145-147; Power 2011, 80-82. Cf. the exhaustive discussion on the ritual prerogatives of Theseus as chorus-leader of circu- lar dances in Calame 1997, 53-58. 434   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) direct object of the verb ποικίλλειν in what is our ear- Abbreviations liest instance of the construct ποικίλλειν τι ἔν τινι, of- ten occurring in textile-related contexts to describe pat- D-K H. Diels (ed.), Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker6 tern-weaving or tapestry, as we have seen. The choice 3 vols., rev. W. Kranz,. Berlin, 1951-1952. of the verb (ποίκιλλε, 590, a hapax legomenon as well GE Franco Montanari. The Brill Dictionary of Ancient Greek. Editors of the English Edition: M. Goh & as Δαίδαλος at 592) in relation to a choral performance Ch. Schroeder. Leiden Boston 2015. has been seen as pointing towards weaving imagery.71 PCG R. Kassel and C.F.L. Austin (eds), Poetae Com- However, the cross-craft nature of ποικιλ- terminol- ici Graeci. 8 vols. Berlin and New York 1983- ogy and its semantic focus on techniques rather than 1998. 2 (1991); 3.2 (1984); 4 (1983); 5 (1986); materials provide the verb with an entirely satisfactory 6.2 (1998); 7 (1989); 8 (1995). meaning as ‘to inlay’ in our passage: the Homeric verse PMG D.L. Page (ed.), Poetae Melici Graeci. Oxford seems rather to offer an interesting instance of termi- 1962. nological convergence between τέχναι. PMGF M. Davies (ed.), Poetarum Melicorum Graeco- While the loss of the totality of the melodic pat- rum Fragmenta Vol. 1 Oxford 1991. terns of ancient Greek music accompanying the per- S-M B. Snell, rev. H. Maehler (eds), Pindari Carmina cum Fragmentis8. 2 vols. Leipzig 1987-1989. formance of archaic lyric ‒ a loss that should be TrGF Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. vol. 1 Di- paired with that of the choreography of dramatic and dascaliae Tragicae, Catalogi Tragicorum et Tra- non-dramatic choruses ‒ makes it difficult and tenta- goediarum, Testimonia et Fragmenta Tragicorum tive any discussion on the nature of the relationship Minorum (ed. B. Snell; Göttingen 19711, 19862); between the craft of weaving and the τέχνη of musical vol. 2 Fragmenta Adespota (eds R. Kannicht and and poetic composition and performance, certain pat- B. Snell; 1981); vol. 3 Aeschylus (ed. S.L. Radt; terns of convergence at the level of terminology seem 1977); vol. 4 Sophocles (ed. S.L. Radt; 19851, to suggest a profound dynamics of exchange between 19992); vol. 5 Euripides (ed. R. Kannicht; 2 parts; the two arts. The usage of κρέκειν in 5th century BC 2004). lyric and drama, and its partial overlapping with in- V. E.-M. Voigt (ed.), Sappho et Alcaeus. Fragmenta. Amsterdam 1971. stances of other technical terms of weaving applied to instrumental music, invite further considerations Bibliography and a more systematic study of aspects of musical imagery and poetic technique (metrical and rhythmi- Andersson Strand, E. & Nosch, M.-L. (eds) Tools, Tex- cal patterns, stylistic and structural features) that can tiles and Contexts. Investigating Textile Production in still be detected and analysed, and that may reveal the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean Bronze Age. An- precise correspondences between certain instrumen- cient Textiles Series 21. Oxford. tal practices, musical modes and rhythmical patterns, Andrés-Toledo, M. Á. (2016) Indo-Iranian Weavers of Old and particular techniques of the craft of weaving. The and New Hymns. In Fanfani, Harlow & Nosch 2016, generic appropriation by archaic Greek choral lyric of 17-23. a repertoire of metapoetics of craftsmanship of Proto- Barker, A. (1984) Greek Musical Writings: I. The Musician Indo-European origin should be seen as a distinctive and his Art. Cambridge. tract of poetics, and as the frame against which to ex- Barker, E. (1961) The Politics of Aristotle. Oxford. plore the prominent role of weaving imagery in illus- Battezzato, L. (2005) La parodo dell’Ipsipile. In G. Bastia- trating and conceptualizing song-making. nini & A. Casanova (eds) Euripide e i Papiri. Atti del 71. See especially the rich discussion and the argument built by Nagy 2010, 273-310, who argues for a number of connections (ritual, religious, technological) between metal-working and pattern-weaving as early as the Bronze Age, and sees the technique of ‘varie- gation’ expressed by ποικίλος/ποικίλλειν (and the equivalent πάσσειν ‘sprinkle’, which the Scholia A and T ad 22.441d2 gloss as the Cypriot term for ποικίλλειν) in the crafts of metal-working and pattern-weaving as apt metaphors for the variegation of Home- ric poetry; in the specific case of Il. 18.590 Nagy argues that “the bronzework of the god is pictured as an act of pattern-weaving” (291), and that ποικίλλειν as patterν-weaving is a metaphor for metalworking. Steiner (forthcoming) proposes the fascinating hypo- thesis that χορός (qua expression of chorality and its nexus with weaving imagery) may have determined, by means of semantic and imagistic ‘attraction’, the choice of the verb ποικίλλω in the passage. 28. Weaving a Song: Greek Poetic Imagery in Textile and Musical Terminology   435 Convegno Internazionale di Studi. Firenze, 10-11 Giu- Gentili, B. & Lomiento, L. (2003) Metrica e Ritmica. Sto- gno 2004, 169-204. Firenze. ria delle Forme Poetiche nella Grecia Antica. Milano. Besso, G. & Curnis, M. (2011) Aristotele. La Politica. Li- Held, G. F. (1998) Weaving and Triumphal Shouting in Pin- bro I. Roma. dar, Pythian 12.6-12. Classical Quarterly 48.2, 380-388. Bond, G. W. (1963) Euripides. Hypsipyle. Oxford. Hutchinson, G. O. (2001) Greek Lyric Poetry. A Commen- Calame, C. (1997) Choruses of Young Women in Ancient tary on Selected Larger Pieces. Oxford. Greece. Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Keuls, E. C. (1983) Attic Vase-Painting and the Home Tex- Function. Lanham, MD. tile Industry. In W. G. Moon, Ancient Greek Art and Ico- Collard, C., Cropp, M. J., Gibert J. (2004) Euripides. Se- nography, 209-230. Madison – London. lected Fragmentary Plays. Vol. 2. Oxford. LeVen, P. A. (2013) The colors of sound: Poikilia and its Coward, T. R. P. (2016) The Robes of Alcman’s and Pin- aesthetic contexts. Greek and Roman Musical Studies dar’s Parthenoi. In Fanfani, Harlow & Nosch (eds), 1, 229-242. 43-60. LeVen, P. A. (2014) The Many-Headed Muse. Tradition Crowfoot, G. M (1936/1937) Of the Warp-Weighted Loom. and Innovation in Late Classical Greek Lyric Poetry. ABSA 37, 36-47. Cambridge. Csapo, E. (1999-2000) Later Euripidean Music. In M. Maslov, B. (2015) Pindar and the Emergence of Litera- Cropp, K. Lee & D. Sansone (eds) Euripides and ture. Cambridge. Tragic Theatre, Illinois Classical Studies 24-5, 399- Manessy-Guitton, J. (1977) La navette et la lyre. Varia- 426. Champaign. tions sur le thème kerk-. In Mélanges offerts à Léopold Csapo, E. (2004) The politics of the New Music. In P. Mur- Sédar Senghor. Langues, littérature, histoire anciennes, ray & P. Wilson (eds) Music and the Muse. ‘Mousikē’ in 225-253. Dakar. the Classical Athenian City, 207-248. Oxford. McEwen I. K. (1993) Socrates’ Ancestor. An Essay on Ar- D’Alessio, G. B. (2004) Past Future and Present Past: Tem- chitectural Beginnings. Cambridge MA. poral Deixis in Greek Archaic Lyric. Arethusa 37.3, McIntosh Snyder, J. (1981) The Web of Song: Weaving Im- 267-294. agery in Homer and the Lyric Poets. The Classical D’Angour, A. (2011) The Greeks and the New. Novelty in Journal 76, 193-196. Ancient Greek Imagination and Experience. Cambridge. Morris, S. P. (1992) Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Dover, K. (1993) Aristophanes. Frogs. Edited with intro- Art. Princeton. duction and commentary. Oxford. Moxon, I. S. (2000) Music While You Work: Weaving in Dunbar, N. (1995) Aristophanes. Birds. Edited with intro- Classical Antiquity. Ars Textrina 34, 15-28. duction and commentary. Oxford. Muellner, L. (1990) The Simile of the Cranes and Pygmies: Edmunds, S. T. (2012) Picturing Homeric Weaving. In Do- A Study of Homeric Metaphor. Harvard Studies in Clas- num natalicum digitaliter confectum Gregorio Nagy sical Philology 93, 59-101. septuagenario a discipulis collegis familiaribus obla- Nagy, G. (2002) Plato’s Rhapsody and Homer’s Music. The tum. http://chs.harvard.edu/CHS/article/display/4365. Poetics of the Panathenaic Festival in Classical Athens. Center for Hellenic Studies. Cambridge MA-London. Fanfani, G., Harlow, M., Nosch, M.-L. (2016) Spinning Nagy, G. (2010) Homer the Preclassic. Berkeley - Los Fates and the Song of the Loom. The Use of Textiles, Angeles. Clothing and Cloth Production as Metaphor, Symbol Newman, W. L. (19502 [1887]) The Politics of Aristotle. and Narrative Device in Greek and Latin Literature. Oxford. Ancient Textile Series 24. Oxford. Nünlist, R. (1998) Poetologische Bildersprache in der Franklin, J. C. (2003) The Language of Musical Technique frühgriechischen Dichtung. Stuttgart. in Greek Epic Diction. Gaia. Revue interdisciplinaire Pfeijffer, I. L. (1999) Three Aeginetan Odes of Pindar. A sur la Grèce archaïque 7, 295-307. Commentary on Nemean V, Nemean III, & Pythian VIII. Frontisi-Ducroux, F. (1975) Dédale. Mythologie de l’Arti- Leiden-Boston-Köln. san en Grèce Ancienne. Paris. Power, T. (2010) The Culture of Kitharôidia. Cambridge Gallet, B. (1990) Recherches sur kairos et l’ambiguïté dans (MA)-London. la poésie de Pindare. Bordeaux. 436   Giovanni Fanfani in Textile Terminologies (2017) Power, T. (2011) Cyberchorus: Pindar’s Κηληδόνες and Saunders, T. J. (1995) Aristotle. Politics. Books I and II. the aura of the artificial. In L. Athanassaki & E. Bowie Oxford. (eds) Archaic and Classical Choral Song. Politics, Per- Schibli, H. S. (1990) Pherekydes of Syros. Oxford. formance and Dissemination, 67-113. Berlin-Boston. Schütrumpf, E. (1991) Aristoteles. Politik. Buch I. Berlin. Prauscello, L. (2012) Epinician sounds: Pindar and musi- Steiner, D. (2013) The Gorgons’ Lament: Auletics, Poetics, cal innovation. In P. Agócs, C. Carey & R. Rowles (eds) and Chorality in Pindar’s Pythian 12. American Journal Reading the Victory Ode, 58-82. Cambridge. of Philology 134.2, 173-208. Raimondi, V. (2000) Πακτίδ(α)... τι κρέκειν in A.P. 9, Svenbro, J. (1976) La parole et le marbre. Aux origines de 433, 2-3. Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica n.s. la poétique grecque. Lund. 66, 133-148. Taràn, S. L. (1979) The Art of Variation in Hellenistic Ep- Restani, D. (1995) I suoni del telaio. Appunti sull’universo igram. Leiden. sonoro dei Greci. In B. Gentili & F. Perusino (eds) Mou- West, M. L. (2007) Indo-European Poetry and Myth. sike. Metrica, ritmica e musica greca in memoria di Oxford. Giovanni Comotti, 93-109. Pisa-Roma. Rocconi, E. (2003) Le parole delle Muse. La formazione del lessico tecnico musicale nella Grecia antica. Roma. 29 Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China: Analysis Based on the Burial Inventory from Tomb 26, Bijiatan, Huahai, Gansu Le Wang and Feng Zhao I n May 2002, a burial site was found in Bijiatan, 故紺絓一枚 故䌷頭一枚 故絳纏相一枚 故鍮 Huahai, in the Gansu province. During the fol- 石叉三枚 故紺青頭衣一枚 故巾一枚 故 lowing two months, the Gansu Institute of Ar- 練面衣一枚 故纏緜一斤 故練衫一領 chaeology excavated the graveyard and 55 tombs 故緋羅綉兩當一領 故綠襦一領 故紫綉襦一 were excavated in total. A female corpse wrapped in 領 故碧褌一立 故緋綉袴一立 故布帬一 several layers of silk garments was found in tomb 26 牒 故緋碧帬一牒 故碧襪一量 故頭系履 together with a burial inventory.1 一量 故銀履簾一具 故布□一枚 故紺綪被一牒練里 故邊□囊一枚 The Burial Inventory from Tomb 26 故縷囊一枚 故練手巾四枚 故布衫一領 故青延一枚 故鏡鐮一枚 A burial inventory is a list of buried items that would 故銀鏡一枚 故發刀一枚 故尉斗一枚 故疏二 accompany the deceased to the afterlife. It was com- 枚 含一枚 故雜綵五百匹 為道用 故雜綵 monly found in the tombs in northwest China during 瓢一具 松柏器一口 the 4th to 7th centuries AD. The inventory of Tomb 26 is a rectangular pine wood tablet with characters writ- As used by the owner, gan-gua [dark red ten on both sides. On one side of the inventory are the coarse silk] (headscarf?) – 1 piece. names and numbers of the garments and other articles As used by the owner, chou-tou (headscarf?) – buried in the tomb; on the other side is the name of 1 piece. the tomb owner and the year in which she had died. As used by the owner, red chan-xiang (head- According to the record, the tomb occupant was “the scarf?) – 1 piece.2 eldest daughter Gounu Sun” who lived in the Eastern As used by the owner, hairpins made of copper Jin Dynasty and died in the year 377 AD. alloy – 3 pieces. Three columns and a total of 35 items are re- As used by the owner, navy blue hood – 1 corded in the inventory: piece. 1. Zhao et al. 2008, 94. 2. According to the research by Dou Lei, gan-gua, chou-tou, and chan-xiang could all belong to headdresses, maybe headscarves. Dou 2013, 96. 437 438   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) As used by the owner, shawl (?) – 1 piece. As used by the owner, colourful silks – 500 As used by the owner, face cover made of lian bolts. – 1 piece. For the ritual: As used by the owner, silk floss – 1 jin. As used by the owner, ladle decorated with col- As used by the owner, shirt made of lian – 1 ourful silks – 1 piece. piece. Pine coffin – 1 piece. As used by the owner, red gauze vest with em- broidery – 1 piece. Most of the items listed in the burial inventory are As used by the owner, green jacket – 1 piece. the clothing items and accessories used by the owner As used by the owner, purple jacket with em- of the tomb and 25 of them are associated with tex- broidery – 1 piece. tiles or costumes. The materials for the costume in- As used by the owner, green trousers (with clude silk and hemp. Lian, degummed plain weave crotch) – 1 piece. silk, were used mostly. The smaller quantities are As used by the owner, red trousers (without more likely to be descriptions of real items while crotch) with embroidery – 1 piece. larger quantities (500 bolts) probably represent de- As used by the owner, hemp skirt – 1 piece. sired amounts for use in the next world. The burial in- As used by the owner, skirt in red and green – ventory is important for identifying the accurate date 1 piece. of the tomb, and for providing the names of garments As used by the owner, green socks – 2 pieces. to match with the excavated items. As used by the owner, tou-xi (uncertain) shoes – 2 pieces. The Silk Garments Found in Tomb 26 As used by the owner, silver box for shoes – 1 piece. The clothes worn by the female corpse are not in good As used by the owner, hemp [text missing] – 1 condition. Only the textiles on the upper part of the piece. body were relatively well preserved, while those on the As used by the owner, navy blue quilt with a back were decayed. These garments were conserved by lining made of lian – 1 piece. the China National Silk Museum. With the aid of the As used by the owner, bian-[text missing]-nang burial inventory, the silk fragments were grouped into (uncertain) – 1 piece. eight garments, one quilt and one face cover. As used by the owner, lv-nang (uncertain) – 1 According to the study by Feng Zhao, the eight piece. garments are: a purple jacket with resist dyed pat- As used by the owner, hand towels made of tern, red trousers (with crotch) with embroidery, a red lian – 4 pieces. gauze vest with embroidery, a green jacket, a skirt in As used by the owner, hemp shirt – 1 piece. red and green, a shirt made of lian, green pants (with- As used by the owner, green bamboo mat – 1 out crotch), and navy blue hood.3 The weave struc- piece. tures of the fabrics include plain weave, gauze and As used by the owner, mirror cover/box (?) – 1 weft-faced compound tabby. Other techniques used piece. for the pattern are embroidery and resist dye. Most As used by the owner, silver mirror – 1 piece. of them match the burial inventory very well except As used by the owner, hair cutting knife – 1 the purple jacket with resist dyed pattern. piece. This jacket was reconstructed from two fragments As used by the owner, iron – 1 piece. (fig. 1), which were the two front sides. It has an As used by the owner, shu (combs?) – 2 pieces. overlapping collar with right over left and has loose Gem of pearl formerly put into the mouth of a sleeves. The main fabric of the upper part of the corpse (?) – 1 piece. jacket is purple tabby with resist dyed patterns and 3. Zhao et al. 2008, 95-109. 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   439 Fig. 1. Purple jacket with resist dyed pattern. Gansu Institute of Archaeology Fig. 2. Reconstruction of purple jacket with resist dyed pattern. Drawn by Wan Fang. 440   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 3. Green jacket. Gansu Institute of Archaeology the lower part is white tabby. There is a piece of red 4). The technique of this kind of resist dye is called triangular resist dyed tabby sewn between the collar xie in Chinese. and the panel and a strip of checked pattern silk sewn According to the burial inventory, there were only between the panel and the sleeve (fig. 2). two jackets buried with the tomb owner: one purple The design of this purple jacket is quite similar to jacket with embroidery and one green jacket. Look- the green jacket found in the same tomb. The green ing through the archaeological findings, there are in- jacket also has overlapped collar with right over left deed two jackets: the purple jacket with resist dyed and loose sleeves. The main fabric is green and white pattern and one green jacket. We can deduce that the tabby. The collar was made of white tabby and a pur- purple jacket described as with embroidery and re- ple resist dyed tabby. There is a piece of checked pat- corded in the burial inventory should be identified as tern silk sewn between the collar and the panel and a the purple jacket with resist dyed pattern. strip of red resist dyed silk sewn between the panel and the sleeve (fig. 3). The Appearance of Resist Dye (xie) in China The pattern of these resist dyed silks are similar: small, white spots on purple/red background. The The origin of dyed silk in China could date to West spots are about 1 cm ×1 cm in size with small irregu- Jin dynasty (265-316 AD) in northwest China. Clos- lar tiny dots in the centre. The four edges of the spots est to Huahai in location, a piece of blue tabby with are 45 degrees from both the warp and the weft direc- resist dyed patterns was found in tomb M1 which is tions. About six spots are arranged in 10 cm in warp date to 405 AD at Foyemiaowan in Dunhuang.4 An- direction, and 4 spots in 10 cm in weft direction (fig. other deep red tabby with resist dyed patterns was 4. Museum of Dunhuang County 1983, fig. 13. 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   441 from 386 to 550 AD. In a proposal presented by Yuan Yong (470?-528 AD), the Prince Wenmu of Gaoy- ang, he suggested Empress Dowager Hu to forbid the servants wearing damasks and xie. Luoyang qie lan ji [The monasteries of Luoyang] is a report of all Buddhist monasteries in the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534 AD). It recorded the wealth of Yuan Chen, one of the richest men in the Northern Wei dynasty. In his warehouses there were countless jewels and textiles, including jin, gauzes, damasks, embroider- ies and xie etc. From the records above we know that the charac- ter xie appeared in the Northern and Southern dynas- ties. This kind of silk was different from embroidery and was precious during that period. In China the original meaning of xie was tie dye- ing.7 Before dyeing, a series of knots are made in the textile by stitching or binding, so when it is dyed, the dye will not penetrate the knotted area. The tex- tile then gets a resist dyed pattern. The resist dyed silk for the purple jacket found in Tomb 26 at Hua- hai and other silks dated from the 3rd to 5th centuries found in northwest China were all made by the tech- nique of tie dye. The reason, therefore, for using the term “xiu [embroidery]” for “xie [tie dyeing]” in the bur- ial inventory of Tomb 26 might be the following: firstly, tie dyeing was still a new technology and a new type of decoration at that time and the patterns made by tie dyeing look like those made by embroi- Fig. 4. Detail of the purple tabby with resist dyed pattern. dery; secondly, the Chinese character for tie dye- Gansu Institute of Archaeology ing appeared later than the technique itself, so peo- ple first used xiu as a term which also covered the found in tomb 63TAM1 in Astana dating to 417 AD.5 meaning of xie. In tomb 95BYYMC in Yingpan which dates from the 4th to 5th century AD, a red tabby with resist dyed The Types of Resist Dye in China pattern was excavated (fig. 5).6 However, the Chinese character xie appeared much Though the original meaning of xie is tie dye, it grad- later, in about 5th to 6th century AD. Wei Shu [The ually became a general term for resist dye in ancient Book of Wei] is an important text recording the his- China, including: tie dye, clamp resist dye, wax resist tory of the Northern Wei and Eastern Wei dynasties dye and ash resist dye. 5. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum 1973, fig. 50. 6. Zhao (ed.) 2002, pl. 12. 7. In yi qie jing yin yi [Phonetic and semantic dictionary for all Buddhist Sutras], the explanation of xie is: tying the silk with silk threads and dyeing, resulting in a pattern called xie. 442   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 5. Red tabby with resist dyed pattern found in Yingpan. Xinjiang Institute of Archaeology Tie Dye dye typically include stitching, binding and knotting. Stitching is the most widely used method in an- Tied with knots first and then dyed, the textile gets a cient China: sewing stitches into a pattern and then resist dyed effect. This method appeared in the 3rd to bunching the fabric along the seams before dyeing. 4th century AD, became prevalent in the 7th to 9th Net, floret and coin patterns were commonly seen on centuries and is still used today. The methods of tie the tie dyed silks found in Turfan, Xinjiang. 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   443 Fig. 6. Tie dye silk with net pattern found in Astana. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum Fig. 7. Stitching method. Wang Xu & Textile Archaeology Fig. 8. Binding method. Wang Xu & Textile Archaeology in China, p. 83. in China, p. 93. A tie dyed silk with net pattern was found in tabby was dyed, the brown dye could not penetrate Astana Turfan. It was dated to about 683 AD.8 There the stitched area, resulting in a white net pattern on are obvious folds and needle holes on the silk (fig. brown background. 6). The tying process was: folding white tabby first; The binding method is very simple: wrapping the then sewing long stitches into a zigzag pattern; in the fabric and then binding it tightly with threads (fig. end, tightly gathering the stitching (fig. 7).9 When the 8).10 The areas of the fabric that are under the binding 8. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum et al. 1973, pl. 50. 9. Wang 2001, 83. 10. Wang 2001, 93. 444   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) of Liu Jieyu during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong in the Tang dynasty invented this method.13 A piece with a floral pattern created by using carved blocks was presented to the Empress Wang, whereupon Xu- anzong ordered more pieces to be made within the palace. The technique was kept secret at first, but gradually spread until clamp resist dyed textiles be- came commonplace. The written records give us a preliminary under- standing of clamp resist dye. First, it was invented in the middle of the Kaiyuan period (713-741) but Fig. 9. Knotting method. Wang Xu & Textile Archaeology before 724;14 second, clamp resist dye is a tech- in China, p. 92. nique involving the use of two symmetrically carved blocks, which are placed on either side of the textile, clamped together, and placed in a dyeing vat; third, will remain undyed when dipping in the dye. Com- the earliest pattern attested by clamp resist dye was pared to the stitching method, the binding method a floral pattern. usually results in a limited range of patterns, usually Actually most of the clamp resist dyed textiles small dots. If the binding areas are small enough, the from Dunhuang and Turfan have floral motifs. Clamp pattern will result in tiny square spots. The purple resist dyed textiles with animal motifs appeared later, jacket found in Tomb 26 was made by applying the mainly in the mid-late Tang and Five Dynasties (9th binding method. The tie dye in China probably de- -10th century AD). rived from this method. By using blocks with areas specially designed for The knotting method is the simplest one among different colours of dye, clamp resist dyed textiles all the tie dye methods. No needle or thread is re- could be dyed with more than one colour. Clamp quired when applying the knotting method. It is just to resist dyed textiles of the Tang dynasty were usu- knot the textile, and the knotting area will remain un- ally dyed in blue and orange (sometimes in reddish dyed and commonly results in a striped patterns.11 The brown, which would originally have been red, but damask with grape motif found in the Dulan Qing- later faded). However, clamp resist dyed textiles hai province was an example dyed by the knotting could also be in more than two colours. Most ex- method. It was dyed into alternating stripes of green amples from Dunhuang were dyed in blue and red, and white (fig. 10).12 then yellow was added by brush to some blue areas to create green, and to some red areas to form or- Clamp Resist Dye ange, such as the plain woven silk with clamp resist dyed confronting geese in a roundel (fig. 11).15 In By using two symmetrically carved concave blocks this way, textiles that were clamp resist dyed with to clamp the folded textiles and dye, the pattern of two wooden blocks in two colours could achieve the convex part is obtained. It is said that the sister four colours. 11. Wang 2001, 92. 12. Zhao (ed.) 2002, pl. 41. 13. According to Xian yuan [Great Ladies] in Wang Dang’s Tang yulin [Historical Documents of the Tang Dynasty] (originally in Yin hualu [A Collection of Notes and Novels of the Tang Dynasty]), clamp-resist dyeing was invented in the Tang dynasty, allegedly by the sister of an imperial concubine Liu Jieyu during the reign of Xuanzong (712-756 AD). 14. According to Xuanzong ji [Records of Xuanzong] in Jiu Tang shu [Old Records of the Tang Dynasty], this was the last date for the Empress Wang. 15. Zhao et al. (eds) 2007, 197. 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   445 Fig. 10. Damask with grape motif dyed in stripes. Qinghai Institute of Archaeology 446   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 11. Clamp resist dyed silk with a pattern of confronting geese inside rosette roundel (MAS.876.a-b). British Museum Clamp resist dye was very popular in the Tang and Wax Resist Dye Song dynasties and still applied for the Tanka cover in Ming and Qing dynasties. When painting with melted wax on the textile first and dyeing then, the dye will not penetrate the wax 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   447 Fig. 11. b. painted areas. Wax resist dye did not originate in cornucopia in the left bottom corner is the Greek god- China. The earliest wax dye textile found in China is dess Tyche; the image on the top right might be Hera- a piece of wax dyed cotton excavated from an Eastern cles wrestling the Nemean lion.16 This wax dyed fab- Han dynasty (25-220 AD) tomb in Niya. The images ric is probably not a Chinese production and possibly on the fabric are all Hellenistic: the woman holding a comes from India. 16. Zhao 2012, 97. 448   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 12. Wax resist dyed tabby (400-421 AD) found in Turfan. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum The technique of wax resist dye was probably in- Since then ash resist dye was adapted to cotton troduced into northwest China along the Silk Road cloth and became the popular blue-and-white printed between the 3rd and 5th centuries. The wax resist clothes known in modern times. dyed pattern on silk began from dots. Several single dots were arranged to form a more complicate pat- Conclusion tern, such as floret or lozenge (fig. 12).17 Wax resist dye became popular in the Tang dynasty. After that, Our study of the textiles and burial inventory found this method became very limited to the minority area in tomb 26 Huahai, Gansu province, confirmed that of southwestern China. the textiles match the textual records in the burial in- ventory well. The purple jacket with xiu [embroidery] Ash Resist Dye recorded in the burial inventory should be the pur- ple jacket with xie [resist dyeing]. The reason might As wax was limited in China, people turned to use ash be: firstly, tie dyeing was still a new way of decora- or other alkaline materials as the resist agent instead tion in the late 4th century and the patterns made by of wax. This will achieve a similar result to wax re- tie dyeing look like those made by embroidery; sec- sist dyeing. The alkaline paste adopted in the Tang dy- ondly, the Chinese character for tie dyeing appeared nasty was mainly plant ash or alkaline lime. Accord- later than the technique itself, so people used xiu as a ing to Wu Min’s research most of the paste resist dyed loan word for xie before xie appeared. silks found in Turfan are ash resist dyed.18 The original meaning of xie was tie dyeing. It grad- Sometimes ash resisted dye was combined with ually became a general term for resist dye in ancient clamp resist dye technique. Applying the paste made China, including: tie dye, clamp resist dye, wax resist of an alkaline substance on the convex parts of blocks dye and ash resist dye. Tie dye appeared in the 3rd to and then clamping the textile, a paste pattern was cre- 4th centuries, became prevalent in the 7th to 9th cen- ated. The areas of the fabric that are coated by the turies and is still used today. Clamp resist dye was in- paste will remain undyed when dipping in the dye. vented in the early 8th century. At first floral motifs Such technique was commonly applied to the ash re- were prevalent. Animal motifs appeared later, mainly sist dyed silk in northwest China in the Tang dynasty in the 9th to 10th centuries. The technique of wax (fig. 13).19 resist dye was probably introduced into northwest 17. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum et al. 1973, pl. 49. 18. Wu 1973, 40-46. 19. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum et al. 1973, pl. 59. 29. Xie, a Technical Term for Resist Dye in China   449 Fig. 13. Ash resist dyed silk with a pattern of confronting ducks and flowers (c. 721 AD) found in Tuffan. Xinjiang Uy- ghur Autonomous Region Museum China along the Silk Road in the 3rd to 5th centu- Bibliography ries, and became popular in the Tang dynasty. After that, this technique became very limited to the minor- Dou, L. (2013) Bijiatan chu tu yi wu shu bu shi [Supple- ity area of southwestern China. As wax was limited mentary Explanation to the yiwushu found in Bijiatan]. in China, people turned to use ash or another alka- In Kao gu yu wen wu [Archaeology and Cultural Rel- line material as the resist agent instead of wax. Af- ics], Feb. 2013, 94-97. ter the Tang dynasty, ash resist dye was adapted to Museum of Dunhuang County (1983) Excavation of the cotton cloth and became the popular blue-and-white Tombs of the Five Liang Period at Foyemiaowan in Dunhuang, Gansu Province, Wen wu [Cultural Relics], printed clothes. Oct. 1983, 51-60. Wang, X. (2001) Wang Xu & Textile Archaeology in China, ISAT/Costume Squad Ltd. 450   Le Wang and Feng Zhao in Textile Terminologies (2017) Wu, M. (1973) The Printing and Dyeing Techniques of Zhao F., Wang, H., Persson, H., Wood, F., Wang, L. and the Tang Dynasty as Indicated by the Silk Fabrics Un- Zheng, X. (eds) (2007) Textiles from Dunhuang in UK earthed at Turfan, Xinjiang, Wen wu [Cultural Relics], Collections, Donghua University Press. Oct. 1973, 37-47. Zhao, F., Wang, H. & Wan, F. (2008) Silk Garments Exca- Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum (1973) Ex- vated form Tomb 26 in Bijiatan, Huahai Gansu. In F. cavation of Ancient Tombs at Astana and Karakhoja in Zhao (ed.), Xi bei feng ge: Han Jin zhi wu [Northwest- Turfan, Xinjaing 1963-1965, Wen wu [Cultural Rel- ern Imprints: Textiles from Han and Jin Dynasties in ics], Oct. 1973, 7-27. China], 94-113, ISAT/Costume Squad Ltd. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum et al. Zhao F. (2012) Jin cheng: zhong guo si chou yu si chou zhi (1973) Si chou zhi lu: Han Tang zhi wu [Textiles be- lu [Chinese Silk and the Silk Road]. City University of tween Han and Tang dynasties along the Silk Road], Hong Kong Press. Cultural Relics Press. Zhao, F. (ed.) (2002), Fang zhi kao gu xin fa xian [Re- cent Excavations of Textiles in China], ISAT/Costume Squad Ltd. 30 The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan 1 Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa T his paper investigates key Japanese words re- island country to the distant areas on the neighbor- lated to textiles and their production in ancient ing continent. Japan that is during the 1st millennium AD. Words, their meanings, and their written forms At this time the language known as ‘Old Japanese’ change over time, making it difficult to pinpoint clear evolved and eventually systems for writing it down definitions. We have therefore approached the subject emerged, based on borrowing the Chinese characters. from several directions in hopes that superimposing Textiles used for clothing, coverings, tax items, and the information from each will help clarify the pic- ritual objects played an integral role in the society, ture. The core of the essay presents terms in the textile and thus terms related to textiles provide insight into section of the earliest Japanese dictionary. It supple- the life style, politics, religion and economy of Ja- ments these with examples of the use of the words in pan as it emerged from a tribal-based localized so- ancient Japanese literary resources and with iconog- ciety into a centralized nation state. The linguistic raphy. The second half turns to actual tools excavated study also points to cultural pathways along which at sites ranging from the 1st millennium BC through inventions, materials, and processes passed, tying the the 1st millennium AD. 1. We would like to express our sincere gratitude for all the individuals and institutions who co-operated in this study and to Monica Bethe (Director, Medieval Japanese Studies Institute, Kyoto) who went over the English. Detailed comments on the material for dyeing and weaving tools were provided by Joy Boutrup, Chikayo Kawabe, Akiko Miyazaki, Nobue Nakama (University of the Ryukyus), Akira Shimura, and Monica Bethe. We are most grateful also to Marie-Louise Nosch for inviting us to contribute this theme, to Elizabeth Barber for proofreading, and to Professor Kazuhiko Yoshida (Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University) and Junko Higashimura (University of Fukui) for giving appropriate advice or ideas to construct the thesis. We would like to thank Dr. Margarita Gleba (MacDonald Institute, Cambridge University) for proofreading and for leading us to the archaeological textile field in the West. Photographic materials and drawings were kindly provided by the followings: The Fukuoka City Board of Educa- tion in Fukuoka Prefecture, the Iwata City Board of Education in Shizuoka Prefecture, the Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation in Kanagawa Prefecture, the Kikugawa City Board of Education in Shizuoka Prefecture, the Kobe City Museum in Hyōgo Prefecture, the Komatsu City Board of Education in Ishikawa Prefecture, the Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Properties, the Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine in Fukuoka Prefecture, the Shimotsuke City Board of Education in Tochigi Prefecture and the National Diet Library. This study is supported by JSPS KAKENHI, the Grant-in-Aids for Scientific Research of Japan Society for the Promotion of Science as follows. Project number 25370847 Basic (C) The basic study of the appearance and transmission of braiding techniques in ancient Asia. Project number 25370903 Basic (C) Comparative studies on the funeral rituals in ancient East Asia throughout the research of excavated combs. 451 452   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) The earliest use of Chinese characters in Japan of the Engi Era), written between 907-927 (the Engi appears as inlaid inscriptions found on some exca- era: 901-923) details regulations of dress, including vated iron swords and cast bronze mirrors dating to their production during the Heian period.5 around the 5th century AD. Until then the Japanese It is significant that most of the textile terms found had no writing system, though China already had a in these Heian-period sources were already in use well-developed one and a nationwide political sys- around the 7th to 8th centuries (the Asuka and Nara tem. Inscriptions found on wooden tablets and Bud- period), as evidenced by the Man’yōshū, a compila- dhist sculptures show that in Japan a systematic writ- tion of older and newer poems edited in 759. This ing system started about the early 7th century AD at continuity of textile terminology corresponds to the the same time as a nationwide administrative system continuous use of similar tools and materials for the has emerged. It is believed that the innovative Japa- textile production during ancient times. nese use of Chinese characters merely for their sound, Some of the terms are also found in the docu- known as Man’yōgana, in order to express elements ments edited in the Shōsōin-monjo (Documents from of their grammar not found in Chinese, such as parti- the Shōsōin Repository) dating mostly to the first cles, started about the late 7th century.2 six decades of the 8th century. Many of these doc- The terms concerning textile materials and produc- uments concerned the office managing the copying tion first appeared in the Chronicles of Japan such as of sutras. The paper for this national project was fre- Kojiki (edited in AD 712) and Nihon Shoki (edited in quently dyed, and the materials used for dyes, often AD 720). These texts trace the genealogy of the im- also used for medicines, can be found mentioned in it. perial family from historical figures back to mytho- Because some of the tools, such as spindle whorls logical times. In the former text, for example, the fiber and beaters (probably for back strap looms), were of wisteria (fuji in Japanese) is mentioned as a ma- used long before the development of the Old Jap- terial for weaving, and the Japanese madder (akane anese language, it is important to go further back in Japanese) as a dye material.3 In the latter, textile in time and look at related archaeological remains terms are reflected in the names of families or clans throughout Japan. The earliest fabrics are of twin- attached to the Court or government during the As- ning excavated from the Neolithic (Jōmon) sites. uka period (6th-7th centuries AD), such as Nishik- These are thought to have been made with weights goribe <nishiki+ori+be (“compound-weave weavers and bars. Woven textiles have been found from the clan”), Kinunuibe <kinu+nui+be (“garment tailor- late Neolithic (Jōmon period) and the early Bronze/ ing clan”), etc.4 Iron Age (Yayoi period). The mention of textile production at the end of the Sources Yayoi period appears in Chinese documents on Ja- pan, but exactly when bast fiber weaving and seri- About the end of the 1st millennium AD in the 930s, culture began in Japan is still open to debate, partic- one of the earliest dictionaries called the Wamyō ularly since carbon 14 dating suggests pushing the Ruijushō or Wamyōshō was edited by a poet and man beginnings of the Yayoi period back to around 800 of letters, Minamoto no Shitagō, at the request of the BC. It is at the sites (e.g. Sasai site, Fukuoka Prefec- Emperor Daigo’s (885-930) daughter, Princess Kin- ture) dated to this period where the earliest wooden shi. It includes vocabulary for textile technologies, textile tools (presumably for weaving circular warped fabrics and clothing. In addition, the Engishiki (Codes cloth6) were excavated. 2. Inaoka 1997, 407-429. 3. Yamaguchi & Kōnoshi 2004, 278-279. 88-89. Here the name of Japanese madder is written ‘atane’. 4. Kojima et al. 2004, 174-175. 5. Kuroita 1965. 6. Higashimura 2008. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   453 Table. 1. Chronological table of Japan. Paleolithic 200,000(?)-11,000 BC (*13,000 BC by AMS) Early, 200,000(?)-30,000 BC Late, 30,000-11,000(or 13,000) BC Jōmon (Neolithic) 10,500-400 BC (*800 BC by AMS) Incipient, 10,500-8000 BC Initial, 8000-5000 BC Early, 5000-2500 BC Middle, 2500-1500 BC Late, 1500-1000 BC Final, 1000-400 (or 800) BC Yayoi (Bronze and Iron Ages) 400 BC (*800 BC by AMS)-about AD 250 Initial, 400 (or 800) BC-300 BC Early, 300-100 BC Middle, 100 BC-AD 100 Late, AD 100-250 Kofun About AD 250-600 Early, AD 250-400 Middle, AD 400-500 Late, AD 500-600 Asuka AD 6th century-710 Nara AD 710-794 Heian AD 794-1185 Kamakura AD 1185-1333 Muromachi AD 1333-1573 Momoyama AD 1573-1603 Edo AD 1603-1868 Meiji AD 1868-1912 Taishō AD 1912-1926 Shōwa AD 1926-1989 Heisei since AD 1989 (cf. Ancient Japan by the Arthur M. Sackler gallery, Smithsonian Institution and the Agency for Cultural Affairs.1992) *Calibrated AMS dating are referred to the catalogue of the "『発掘された日本列島 2014』 Hakkutsu sareta Nihon-retto 2014 (Exhibitions of Excavations in the Japanese Archipelago 2014) " by the Agency for Cultural Affairs.) 454   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Map 1. Map of the sites. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   455 Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō (Dictionary of Japanese original orthography. They were written down us- words with notes) ing Chinese characters both for meaning and at other times for phonetic value and several different charac- The Wamyō Ruijūshō dictionary of Japanese is based ters could express the same sound. on one style of Chinese dictionaries, like the Erya 爾 雅 (the 3rd century BC), and covers vocabulary for Terms Appearing in Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō various fields, including textiles, noting the source, the meaning, the annotation, the Chinese-derived Here we have kept the category and the word order as pronunciation and the Japanese reading, using the it appears in the Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō. According Man’yōgana. This kind of dictionary was required by to the classification, the terms for cloth and clothing an increasing number of educated readers, including (costume) are categorized independently under the women like Princess Kinshi, who wished to read and main heading (bu, literally section or part). The terms understand texts written in Chinese, including records for tools for cutting (tatsu or kiru: to cut) and sewing and tales. Most of the official documents and aca- (nufu: to sew), dyeing (somu: to dye<shimu: to soak demic pieces were written in Chinese. Although the into, in modern times it is written someru and shim- original manuscript of the Wamyō Ruijūshō was lost, iru), weaving (oru: to weave), sericulture (kogahi), it was copied and exists today in variant texts (printed interior etc. correspond to subheadings (rui, literally and manuscript versions). What follows is based on kind or sort), which are included under the main head- the Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō7 revised by the Japanese ings for the ‘furnishing’. This paper focuses on the scholar Ekisai Kariya, in 1827 during the Edo period. terms related to cloth and tools for textile production. He compared several versions of the texts in great de- Although the headings are originally Chinese tail providing a clear overview of the material. terms written in Chinese character, here they are re- placed with the Japanese style reading corresponding Man’yōshū to those found in the text.9 Their sounds shown here are based on the old use of kana, the Japanese sylla- The anthology Man’yōshū (ten thousand leaves col- bary at that time. Because the modern use of kana ap- lection) was edited by Ōtomo no Yakamochi (about peared in instructions given in 1946,10 until then the AD 718-785), a famous poet during the Nara period. old use of kana, which started at early Heian period, In the Man’yōshū, over 4500 pieces of waka, tradi- had continued almost uninterrupted with few changes. tional Japanese poems, are collected. They include It is said that in many cases the sound would have poems by people of all ranks, composed during 400 shown the characteristic of those pronunciations from years before AD 759. The poems contain many native the South Chinese dialect called Wuyin.11 If there are Japanese words, called wa-go, and show little Chinese multiple Japanese readings, they are written down to- language influence. The original texts are lost, but the gether. The problem is that some of the terms have earliest poems seem to have been written down using not been given native Japanese words in the diction- Chinese characters purely as phonetic symbols known ary, which are to be replaced as headings here. Ōtsuki as the Man’yōgana. mentioned that it was because some terms would have We will introduce how these words were used been read using the Chinese terms’ sound and the rest to represent the scenes in the poems.8 It is difficult would have no source to refer to in the author’s mate- for modern readers to understand the poems in their rials even if they had Japanese style readings. Others 7. Kyoto Univ. 1999, 1-525. 8. Inaoka 1997. 9. Kyoto University 1999. 10. Tsukishima 2014, 11. 11. Tōdō 1995, 1584. 456   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) which show Japanese readings surely have the refer- Terms for nishiki (compound patterned weave) and ence noted.12 In the latter case the Japanese readings aya (patterned in weft and warp faced twills) are covered by those from other parts of this diction- ary or archaic word dictionaries. The former is placed Nishiki: a general term for multicolored patterned in single bracket ( ), and the latter is placed in dou- weaves of various structures. At the time the dic- ble bracket (( )). tionary was written, it probably referred to samite, Since both Chinese and Japanese style readings a weft-patterned twill compound weave. In the As- have changed, these terms do not always correspond uka-Early Nara period, nishiki referred to warp- to modern ones. In addition, there are often multiple faced compound weaves, introduced already in Chinese style readings for one Chinese character, de- the 5th century, and weft-faced compound weaves, pending on the region and period. some with a plain weave ground but many with a Illustrations are taken from an Edo-period publi- twill ground, introduced in the 8th century. The cation of the Wakan Sansai Zue,13 originally edited dictionary specifies several types of nishiki: un- in 1712 by Ryōan Terajima, and from the Kishoku gen nishiki, a samite with gradated stripes includ- Ihen,14 a manual for textile technology during the Edo ing small patterns, koma nishiki, compound weave period edited in 1830 by Masunari Ōzeki, one of the with Korean (Koguryo) patterns, ryōmen nishiki, feudal lords. two-sided multicolored pattern weave, possibly a The terms for silk and the bast fiber processing double weave. Because nishiki textiles were val- found in these books follow a traditional style that ued as highly as gold, the Chinese character for ni- is consistent from ancient times through the end of shiki 錦 combines gold 金 as a radical on the left the Edo period (middle of the 19th century) when with silk fabric 帛 on the right. Japan opened the country to foreign trade and dip- Ori-mono/ kamuhata: 綺 (Ch: khjiĕ’/ khji’) woven lomatic relations. cloth with a woven pattern in more than one color, ori<oru: to weave, mono: thing Cloth15 (Tokachi): Fabric made from spun hare or rabbit hair. Headdresses (caps or hats) were made with this In the following, the Chinese-style reading recon- fabric. Rabbit is called Jp: usagi (Ch: t‘o). structed of the Early Middle Chinese, from the Sui to (Kaukechi): clamp-resist dye, Jp: itajime. Because Tang dynasties or earlier16 of a character will be pre- the original heading is nowadays read kyōkechi, ceded by a ‘Ch’ for China, and the Japanese style by clamp-resist dye, this term seems to be confused a ‘Jp’ for Japan. When needed, modern Japanese read- with kōkechi, tie-dye, Jp: yu-hata, yufu: to tie ing will be added for references preceded by a ‘MJp’. or to knot, hata: fabric. Even though E. Kariya The terms for the cloth, bast fiber cloth, silk cloth, mentioned that later it was (and still is) called consist of two parts. These include bast fiber cloth Jp: itajime. Ita: board(s), jime<shimu: to tighten. (Ch: pɔh, Jp: nuno) and silk cloth or fabric: (Ch: (MJp: shimeru). Man’yōshū poem no. 3791 men- baɨjk/bɛːjk, Jp: haku-no-kinu) and others. They are tions a dress with tie-dyed design sleeves. divided into patterned silk fabrics such as compound Numu-mono: embroidery, nufu: to sew (MJp: nū), weaves and patterned in weft and warp faced twill, mono: thing or material. In the chronicles it is read on the one hand, and plain weave and other materi- nuhimono. als on the other. Aya: 綾 twill (often patterned in weft and warp faced 12. Ōtsuki 2004, 1,17. 13. Terajima 1824. Courtesy of the National Diet Library Digital Collection: the chapter entitled “Women’s handcraft tools”; info:ndjp/ pid/2569720 [24] 14. Ōzeki 1830. 15. Kyoto Univ. 1999, 176-180. 16. Pulleyblank 1991; Tōdō 1995. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   457 twill). Man’yōshū poem no. 3791 mentions a vio- replace a labor tax, or corvée called yō. let dress made of silk twill. (Ch:liŋ). Sayomi-no-nuno: cloth made of threads taken from (Ra) / ((Semi-no-ha)): (Ch: la) Leno or gauze i.e. the inner bark of the Japanese linden tree, Shina- crossed warp weave called also usu-mono or usu- noki. Tilia Japonica Simk (or lime tree, bass-wood) hata, in the Chronicles. Usu(<usushi): thin or Tani: cloth made for sale or trade, not for tribute. transparent, mono: thing, hata: fabric. Man’yōshū Wata: silk floss poem no. 3791 mentions gauzy cloth. Semi-no-ha means wings of the cicadas. Tools and materials for textile production17 Kome/kome-no-kinu: a type of patterned gauze- weave silk, E. Kariya suggests the reading: Cutting and Sewing kome<kagome (woven pattern of the basketry, In ancient times in Japan, no vocabulary existed re- kago) and kinu (silk fabric) and suggests that the lated to wool and cotton manufacture, though mention surface of this fabric looks like the spreading rice was made of cloth made from the hair of usagi (hare grains. or rabbit). Yet, beautiful woolen felt carpets from Katori: closely woven silk cloth with fine raw silk the Nara period were stored in the Shōsōin Treasure threads. House, possibly imported as gifts to persons of high rank. The words ‘hitsuji’ (sheep),18 ‘kamo’ (felt car- Terms for kenpu (kinu and nuno): (silk and bast pet) and ‘ori-kamo’ (woven carpet) are found under fiber cloths) the headings of ‘animals’ and of ‘rugs/mats’. It is sig- nificant that even the Chinese might have borrowed Kinu: 絹 (Ch: kjwianh) silk fabric.It seems that there their word for sheep from some form of Iranian or exists a phonetic resemblance between these Tocharian language.19 The terms for tools related to terms. cutting and sewing follow below. Neri-kinu(<kinu): degummed silk fabric Ashi-kinu(<kinu): coarse silk fabric Kara-usu: a (Chinese style) mortar for pounding cloth Haku-no-kinu: fine (or thin) silk fabrics, thin plain (in this case). The same style mortars were also weave used for polishing rice by stepping on a board at- (Sha): gauze weave made of fine (raw) silk threads tached to the mallet. Kara means “Chinese or for- (Ch: ʂaɨ/ʂɛː) eign style”. Nuno: 布 bast fiber fabrics using the fiber of asa Kinu-ita: a stone block on which clothes are beating hemp, karamushi false nettle, or ku(d)zu (Puer- to soften them. (MJp: kinuta) aria lobata, Japanese arrowroot), etc. Tsuchi: wooden mallet to beat (utsu) the clothes. Tezukuri-no-nuno: hand woven bast fiber cloth. Kata-ki: woodblock carved with a pattern for Man’yōshū poem no. 3373 mentions the process dye-printing. of bleaching the tedzukuri-no-nuno in the Tama Mo-no-tachikatana: a knife for cutting clothes. River (near present day Tokyo). Takahakari: bamboo ruler (taka: bamboo, we now Asa (karamushi)-nuno: cloth made of false nettle, call it take), bakari is from hakaru (vb.), to ramie, Boehmeria Jacq., such as Boehmeria nivea. measure. Tsuki-no-nuno: cloth for taxation. One of the taxes Hari: needle (it is also used for medical treatment, in kind, tsuki. Cloth is also accepted in order to such as acupuncture and moxbustion) 17. Kyoto Univ. 1999, 306-315. 18. Kojima et al. 2004, 534-535. In the Nihon Shoki, a camel (rakuda), a donkey (usagi-uma, literally a horse which has rabbit’s ears, nowadays roba) two sheep and a white pheasant (kigisu, nowadays kiji) were mentioned as offerings from Paekche in the 7th year of Empress Suiko (599 AD). 19. Mallory & Mair 2000, 229. 458   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Hari-tsutsu: cylindrical needle case. (Native to India and Malaysia). Suō chips from Oyobinuki: ring-shaped (metallic) thimble. Nowa- the Nara period are still stored in the Shōsōin Re- days we call it yubinuki, yubi means finger(s) and pository. Suō was used both to stain wood and to oyobi is its old form. Nuki comes from nuku which dye fabric and sutra papers. Dyes reds and purples. means through something. Hanishi: ANACARDIACEAE Rhus L. Rhus succ- Noshi: a kind of iron (or presser), a dipper-shaped edarea L. (Japanese wax tree). MJp: haze. Dyes metallic tool with a charcoal fire to make clothes tan to brown. and fabric smooth. Kihada: RUTACEAE Phellodendron amurense Rupr. (Amur Cork). Used as dyestuff for sutra scroll pa- Materials for dyeing pers and binding ribbons. Dyes yellow. Kuchinashi: RUBIACEAE Gardenia jasminoides El- The terms for dyestuffs come next. They are mainly lis. (Gardenia) Dyes a warm yellow. names of plants. We have added their Latin names af- Tsurubami: FAGACEAE Quercus L. Quercus acutis- ter the Japanese terms for general identification. The sima Carruth. MJp: kunugi. Acorn caps. Dyes grey dyes were used not only on fabrics, but also to dye to black. Tsurubami-dyed garments are mentioned papers for sutra-copying. Dye materials were impor- in Man’yōshū poems nos. 1311. 1314. 2965. 2968 tant tribute items and are mentioned in the Engishiki. and 4109. Previous studies about the historical use of dyestuffs Akane: RUBIACEAE Rubia akane Nakai. (Japanese proved helpful to our study.20 madder). Dyes red. According to the Engishiki, Color played an important role as an indicator of akane was included among the agricultural trib- rank in the Japanese government of ancient times. The utes through the Heian period, but the ancient dye concept of wearing garments distinguished by rank- methods were lost by the Edo period or earlier. regulated colors was adopted along with other aspects Recently, Akiko Miyazaki tried to reconstruct the of the Sui and Tang dynasty Chinese administrative technique using the material and tools found in system, which was formulated in Japan as legal code the Engishiki.22 She discovered that both brown known as ritsuryō. This included stipulations about rice (genmai) and polished rice (hakumai, literally textile production, taxation (including threads, fab- white rice) would have been fermented to extract rics, and dyes) and designation of court ranks. In 603, the red (aka) colorant from the plant root at that Prince Shōtoku (AD 574-622) established the “Kan-i time. The Japanese name of this plant aka-ne (red (crown rank) jūni-kai (12 levels)”, a system whereby root) comes from the red color of the plant roots. court ranks were distinguished by the color of the In the Man’yōshū, akane is used to express the headgear.21 Lighter and darker shades of six colors brightness of evening and the light of day in po- were used to indicate 12 ranks in the court. The order ems nos. 20. 169 and 916. (cf. aka-shi (adj.) means of colors as set by Prince Shōtoku from the highest bright, light). (MJp: akarui) rank down was as follows, though this order changed Murasaki: BORAGINACEAE Lithospermum of- over time: Murasaki (purple or violet)/ Awo (blue)/ ficinale, L. subsp. erythrorhizon (Sieb. et Zucc.) Aka (red)/ Ki (yellow)/ Shiro (white)/ Kuro (black). Hand.-Mzt. (Gromwell). Dyes purple. These and other colors were dyed with the follow- Textiles and threads were mordanted with ing plants. the camellia ash, which is known to contain alu- minum, and then dyed with murasaki root. Ac- (Suhau): LEGUMINOSAE Caesalpinia sappan, cording to the Engishiki, murasaki was an agricul- L. (sappan wood). Nowadays it is written suō. tural tribute during the Heian period. The purple 20. Uemura 1979; Gotō & Yamakawa 1937. 21. Kojima et al. 2004, 540-542. 22. Miyazaki 1997, 1-21. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   459 dyed with murasaki was restricted to the people to Japan, but is missing from the Wamyō Ruijūshō, of the highest rank in the Court. though it is found in the Engishiki. The Man’yōshū In the Man’yōshū, murasaki appears as a plant mentions it as applied by rubbing it into cloth to that grew in a field guarded for the Imperial Court print blue color (No. 1742). The usage of the (no. 20), also as a color of threads (no. 1340), of Yama-ai has already been forgotten in modern clothing (no. 3791), and as a dye for clothing (nos. days though it had been used to decorate the impe- 395 and 3101). In poem 3101, the use of ash as a rial garment for the coronation ceremony, which is mordant is mentioned. Other poems including the called ‘omi-goromo’. Kiichi Tsujimura studied the term murasaki are as follows: Nos. 21, 395, 1825, materials and reconstructed the dyeing method.25 2974, 2976, 2993, 3099 and 3500. He discovered a place where this plant grew nat- Kure-no-awi: (MJp: kurenai) ASTERACEAE urally and investigated how it can be successfully Carthamus tinctorius; safflower, (originally in- printed. Yama-awi is named after the color of awi troduced from West Asia). Dyes pink to red (also indigo, though it does not contain indigotin. yellow). Jp: kure refers to the name of the Chi- Kaina: Miscanthus tinctorius. Dyes yellow. (MJp: nese kingdom Wu (AD 222-280). The flower pet- kariyasu) als are used to dye red though in other countries It was used to dye sutra papers according to the they dye yellow. Recent analysis using fluores- Shōsōin documents. cence spectrometry on Shōsōin items revealed Tsukikusa: Commelina communis L.; (Dayflower). that safflower red was used to dye a carpet, an Dyes an impermanent blue. undergarment, a gown with tie-dye design, and a The water-soluble colorant in the dayflower is pair of shoes.23 In the Man’yōshū, kurenai is often squeezed from the flower and used to print cloth mentioned as a color that fades easily. The term is by rubbing, though the color fades easily (ut- found in following poems; Nos. 1044, 1297, 1313, surofu, MJp: utsurou). In the Man’yōshū the im- 1742, 2623, 2624, 2655, 2827, 2828, 3877, 3969, permanence of the color appears in poems: nos. 4109 and 4157. 583. 1255. 1339 and 1351. Awi: (MJp: ai)Two plants names are mentioned here Aka-hiyu: AMARANTACEAE Amaranthus mangos- as the contents of the other book of pharmacy or tanus L. pharmacology Honzo Wamyo witten in the Heian Akaza-no-hahi: ash (MJp: hai) from the plant called period (about 918) by Fukane Sukehito. One is akaza; CHENOPODIACEAE Chenopodium al- tsubaki-awi, The original Chinese term means bum var. centrorubrum. Used for degumming. Ac- ‘wood indigo’ (ki-awi). Although we do not know cording to the Engishiki, wara-bai (straw ashes) exactly which plant corresponds to it, there are two were prepared to degum the silk threads. possibilities; one is ryūkyū-ai, ACANTHACEAE ((Hisakaki-no-hahi)): ash of the hisakaki tree and Strobilanthes flaccidifolius, Nees. The other is leaves, THEACEAE Eurya japonica Thunb. It indo-ai, FABACEAE Indigofera tinctoria, L. The is suggested that it would be a kind of tsubaki- other is tade-awi: POLYGONACEAE Polygonum no-hahi, ash taken from camellia. Used as a mor- tinctrium Lour. (Originally imported from China dant. Aluminum is richly contained in its ash. The for cultivation in Japan24). Dyes blue. Lake colour Man’yōshū poem no. 3101 indicates that mura- called awishiru (sap of awi) taken from kiawi was saki dyestuff requires ash (presumably taken from mentioned as well. tsubaki) for mordanting. Note that the Yama-awi; EUPHORBIACEAE Aku: lye. Water poured through ashes leaches the al- Mercurialis leiocarpa, Sieb.et Zucc., was native kaline and mineral content and produces lye, used 23. Nakamura et al. 2014. 24. Kitamura & Murata 1973, 312. 25. Tsujimura 1984. 460   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) a. Fig. 1. A model loom (length: 48 cm, width: 16.7 cm, height of the front legs: 12.8 cm) : a) Side view (left); b) Back view (center); c) A boat shuttle (right center and lower) and a reed (right upper), 8th to 9th centuries AD, excavated from the ritual sites in Oki no Shima Island, Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine, Fukuoka Prefecture. (National Treasures) Courtesy of the Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine. as an alkaline used for degumming or as a mordant from an early 19th-century textile production manual, depending on the mineral content. the Kishoku Ihen.28 Although these drawings are more recent than the period under discussion, archaeolog- Weaving tools and materials ical evidence and early paintings suggest the general form of many of the weaving tools did not alter sig- The Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō lists weaving tools next. nificantly until recently. To illustrate this section, we have used pictures of ancient excavated textile tools, of ritual tools from ((Hata)): loom, see Fig. 1 shrines, such as the Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine26 Taka-hata: (treadle loom, literally ‘high-loom’) was and later drawings taken from an Edo-period ency- used for weaving silk fabrics. E. Kariya presumes clopedia edited in 1712, the Wakan Sansai Zue27 and that this included patterned weaves like compound 26. Munakata Taisha Hukkōkisei-kai (ed.) 1979, Pl. 93 27. Terajima, 1824 (info:ndjp/pid/2569720 [24]) 28. Ōzeki, 1830. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   461 b. c. 462   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2. Miniature textile tools including tatari (fiber stands), tsumi or tsumu (spindle whorl), kase or kasehi (niddy noddy), woke (a container for spliced threads) and kushi (comb) or beaters. 6th to 9th centuries AD, excavated from the ritual sites in Oki no Shima Island, Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine, Fukuoka Prefecture. (National Treasures) Courtesy of the Mu- nakata Taisha Shinto shrine. weaves and patterned twills.29 He was inspired by References to looms in the Man’yōshū use the the opinion of Kotosuga Tanikawa, an 18th-century term tana-bata (literally ‘shelf-loom’). Man’yōshū scholar, who argued that the character for woven poems nos. 2027 and 2040 refer to women weav- patterning 繪 (e) can also be read as hata indicat- ers as tana-bata tsu-me (shelf-loom-weaving girl). ing the patterns are woven on a loom 機 that has No.2062 describes the maneki (foot pedals, liter- some mechanism to produce patterns. ally fumu: to tread or step on with the feet + ki: The exact form, however, of the takahata or wood), of her loom being set up by the riverside, takabata loom used in ancient times remains un- which would enable her lover to cross a river, the known. Old texts supply several hints. For in- Galaxy, using them as a bridge, a reference to a stance, a record from the 8th century concerning local myth.31 Whether the tana-bata was a type of the origin of the Dai’anji Temple30 in Nara, lists taka-bata needs further research. takahata among cloths for men’s garments, not- The Chinese character for a loom 機 hata is ing it is red, but giving no explanation of its weave composed of a radical indicating the material the structure or pattern. loom is made of: ‘wood’ 木 and the construction 29. Kyoto University 1999 (E. Kariya, Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō), 310. 30. Dai’anji Engi Ruki Shizai Chō, 19th year of the Tempyō Era (AD 729-749). 31. Perhaps by association with “weaving girls”, the Japanese came to call their seasonal rites on the seventh day of the seventh month Tanabata and incorporated into them the Chinese tradition of honoring the annual tryst of the weaving girl (the star Vega) with her Oxherd lover (the star Altair). 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   463 Fig. 3. Clay figurines from the a) 6th century Kabutozuka Kofun burial mound: a) Side view of a frame back strap loom; b) & c) Reconstruction of the loom with a weaver by CG, the side and back views; d) & e) A part of loom without frame. Courtesy of the Shimotsuke City Board of Education, Tochigi Prefecture. b) c) d) e) 464   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) of the loom showing foot pedals attached to string heddles and/or harness. This style of character is found after the Warring State period in China. Its predecessor does not have the part for wood.32 The historical development of the looms would have been reflected in the form of the character. The left side of the character means wood (ma- terial to make the loom).The foot pedals are con- nected to the heddles (he) with threads of har- Fig. 4. He (heddles), ayatori from the Kishoku Ihen (Sai- ness, as the top right part indicates. This part is gusa 1946, 542). the simplified version of the original letter com- posed from threads and pedals. The bottom right in the Wamyō Ruijūshō combs were categorized part indicates the sound of the character. among the cosmetic tools. This same 機 character was read as wakatsuri The Man’yōshū poem no. 1233 describes young or wokotsuri in a tale in the Nihon Ryōiki (Miracu- girls combing the warp (of bast fiber) with a “ma- lous Tales of Buddhism, compiled in the early 9th gushi <ma-kushi: excellent comb” on the loom. century AD).33 The tale relates how a crane with Its historical development and typological analy- wakatsuri or wokotsuri (probably a kind of pulley) sis reveal some interesting aspects in the context was used to rescue people who had fallen into a of ritual and cultural interaction among areas.34 hole in the mountain. E. Kariya goes on to com- Chikiri: warp beam. cf. Chimaki (cloth beam) ment that this might be the origin of the name for He: heddles; Fig. 4 (During the Edo period it was also heddles, nowadays called kazari. Perhaps the loom called ayatori, kazari, mojiri and kakeito) might have used pulleys to operate the heddles. Kutsuhiki: frame back strap looms; Fig. 1 Hi: shuttle, boat shuttle (right center and lower). These looms have a foot pull-rope to operate Wosa: reed. Fig. 1c (right upper) (MJp: osa) one heddle with the weaver’s foot. Kutsu literally Reeds in Japan were generally made of finely means ‘shoe(s)’, hiki <hiku, to pull. A 6th century split bamboo. This tool was not always required to clay model of this style of loom was recently found weave cloth. Beaters that seem to have been used among the clay figurines excavated from the late for back strap looms have been found in many ar- Kofun period Kabutozuka burial mound in Tochigi chaeological sites in Japan. The wood used tended Prefecture, northern Tokyo area of the Honshū Is- to be hard wood. Wooden combs kushi are some- land. A part of another clay model presumed to times mentioned in a context of combing tangled be a back strap loom (for two-layer circular warp) fibers or threads for textile preparation, though without frame was also uneaed (Figs. 3d & 3e).35 32. Katō 1970, 144-146. 33. Izumoji 1996, 146-148. 34. Kizawa 2011; 2014, 47. 35. Shimotsuke City Board of Education (ed.) 2014. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   465 It is significant that the Chinese term which is ritual, which was attached to the shrines and paid used as the heading 臥機 in the dictionary literally taxes only to the shrine. The hemp and false net- means ‘lying loom’. It does not mean foot or shoes tle fibers were used for important Shrine purifica- at all. In addition, the depicted Chinese looms had tion ceremonies called harahe, MJp: harai, liter- already been prepared with pedals to operate the ally meaning to remove or get rid of evil spirits. heddles since at least the Later Han dynasty. Jap- The Engishiki mentions gold- and silver-plated anese style reading means that they would have bronze tools including tatari, woke (container for used a foot pull-rope to operate the heddles tradi- spliced threads originally made of steamed and tionally in Japan. bent wood), kasehi, and tsumi. Twenty-one kinds In general, the loom in East Asia is not up- of holy treasures, including textile production right (except for that of straw mats ‘mushiro’ and/ tools, such as spindles and fiber stands, have pre- or bamboo blinds ‘sudare’ and ‘misu’ producing) pared for each 20-year reconstruction of the grand though in the Orient both types are included. In or- shrine of Ise over the past thousand and more der to understand the reason for which the charac- years. Actual examples from the early Heian pe- ter meaning “lying” is added to the Chinese term, riod still exist. A gilt bronze hata (loom) and hi further discussions will be required. (shuttle) from the 8th to 9th centuries (Fig. 1) were The Engishiki mentions a ritual concerning found in the Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine lo- garments made for the kami god twice a year, in cated on two small islands in the open sea of Gen- spring and autumn. The production of textiles for kai nada and northern Kyūshū where three god- goddesses was treated as sacred work that was car- desses of sailing, daughters of the Sun goddess, ried out in two different shrines near the grand are deified. Munakata Taisha Shinto shrine con- shrine of Ise in Mie Prefecture, where the sun sists of three shrines (Okitsu-gū, Nakatsu-gū, and goddess Amaterasu-omikami and the goddess of Hetsu-gū) situated in different places. Okitsu-gū is grains Toyo’uke-no-omikami are enshrined as the enshrined on the small island Oki-no-Shima, half ancestors of the Imperial Household. In one shrine, way between Japan and Korea. Nakatsu-gū is en- silk threads were prepared and woven by the Hat- shrined on the small island Ōshima and Hetsu-gū tori clan: hata (loom) + ori (<oru, to weave). The is located on the Kyūshū Island. The shrine has woven cloth was called nigitae, fine and soft cloth. long been held sacred and these tools seem to have In the other shrine, asa (or wo, hemp and false net- been made for the goddess’s use. tle) threads were prepared and woven by the Wo- Maneki: foot pedals. Nowadays this term is used for umi clan: wo (hemp) + umi (splice or ply-join). harness levers to move a heddle (see model loom, The woven cloth was called aratae, coarse cloth. Fig. 1) The existence of the two clans specializing in Nukikaburi: bobbin winder or winding. different fabric production suggests that initially Kuta: bobbin core. MJp. kuda literally means ‘tube’. weaving for the Imperial family was a localized Wi-no-ashi: cloth beam (see model loom, Fig. 1). art. The Hattori (hata-ori) clan (be) would have Literally, the term means foot of the wild boars specialized not only in weaving but also in tai- though the meaning is hoof(s) since the both beam loring. It is believed that the system was based ends look hoof-like in shape. 猪 Wi means the wild on that of Paekche, and was replaced in 645 after boars and ashi means feet (or foot). (MJp. of the the Taika Reforms. Again, arguing from the se- wild boars: i-no-shishi). mantics of names, the splicing method of joining A part of the loom onto which the woven cloth bast fibers base to tip into long threads must have is wound up. been wide spread since we can find villages called Asa: (Ch: maɨ/mɛː / Jp: wo, so)(MJp: o): a generic Woumi in various places throughout Japan. The term referring to bast fibers, such as hemp: taima members of the Woumi clan belonged to the up- (Cannabis sativa Linne) (Ch:dah/dajh+maɨ/mɛː) per clan Kam-be, (kami, god) section or clan for and false nettle (various species of Boehemia, in 466   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) the family of the Urticaceae, often called ramie Ko-guso: silkworm kuso (excrement) or Chinese grass in English, and referring mainly Ebira: silkworm spinning frames. to cho-ma (Ch: drɨǎ’+maɨ /mɛː) or Jp: karamushi Kuha and tsumi: mulberry trees including morus (Boehmeria nivea L. Gaud). Kitamura and Mu- alba and morus bombycis. rata mention that the Boehmeria nivea L. Gaud Ito: threads reeled from silk cocoons. was brought from China already in ancient times.36 Shikeito: threads from the outer parts of the cocoon. To splice: umu is the verb used for making long (Waku): frame spool (Fig. 5) (Ch: ɦɪuak).38 Tōdō threads out of bast fibers (asa) like hemp, false mentions that this pronunciation reflects Wuyin nettles, and bashō (banana plant fiber). Various during the Sui and Tang dynasties. splicing or ply-joining methods have been used, Kurubeki: (literally ‘reverse turn’) swivel, rotating but an important key for making all ply-joins (ito- device on which the skein (kase) is set, and from umi) is “to join the base of the new element to the which the thread is drawn out. Although we do tip of the old element by plying them together with not know the exact shape of this device from the a Z or S twist, or a combination of the two.”37 name as we do not use this word nowadays but To twist: hineru or yoru, general terms for add- we can suggest its function by the heading writ- ing twist ten in Chinese characters. Ekisai Kariya suggested To spin: tsumugu, for silk floss and cotton that it was mai-no-ha (mafu means to turn around, In the Man’yōshū poem no. 2990, young girls ha means blade), turning around horizontally to splicing beaten bast fibers (uchi-so) set on tatari make skeins, which were still called kurubeki in (fiber stands) think of their lovers, their activity the Kantō region, eastern Japan during the Edo of making continuous thread serving as a meta- period.39 He also mentioned that it was found in phor for the continuous longing in their hearts. the Chinese Sancai Tuhui written in the early 17th Here, the word umu (splice) is pronounced the century, which was the model of the Wakan San- same way as umu (grow tired), creating a play on sai Zue, though this type of swivel dated back to words, with umu meaning both tireless effort for the 14th century Nung Shu (Book of Agriculture) ‘splicing’ and longing for someone without ‘get- written by Wang Chen. ting tired’. A dictionary of Old Japanese states that the Heso: hollow thread balls. The navel is also called noun kurubeki derives from the verb < kurubeku heso. (also kurumeku): “to turn around, rotate”.40 It gives an example of the phrase “turn around like a top” Tools and materials for silk thread production from the 12th century Konjaku Monogatarishū (Anthology of Tales from the Past; vol. 20 no. 6). Kahiko: silkworm (Bombyx mori ; silkworm moth) Probably it rotated horizontally (Fig. 6). Some (MJp: kaiko). of the ritual clay objects series found from the Mayu: cocoons. Myōgajima Kofun no.5 mound in Shizuoka Pre- Kuha-mayu: wild silkworms (Bombyx mandarina) fecture show their rough shapes during the 5th grown in mulberry trees (MJp: kuwamayu/ ku- century (Middle Kofun period) (Figs. 6c & 6d Im- wako). Man’yōshū poem no. 3350 describes cloth- portant Cultural Properties).41 ing made of silk threads from silkworms fed with The Man’yōshū poem no. 642 compares King fresh mulberry leaves. Yuhara’s feelings to a thread, which if it frays/ 36. Kitamura 1973, vol.Ⅱ, 339. 37. Hiroi & Nagano 1999, 368. 38. Tōdō 1995, 975. 39. Kyoto University 1999, 313-314. 40. Ohno et al.1982, 424. 41. Iwata City Board of Education 2003, 449. 627. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   467 strays or tangles, he will set on the kurubeki and fix. The phrase used is kurubeki ni kakeru, “to set on a rotating device” in order to bring the thread(s) together (縁, Ch; yen), a term used also to express a connection or relationship. Ohoga: a silk reeling device to take the silk fibers from cocoons while they are being boiled. (MJp: ōga) Tsumi: spindle whorl (cf. Fig. 2, lower right). It was and still is called tsumu <tsumugu, to spin, during and after the Edo period. Tatari: standing skein pole holders Usually three poles form one set for holding skeins while winding threads onto spools (Fig. 7). The tatari (standing skein holder, Fig. 2) is also found in the Muromachi period (early 1600’s) drawings42 and Edo period publications. They have the same function and structure as that de- scribed in the Wamyō Ruijūshō. We have recog- nized that the term tatari refers to two different tools, a skein holder and a fiber stand used while ply-joining bast fiber threads, similar to the votive tatari shown in fig. 2, upper right. Archaeological evidence The Neolithic Period in Japan is named Jōmon (rope pattern) after the decorative impressions on the pot- tery using twisted cords, a practice that deserves spe- cial mention. Varied patterns were developed dur- ing the period that continued for about 10,000 years (10,000-400 BC). This technique required plying the plant fibers in S or Z directions. Sometimes they combined several twisted fibers together into one cord adding a counter twist. The technique is sim- ilar to rope making and also to ply-joining, though weaving had not yet developed. The discovery of weights (omori) made of stones and wood from this period suggests they made twined fabrics called an- gin (an<amu-, to twine or to net + gin(u) <kinu, cloth or fabric ), though the precise technique is unknown. Fig. 5. Waku from the Wakan Sansai Zue. Courtesy of the Basketry and pottery production were already National Diet Library. highly developed at this time. In Higashimyō wet- land shell mound site, Saga Prefecture and in the 42. Shokunin Zukushie, Kita-in Temple, Kawagoe City, Saitama Prefecture 468   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) a) b) c) d) Fig. 6. Mai-no-ha (or kurubeki?): a) & b) Two kinds of swi- vel named mai-no-ha from the Wakan Sansai Zue. Cour- tesy of the National Diet Library; c) & d) Ritual clay wea- ving tools from the Myōgajima Kofun burial mound no. 5.(Important Cultural Properties) Courtesy of the Iwata City Board of Education (2003, 449 and 627). northern Kyūshū area, over 700 baskets and woven 800~400 BC to AD 250). The earliest examples of bags have been excavated. The basket’s fragment is tabby weave were found at the Hirajō shell mound dating back to 5891-5790 cal. BC by AMS dating.43 site, Ehime Prefecture in the western part of Shikoku Ropes, braided bark and bracken in two-ridge, mate- Island.45 rial for basketry, as well as a wooden combined comb In the Yayoi period, before frame back strap looms were found.44 (see above) appeared, simple stick back strap looms The evidence of woven cloth appeared towards (koshi-bata) would have been used for weaving. the end of the Jōmon to early Yayoi period (about Some wooden artifacts from the Sasai site, Fukuoka 43. Matsui 2006,144.147. 44. Saga City 2009, (Fifth volume), 36, 38-39, 412-413, 420-423, 424-454. 45. Matsuura 2002, 13. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   469 wooden boards (see Figs. 3d & 3e) have been found from the Kofun period, in exchange for the rod on one end. Some of them were partially cut off on one of its longer sides (presumably the base) to keep the lower warp threads in midair (Fig. 9).51 The area of the Sasai site is located near the open sea and from early on acted as a conduit through which rice cultivation, bronze-casting techniques, metal-smelting techniques, and weaving techniques arrived from the Asian Continent and the Korean pen- insula. A gold seal given by the Chinese Emperor Gu- wanwu in the late Han dynasty in AD 57 was also ex- cavated from this region. In addition, the so-called Indo-Pacific beads reached here already before the Christian era.52 It seems that those innovative tech- nologies were not originally developed in the Japa- Fig. 7. Tatari (as standing skein holder) from the Kishoku nese archipelago. Ihen (Saigusa 1946, 550). Furthermore, tools like the niddy-noddy called kase (桛) or kasebo, are found all over Japan. A Prefecture in northern Kyūshū are categorized as this wooden I-shaped tool from the Shiraiwa site in Ki- type of textile tool. Although these artifacts have not kugawa City, Shizuoka Prefecture confirms that the been precisely dated, pottery fragments excavated niddy-noddy has been used since the Yayoi period in from the same site is considered to belong to the fi- textile production to make kase (綛), skeins, and for nal Jōmon period or early Yayoi period.46 The exca- warping. It is useful to count the length of the threads vated loom parts (Fig. 8a) are now thought to be a pair required to weave. Interestingly, the pronunciation of of bars for holding a circular warp (two-layer circu- the name of the tool and the result of its use are the lar warp) engaging their v-shaped concave (Fig. 8a same, though the Chinese characters used to write upper) and convex (Fig. 8a lower) edges,47 though them differ. The example shown in fig. 10 is carefully they were once considered to be weft beaters.48 Their formed and assembled. The estimated date is about narrow ends would have been tied up with ropes the 2nd century AD. An oracle bone and rice husks and/or cords to fix them together with the weaver’s were also found at the same site.53 back using a back strap. In addition, two clay spin- This kind of tool has been used in a wide area in dle whorls were found at the same site (Fig. 8b).49 East Asia since ancient times (Warring States period This loom would have been the same type as that Jiangxi, China),54 though the size, the structure and of the bronze figurines found from Yunnan, China, material are different depending on the function. early Han dynasty, the loom with tension controlled The following are wooden artifacts (presumed to using toes mentioned by Barber.50 Flat rectangular be textile tools) excavated from the Yōkaichijikata 46. Fukuoka City Board of Education (Sasai Iseki 3) 1995. 47. Higashimura 2008, 1-21; Okamura 1977, 210-211. 48. Nunome1995, (Sasai Iseki 3) 133-135. 49. Fukuoka City Board of Education (Sasai Iseki 3) 1995, 50. 56. 50. Barber 1991, 80-81. 51. Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation 1999, PL.4; Higashimura 2008, 14-15. 52. Fransis 1990. 53. Sakakibara & Ishikawa 1975. 54. 纺织卷 (A History of Science and Technology in China/ vol. of the textile technology) 2002, 157-158. 470   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) a) b) Fig. 8. Textile tools from the Sasai site; a) A pair of warp bars; b) Clay whorls owned by the Fukuoka Municipal Center for Excavated Cultural Properties. Courtesy of the Fukuoka City Board of Education (1995, 50 and 53). site (Fig.11 Important Cultural Properties),55 Ishikawa Wood species were identified as plum-yew for a part Prefecture and Rokudai A site (Fig.12),56 Mie Prefec- of a rotating device and as Japanese mulberry for five ture. The textile tools found at Yōkaichijikata site in- objects including the weft beaters and pairs of the flat clude spindle whorls, parts of the niddy-noddy, a back warp clip bars, though it is popular to use hard wood strap, a beater, and a pair of flat bars to hold the warp. like evergreen oak in other regions. 55. Komatsu-shi Maizō Bunkazai Center 2013, 144-146. 56. Mie-ken Maizō Bunkazai Center 2000, 158-161. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   471 use kashigi for making chomafu (karamushi cloth).58 In Kōzuhara, Shiga Prefecture they use kase for hemp cloth production.59 The technique dates back to at least the Yayoi period when the rice cultivation, bronze cast- ing, and iron smelting spread in Japan. For example, we can find several scenes on cast bronze bells called dōtaku, dated to about the 1st cen- tury AD, Yayoi period. These bells are often found with protrusions along their sides, suggesting they were for ritual use. One such bell depicts a person holding a niddy-noddy-like tool in his/her hands, though this is not definitively identified as a textile tool (Fig. 13). Some say that it might be a kind of fishing tool, as fish are depicted nearby the person. These bells are often found alongside weapons and Fig. 9. A wooden flat board from the Ikego site, Zushi City, Kanagawa Prefecture. Courtesy of the Kanagawa Archae- are thought to be ritual items. ology Foundation (1999, Pl. 4). From the Sakuragaoka site in Hyōgo Prefecture, a series of the cast bronze ritual items were excavated. On two bronze bells, No. 4 and No. 5, people with I- The Rokudai A site finds also include spindles shaped tools are depicted. whorls, parts of a niddy-noddy, a back strap, a beater, During the Kofun period (3rd to 6th centuries AD), parts of the frame spool (waku), and parts of wooden which follows after the Yayoi period, weaving tech- rotating devices which turn horizontally. We suppose niques developed along with the evolution of the so- these might be what is called kurubeki, though it is la- cial structure. Towards the end of the Kofun period, beled mai-no-ha in Wakan Sansai Zue written in the movements began to establish a nation state, many 18th century (Figs. 6a and 6b). A similar type is also aspects being adopted from China and Korea: the ad- found in ritual clay remains from the Myōgajima Ko- ministrative system, ceremonial appearance and man- fun burial mound no. 5 (Figs. 6c and 6d). In China ners, etc. They also built their capital according to the this type of reel is mentioned as being used in the Chinese model. In order to carry out all these projects, southern area for cotton production.57 Horizontal they needed developed techniques, which of course swivels turn more slowly than vertical ones. Without included the textile technologies. this kind of tool the threads stored in skeins cannot be In the Japanese chronicle Nihon Shoki,60 the entry used to set up the warp. The species of wood used for about the era of the legendary Emperor Ojin mentions these tools were identified as mainly soft woods such the invitation of four specialists from Wu (Jp. Kure), as Japanese cedar sugi and Japanese cypress hinoki. one of the Three Kingdoms in the southern area of The term kase is found in the Engishiki as kasehi China. Indeed, the hata-ori weavers clan is sometimes and in the Man’yōshū as kase though it is not found in called kure-hatori (garment and dress makers from the Wamyō Ruijūshō. The function of the niddy-noddy Wu). In addition, the name ana-hatori (pit loom weav- is to make skeins or for warping. This tool is still in use ers),61 another of the four specialists, is well worth in some regions in Japan and the neighboring coun- consideration in the context of the textile terminol- tries. In Miyakojima Island, Okinawa Prefecture, they ogy in the Orient. 57. 中国科学技术史 纺织卷 (A History of Science and Technology in China/ vol. of the textile technology) 2002, 183-184. 58. Nagano & Hiroi 1999, 57. 59. Nagano & Hiroi 1999, 39. 60. Kojima et al. 1994. 61. In a similar story found in a different part of the Chronicle, the name ‘aya-hatori’ (Han-style weaver) is found instead of ‘ana-hatori’. 472   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 10. A wooden kase from the Shiraiwa site. Height: 79.8 cm, width: 33.5 cm / 32.5 cm. Courtesy of the Kikugawa City Board of Education, Shizuoka Prefecture. Conclusion and discussion During the Jōmon period items made with bast fib- ers used the plant fibers without joining them into A discussion of textile terminology in ancient Japan longer threads. Exactly when splicing to form contin- spans a wide geographical and chronological range, uous threads began is as yet unverified, but it is likely being influenced not only by its neighbors Korea and to date back to the Yayoi period. This needs further China, but also through them by the Eurasian Conti- cooperative investigation. nent.62 The Neolithic Jōmon culture, which lasted for The knowledge of sericulture and the art of weaving about 10,000 years, produced excellent basketry from silk are thought to have been introduced from China and the very beginning, and over time pottery with cord indeed many of the Chinese characters used to denote impressions came to flourish. During the succeeding the related terms are the same in both languages, though Yayoi period, many innovative textile technologies they are read with different pronunciation. were brought to Japan, leading to the development of Among all the early textile terms, the kurubeki weaving, which spread through specialists to many (swivel) seems particularly important for consider- parts of the area. ing the historical and technical contexts of textile ter- The terms related to textile production found in an- minologies within the wide area of the Eurasian Con- cient records about Japan are mostly related, on the tinent. The term kurubeki is derived from the word one hand, to bast fibers taken from hemp and ramie kuru (to wind, reel, spin), which in turn is related and, on the other hand, to silk production along with to rotating devices. Significantly, kurubeki has pho- sericulture. The bast fiber production dates further netic similarities to words for ‘wheel’ (*kwékwlo ; Jp: back than the silk production. The importance laid kuruma).63 One might say silk reeling techniques in on bast fiber production reflects the natural vegeta- China were highly developed with the help of the tion of Japan, but also mimics a similar situation in ‘wheel’, which would have been brought with char- China, as documented in the Wei Zhi section of the iots from the West in the 2nd millennium BC. With- Chinese chronicle Sanguo Zhi (Records of the Three out these, they could never have manipulated the fine Kingdoms, AD 220-265). and long silk filaments so efficiently. 62. 林 梅村 Lin Meicun 2005, 228-262. He discusses a similar process for the origin and development of bronze sword production in the Eurasian Continent. 63. Mallory & Adams 1997, 640-641; Mallory & Mair 2000, 326. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   473 Fig. 11. Wooden textile tools from the Yōkaichijikata site (Important Cultural Properties/ mid. Yayoi period). Courtesy of the Komatsu City Board of Education, Ishikawa Prefecture (2014, 146). 474   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 12. Wooden textile tools from the Rokudai A site. Courtesy of the Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Cultural Properties; a) Wooden whorls (nos. 381-383) and parts of niddy-noddies (nos. 384-407) The Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Cultural Properties (2000, 158); 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   475 Fig. 12. b) Parts of niddy-noddies (nos. 417-419), rotating devices (nos. 408-416), and frame spools (nos. 420-426). The Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Cultural Properties (2000, 159); 476   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 12. c) Stands of the skein holders and/or fiber stands (nos. 427-433). The Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Cul- tural Properties (2000, 160); 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   477 Fig. 12. d) Parts of looms (nos. 434-447). The Mie Prefectural Center for Excavated Cultural Properties (2000, 161). 478   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 13. a) & b) Full view and a figure with a niddy-noddy-like tool on Kamika bronze ritual bell no.5 from the Sakura- gaoka site (National Treasure), Courtesy of the Kobe City Museum. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   479 Although we cannot know the exact time when Bibliography the specialists brought textile related techniques into Japan, it was probably during the Yayoi period. This Japanese probably occurred in conjunction with the importation of other rotating devices. According to the research Fukuoka City Board of Education (ed.) (1995) Sasai Iseki on wooden vessel processing, it was also during the 3, 雀居遺跡3, Fukuoka-shi Maizō Bunkazai Chōsa Hōkokusho Dai 407shū (Report on excavated cultural Yayoi period that rotating devices, like the lathe (Jp: properties in Fukuoka City, no. 407, Fukuoka, Japan). rokuro) appeared.64 The lathe, like the wheel, is said Gotō, S. & Yamakawa, R. (eds.) 後藤捷一・山川隆平 編 to have originated in the West Asia, and the word (1937), 染料植物譜 Senryō Shokubutsufu (Genealogy rokuro also has a phonetic resemblance to other terms of vegetables for dyeing) Hakuousha. Kyoto. from that area. Higashimura, J. (2008), 輪状式原始機の研究, The Ar- Parts of wooden rotating devices found in Rokudai chaeological study of Back-strap Looms in the Yayoi A site, Mie Prefecture, which date back to between and Kofun Periods.古代文化60巻1号, CULTURA AN- the 4th to 9th centuries AD, give evidence to the Japa- TIQUA, vol. 60 Number 1 June.2008, 1-21 公益財団 nese having such rotating devices by then, though, un- 法人古代学協会 The Paleological Association of Ja- fortunately, we cannot be sure what they were called pan. Inc. Kyoto. during that period. Inaoka, K. (1997), 稲岡耕二, Waka Bungaku Taikei 1,) It may be that in the Yayoi period, native terms for Man’yōshū (1), (2), (3) 和歌文学大系１万葉集（ the tools and techniques had come into common use 一）/（二）/（三）(A compendium of Japanese po- before the Chinese terms (developed during the Han ems 1, Man’yōshū ), Meiji Shoin, Tokyo. dynasty) arrived. For instance, the Chinese word che, Iwata City Board of Education (ed.) (2003), Excavation re- meaning car, is read kuruma in Japanese. This reading port of the cultural properties in the demarcation pro- does not follow the modern Chinese pronunciation, ject of the Eastern part of Iwata City, Research of the Futagozuka Kofun, Myōgajima Kofun-gun and clay but has been treated as a Japanese term (wa-go), since models. (The 2nd of the tree volumes and volume of at least the Nara period. At the same time it has a pho- plates.) 東部土地区画整理事業地内埋蔵文化財発 netic resemblance to proto-Indo-European words of 掘調査報告書 二子塚古墳・明ケ島古墳群・土製 the same meaning.65 Other Japanese words related to 模造品の調査他 中巻, Shizuoka. wheels use the same kuru as a base, such as kurukuru Kanagawa Archaeology Foundation (ed.) (1999), Ikego or guruguru (adverbs for mawaru, mawasu or korog- sites, Zushi City, Corpus of wooden artifacts No.1- aru, korogasu: to rotate or twirl) and kurubushi (an- A・No.1-A East・1-A South site. 逗子市池子遺跡 kle). Clearly terms related to wheels provide clues 群 No.1-A・No.1-A 東・1-A 南地点木器集成図録 to understanding the cultural interconnections across Kanagawa. Asia and invite further linguistic examination.66 Kariya, E. (1827), Senchū Wamyō Ruijūshō. In Kyoto Daigaku Bungakubu Kokugogaku Kokubungaku Kenkyūshitsu (ed.) (1999) 1-525. 京都大学文学 部国語学国文学研究室編, Shohon Shūsei Wamyō Ruijūshō, Honbun-hen 諸本集成倭名類聚抄本文編 (Compilation of the Wamyō Ruijūshō texts edited by 64. Kuraku 1989, 98-99. 65. Mallory & Mair 2000, 326. “The old Chinese word for chariot, the modern Mandarin ch’e, would have been pronounced roughly as *klyag during the Shang dynasty, and this word bears a certain resemblance to one of the Proto-Indo-European words for ‘wheel’ (*kwékwlo)’ which provided the base for the word for vehicle in Tocharian, i.e., Tocharian A kukäl and Tocharian B kukare.” Rather than a direct borrowing from the Tocharian, however, linguists suggests that all the terms for wheels go back to a proto word from an early Iranian language. 66. Among the previous linguistic studies on resemblance of the terminology of not only textiles but also of religion, rice cultivation, etc. between the Old Japanese, Korean and proto-Dravidian was carried out by Susumu Ohno. For example the term for the loom and cloths (hata or fata) is supposed to relate ‘patam’, Dravidian, from ‘pata’, Sanskrit. 480   Mari Omura and Naoko Kizawa in Textile Terminologies (2017) the Office of Japanese Language and Japanese Litera- Kuraku, Y. (1989) 工楽善通 Mokusei-takatsuki no Fuku- ture, The Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University). Rinsen gen 木製高坏の復元 (Reconstruction of a wooden Shoten, Kyoto. pedestal bowl by the turnery). In Kuraku (ed.), Kodai- Katō, J. (1970) 加藤常賢, Kanji no Kigen 漢字の起原 shi Fukugen 5, Yayoi-jin no Zōkei,古代史復元５弥生 (Origin of the Chinese characters), Kadokawa Shoten, 人の造形 (Reconstruction of ancient history vol. 5 Art Tokyo. of the Yayoi period people) Kōdansha, Tokyo. Keikai (or Kyōkai) (787-824) (ed.) 景戒, 法華経を写さむ Kuroita, K. & Kokushi Taikei Henshūkai, Engishiki, 延喜 として願いを建てたる人日を断つ暗き穴に願の力 式, In K. Kuroita & Kokushi Taikei Henshūkai (eds.), を頼みて命を全くすること得る縁 第13, Hokekyō Shintei Zōho Kokushi Taikei vol. 26 (1965) 新訂増補 wo utsusamutosite negai wo tatetaruhito hi wo tatsu 国史大系26 黒板勝美, 吉川弘文館 1-1005. Yoshi- kuraki ana ni negahi no chikara wo tanomite inochi wo kawa Kōbunkan, Tokyo. mattakusurukotoeru kotonomoto dai 13 (A man who Kyoto Daigaku Bungakubu Kokugogaku Kokubungaku believed in the hand-copying of Hokekyō sutra was Kenkyūshitsu (ed.) (1995). Shohon Shūsei rescued from a dark hole he had fallen into, then he Wamyō Ruiūjshō Sakuin-hen 京都大学文学部国語学国文 died of old age, part 13). In O. Izumoji (ed.) 出雲路 学研究室編,諸本集成倭名類聚抄索引編 (Compila- 修 (1996), Shin Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 30 Nihon tion of the Wamyō Ruijūshō, volumes of the index ed- Ryōiki, Gekan no. 13 (Miraculous Tales of Buddhism ited by the Office of Volume Two, New Japanese classical literature vol. 30, Japanese Language and Literature, The Faculty of Letters, 146-148, 271) 新日本古典文学大系30日本霊異記 ( Kyoto University.) Rinsen Shoten, Kyoto. 下巻 第13縁) 岩波書店 Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo. Lin, M. (2005) 林 梅村, Ryūsa no Kioku wo saguru 流砂の Kitamura, S. & Murata, G. (1973) 北村四朗・村田源. 記憶をさぐる (Searching the memories of the quick- Genshoku Nihon Shokubutsu Zukan, COLORED IL- sand), NHK 出版, NHK Publishing, Tokyo. LUSTRATIONS OF HERBACEOUS PLANTS OF JA- Matsui, A. (2006) 松井 章 The excavation of the wetland PAN (vol.Ⅰ.Ⅱ.Ⅲ), HOIKUSHA, Osaka. site of Higashimyo, Saga Prefecture and its dating. In Kizawa, N. (2011) 木沢直子, 木製横櫛の用材選択と製 Proceedings of the 19th Symposium on Chronological 作技術に関する基礎調査 A basic study of excavated Studies at the Nagoya University Center for Chrono- wooden combs, wood species, and manufacturing tech- logical Research in 2006, Part 2, 佐賀市東名遺跡の niques (Research report of Grant-in-Aid for Scientific 年代とその問題点(第19回名古屋大学年代測定総 Research, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, 合研究センターシンポジウム平成18(2006) 年度報 Project Number: 20520674), Gangoji Institute for Re- 告,第2部), 144-147. search of Cultural Property, Nara. Matsuura, Y. (2002) 松浦宥一郎 Nihon Shutsudo Gen- Kojima, N. et al. (eds.), (1994) Nihon Shoki ① (日本書紀 shikodai Sen’i-seihin no Shūsei oyobi Kisoteki Kenkyū ①) Shinpen Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshū 新編日本 日本出土原始古代繊維製品の集成及び基礎的研究 古典文学全集2 (New edition of Japanese Classics vol. (Compilation and Basic Study of Prehistoric and Early 2), Interpreted for modern Japanese by N. Kojima 小 Historic Textiles Excavated in Japan, Research Project 島憲之, K. Naoki 直木孝次郎, S. Kuranaka 蔵中進, Number: 10301020) Tokyo. M. Mōri毛利正守, K. Nishimiya, 西宮一民, Shogaku- Mie-ken Maizō Bunkazai Center (Mie Prefectural Center kan, Tokyo. for Excavated Properties) (ed.) 三重県埋蔵文化財 Kojima, N. et al. (eds.), (2004) Nihon Shoki ② (日本書紀 センター (2000) Rokudai A Iseki Hakkutsu Chōsa ②) Shinpen Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshū 新編日本 Hōkoku (Mokuseihin Hen) (Excavation report of the 古典文学全集3 (New edition of Japanese Classics vol. Rokudai A site, wooden objects series), 158-161. Mie. 3), Interpreted for modern Japanese by N. Kojima 小 Miyazaki, T. & Miyazaki, A. (1997), 宮崎隆旨・宮崎明 島憲之, K. Naoki 直木孝次郎, S. Kuranaka 蔵中進, 子 Kodai-akanezome ni kansuru Ichikōsatsu 古代茜染 M. Mōri 毛利正守, K. Nishimiya 西宮一民, Shogaku- に関する一考察『延喜式』に基づく「緋」色再現 kan, Tokyo. の小実験 (A study on the ancient madder red dyeing Komatsu-shi Maizō Bunkazai Center (Komatsu City Board process -an experimental for reconstruction of the hi- of Education, Ishikawa Prefecture) (ed.) 石川県小松 iro red color according to the “Engi-shiki”-) Nara Ken- 市教育委員会, (2014) Yōkaichijikata Iseki Ⅱ, 八日市 ritsu Bijutsukan-kiyō 奈良県立美術館紀要 11 (Jour- 地方遺跡Ⅱ (Excavation report of the Yōkaichijikata nal of the Nara Prefectural Museum of Art, vol. 11, site Ⅱ) 1-21.) Nara. 30. The Textile Terminology in Ancient Japan   481 Nagano, G. & Hiroi, N. (1999) 長野五郎・ひろいのぶこ, Report of Shimotsuke City, vol.11 Tochigi Prefec- The glossary (362-371. translated by Monica Bethe), ture, 栃木県下野市埋蔵文化財調査報告書第11集, Orimono no Genhūkei 織物の原風景 Base to tip: Bast Shimotsuke. Fiber Weaving in Japan and Its Neighbouring Coun- Tanikawa, K. (1903) 谷川士清, Wakun no Shiori 和訓栞, tries, Shikōsha, Kyoto. Seibido, Gifu. 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(1979) 上村六郎, Uemura Rokorō Chosakushū Higashimyou Iseki-gunⅡ, Saga-shi Maizō Bunkazai 上村六郎染色著作集一, 二, 三 (Works of Rokurō Ue- Hakkutsu Chōsa Hōkokusho, Dai 40 Shū (Excavation mura on the dyeing 1, 2, 3), Shibunkaku, Kyoto. Report of Saga City, vol. 40) 東名遺跡群Ⅱ佐賀市埋 Yamaguchi, Y. & Kōnoshi, T. (2004), Kojiki (古事記) Shin- 蔵文化財調査報告書第40集, (Higashimyou sites Ⅱ, pen Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshū 新編日本古典文学 Saga, 2009) 全集1 (New edition of Japanese Classics vol. 1), Inter- Sakakibara, S. & Ishikawa, K. (1975) 榊原松司・石川 preted and edited for modern Japanese by Y. Yamagu- 和明, Shizuoka-ken Kikugawa-chō Shiraiwa-iseki chi and T. & Kōnoshi. Shutsudo no Kase 静岡県菊川町白岩遺跡出土の桛, In Kōkogaku Zasshi 考古学雑誌 (Journal of the Ar- chaeological Society of Nippon) vol.61, no. 2, 59-63. Saso, M. (2013) 笹生衛, 古代祭祀の形成と系譜―古 English 墳時代から律令時代の祭具と祭祀―The Changes from Ritual Artifacts of the Kofun Period to Ritual Ob- Barber, E.J.W. (1991) Prehistoric Textiles, Princeton. jects under the Ritsuryō System, 古代文化65巻3号, Broudy, E. 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(1991) Lexicon of Reconstructed Pro- part Ⅸ of the vol. 5 Chemistry and Chemical technol- nunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chi- ogy. In J. Needham (ed.), Science and Civilisation in nese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver. China VolumeⅤ:9, 60-235. Cambridge and others. Mallory, J. P. & Mair, V. H. (2000) The Tarim Mummies. London. Mallory, J. P. & Adams, D. Q. (eds.), (1997) Encyclopedia Chinese of Indo-European Culture. London-Chicago. Nakamura, R., Tanaka, Y., Ogata, A., & Naruse. M. (2014) 中国科学技术史 纺织卷（中国科学技術史 紡績巻） Scientific evidence by fluorescence spectrometry for 赵承泽 主编 C. Zhao et al., (eds.) (2002) (A History safflower red on ancient Japanese textiles stored in of Science and Technology in China / vol. of the textile the Shōsōin Treasure House repository, Studies in technology) 科学出版社 Science Press, 北京 Beijing. 31 The Textile Term gammadia Maciej Szymaszek T his paper aims to investigate the origin of the Dictionaries and travel guides term gammadia by determining the oldest ex- amples of its use both in source texts and sec- The semantic scope of the term gammadia was de- ondary literature.1 For nearly four centuries this term fined by the editors and authors of Latin dictionaries was commonly applied to the various motifs on man- and travel guides in the 17th century. The definition tles of figures represented in art of the 1st millennium of this term most likely appeared for the first time in AD.2 These right-angled and letter-like signs attracted 1663 in the lexicon Vocabulista ecclesiastico,4 a book the attention of several authors who were seeking to which became very popular and was reprinted many explain their possible symbolic meaning, but they times.5 According to this laconic and anonymous text, did not pay attention to the correctness of the term the term referred to a garment or chasuble which had adapted to name such motifs.3 This approach contrib- woven signs in the shape of the Greek letter gamma.6 uted to the terminological confusion and difficulties At roughly the same time, Benedetto Mellini gave a in understanding the issue at hand. similar explanation mentioning the opinions of other 1. The present contribution is an adapted English version of my study published in Polish: Szymaszek 2013. The paper was supple- mented with a catalogue of all passages of the Liber Pontificalis containing the term gammadia. 2. Among others: Ciampini 1690, 90-105; Sarnelli 1716, 41-43; Martigny 1865, 285; Wessel 1971, Ghilardi 2007. 3. On the state of research see: Szymaszek 2014, 21-37. 4. Forte 1663, 79. It is difficult to point the authorship of this term, as it does not appear in the earlier versions of the lexicon of Gio- vanni Bernardo Forte, printed for the first time in the year 1480. 5. Cf. Marazzini 1987; Gaburri 1994; Marazzini 2009, 37-53. 6. Forte 1663, 79: “gammadia, ae, & gammodium ij, veste, ò pianeta tessuta con figure del Γ γ lettera greca, non sò, se grande o pic- cola. Anastas. Biblioht.”. 483 484   Maciej Szymaszek in Textile Terminologies (2017) people who recognized gammadiae as signs com- description of the gifts of Pope Leo III (795-816)13, posed of four gammas forming a cross ╬.7 A very and for the last time in the biography of Pope Bene- similar definition and illustration were also included dict III (855-858).14 In the text the term gammadia is in the Hierolexicon sive sacrum dictionarium which mostly applied in conjunction with the names of var- was published in 1677.8 In all three texts the authors ious types of utilitarian textiles called vestis, velum referred to Anastasius the Librarian as the origin of and tetravila. It also appears in relation to the names the term, more specifically to the Book of Pontiffs, of architectural elements such as columns and arches. Liber Pontificalis, whose authorship was once attrib- uted to him.9 Gammadia on altar cloths (vestes) The Book of Pontiffs In the LP the word vestis is one of the terms denot- ing altar cloths.15 Such pieces were described as made The Liber Pontificalis (here abbreviated LP) is prob- of silk or woven de fundato16 and had a purple, red ably the only textual source in which the term gam- or white colour. The number of gammadia occurring madia appears.10 The term can most often be found on each fabric is described in three segments of the in acc. pl. fem. as gammadias, rarely in abl. pl. fem. text, in which four motifs of this type are listed.17 as gammadiis11 or in acc. pl. fem. without gemina- Moreover, techniques in which gammadia were pro- tion as gamadias.12 It is present in the sections cov- duced are mentioned in the LP. They were woven ering the lives of six popes over a narrow period of with gold and silver thread or created by “golden only 63 years. It is mentioned for the first time in the stripes” (chrisoclabas). The other two terms which 7. This information was provided by Giovanni Ciampini who owned a copy of Mellini’s guide and included a Latin translation of his text in: Ciampini 1690, 95: “At istae Gammadiae nihil aliud erant, quàm Crucium figurae ex quatuor Gammatis co(m)positae, vi- delicet ╬ tam in profanis, quàm in sacris vestibus textae, ut etiam hodie in suis Casulis Graeci habent”. Cf. Guidobaldi & Angelelli 2010, 341-342. 8. Macro 1677, 285: “vestis sacra cum figuris in forma litterae graecae. Gamma Γ contexta, qua utebantur etiam Latini, ut in musiuis, & antiquis Romae picturis conspicitur. (...) Igitur hoc vocabulum nedum vestem; sed etiam textile hisce characteribus angularibus formatu significat”. The lexicon was published after the Macro’s death and it is not possible to state who wrote this entry. 9. The problem of attribution of the LP to Anastasius the Librarian was widely discussed in Arnaldi 1963 and 2000. 10. Fragments of the LP are taken from a critical edition of the source: Duchesne 1955 (abbreviated here as LPDu). On the histori- cal value of LP and its reception in later periods, see among others: Leclercq 1930, 354-459; Geertman 1989; Bauer 2004, 27-38. 11. For instance: LPDu, 55: “in circuitu altaris vela rubea sirica IIII, cum gammadiis et cruce de quadrapulo”; ibidem, 122: “vestem de fundato I, habentem in medio crucem cum gammadiis et periclisin de blata, legentem de nomine domni Leonis quarti papae”. 12. LPDu, 9: “veste de stauraci cum cruces et gamadias, simul et paratrapetis suis, cum periclisin de chrisoclabo”; ibidem, 26: “arcum argenteum I cum gamadias suas”. 13. LPDu, 2: “velum alithinum rotatum, habentem periclisin in rotas cum aucellos et in medio cruce cum gammadias et IIII rotas de tyreo filopares”. 14. LPDu, 146: “veste de fundato I, habentem in medio crucem cum gammadias de quadrapulo”. 15. Cf. Braun 1924, 9-10. Other terms used as names of altar cloths in the early medieval period are discussed in: Speck 1966 and Bo- vini 1974, 77-81. 16. Interpretation of this term remain unclear: Szymaszek 2013, n. 17; cf. Petriaggi 1984, 44 (“trapunto d’oro a disegno della rete da Funda, ‘rete da pesca’”); Martiniani-Reber 1999, 292 (“tissu de luxe [...]. Il peut aussi servir à décorer un textile, sans doute en ap- plication. On présume qu’il se composait principalement de fils d’or”); Ripoll 2005, 60 (“tejido de seda decorado con figuras teji- das, a modo de contorno u orla, siempre destinado a paramentos sacros”). 17. LPDu, 3: “vestem de blathin, habentem in medio crucem de chrisoclabo et tabulas chrisoclabas IIII, cum gemmis ornatas, atque gammadias in ipsa veste chrisoclabas IIII, cum periclisin de chrisoclabo”; ibidem, 96: “necnon et aliam vestem rubeam I, cum ca- ballo albo habente alas, cum periclysi de chrysoclavo et gammadias IIII et crucem de chrysoclavo”; ibidem, 125: “vestem de fun- dato cum IIII gammadiis auro textis I”. No similar information can be found in other sections which may indicate that it was not necessary to specify the number of gammadia. 31. The Textile Term gammadia   485 appear in this context - de quadrapulo and de obtap- LP. The only exception is the section of text acknowl- ulo - remain unclear.18 edging that these motifs were placed in circuitu, denot- The general descriptions in the LP are helpful to ing a location around the edges of the fabric.24 determine the location of the gammadia on the altar cloths. The author of the analysed section of the LP Set of four curtains (tetravila) decorated with first mentions elements he considered to be the most gammadia important, such as a theme or a scene which was usu- ally located in the centre of the cloth.19 The descrip- The third term, tetravila, only appears in connec- tion then continues with other motifs that were placed tion with gammadia in the life of Pope Leo III.25 On away from the centre and concludes with information the semantic and syntactic layers it refers to the four about the borders (periclisin, lista).20 Keeping this vela and specifies a set of curtains that surrounded schema in mind, it can be stated that the term gam- the altar on all four sides. Both the material used to madia predominantly occurs in the final part of the make tetravila and the way it was decorated corre- description, prior to information about the borders. spond with information in the descriptions of the cur- tains. These were fabrics made of silk which were Gammadia on curtains (vela) white, purple or red. Gammadia were executed de chrisoclabo, which can be translated as ‘by the golden Vela is the second type of fabric mentioned in relation stripes’. to gammadia. Such curtains were usually donated in sets of four,21 and thanks to the descriptions in the LP it Gammadia as a name of curtain can be said that they were suspended, inter alia, around the altar. Gammadia were made de obtapulo, de chriso- The term gammadia also occurs in the biographies of clabo or de tyreo,22 an expression which may be asso- Leo III, Paschal I, and Benedict III in connection with ciated with the colour of the fabric (purple?), the ma- architectural elements in churches, such as arches and terial with which they were made (silk?), or their place columns.26 Three passages explicitly confirm their lo- of manufacture (Tyre?).23 Neither the number nor the cation as in close proximity to the altar, probably in location of gammadia on the curtains are defined in the the construction of ciborium standing over altar.27 18. For the discussion of both terms see: Szymaszek 2013, 127; cf. among others: Martiniani-Reber 1999, 292 (“Les chiffres huit et quatre peuvent indiquer un rapport d’armure ou énoncer les côtés d’une forme géométrique, octogonale ou carrée, composant les décors de ces tissus”); Saxer 1996-1997, 222 (“I quadrapola o quadrapula sono grandi pezze di stoffa ornate di graniture di oro o di seta ai quattro angoli”). 19. The issue of figural representations on the fabrics described in the LP was discussed by several authors: De Waal 1888, Beissel 1894; Von Sydow 1912, 7-14; Croquison 1964; Phillips 1988; Andaloro 1976; Andaloro 2003. 20. On the relations between the terms periclisin and lista see: Wiener 1917, 255-258. 21. Among others: LPDu, 57-58: “Fecit vela alitina venerabilis pontifex pendentes in circuitu altaris IIII, habentes cruces et gamma- dias de fundato et quadrapulo”; ibidem, 128: “fecit in circuitu altaris beati Petri apostoli vela sirica de prasino IIII, habentia tabu- las de chrysoclavo, cum effigie Salvatoris et apostolorum Petri ac Pauli, seu ipsius almifici praesulis, et in medio cruces et gam- madias de chrysoclavo cum orbiculis, in quibus sunt imagines apostolorum mirae pulchritudinis decoratas, quae in diebus festis ad decorem ibidem suspenduntur”. 22. LPDu, 75: “vela alba sirica IIII, unum habens undique tyreum et in medio crucem et gammadias de chrisoclabo, aliud de stauraci, habens in medio crucem de olovero et gammadias de tyreo”. 23. Cf. Du Cange 1887, 221; Oikonomides 1986, 37; Delogu 1998. 24. LPDu, 79: “vela de fundato VI, habentes in circuitu gammadias de obtapulo”. 25. LPDu, 26: “tetravila rubea alitina IIII, habentes cruces cum gammadias et in circuitu periclisin de tyreo”; ibidem, 30: “tetravila alba olosirica rosata, ex quibus unum habente in medio crucem de chrisoclabo et gammadias de chrisoclabo”. 26. For instance, LPDu, 53: “(...) super quem constituit arcora II de argento et gammadias IIII qui simul pens. lib. LX”; ibidem, 146: “arcum cum duobus gammadiis ex argento purissimo, pens. insimul lib. XL”. 27. LPDu, 3: “fecit et confessionem eiusdem altaris ex argento purissimo, pens. lib. CIII, uncias II; columnas argenteas VIII cum 486   Maciej Szymaszek in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 1. The use of the term gammadia in the LP Type and number of textiles with gammadia- Number of Donors motifs mentioned expressis verbis in the LP gammadia-textiles Quantity Vestis Velum Tetravila in the LP Leo III 2 1 5 4 12 Paschal I - 8 - 8 16 Gregory IV 2 8 - - 10 Sergius II 1 1 - - 2 Leo IV 20 12 - 4 36 Benedict III 1 - - 2 3 Total 61 18 79 quantity Relationships between architectural elements and it can be observed that the decorative motifs called gammadia are not expressed in the LP. It is therefore gammadia appear in the context of at least 61 textiles necessary to consider whether the author of the text (30 vela, 26 vestes and five tetravila). On the other used the term to name a pattern that appeared in the hand, gammadia is also used as a name for a curtain columns and arches, or an object with a specific dec- 18 times. This type of gift was most popular during oration. A passage from the life of Paschal I, in which the pontificate of Leo IV, who gave at least 32 vestes all of these terms occur, is helpful in answering this and vela with gammadia patterns to the churches, question.28 Firstly, there are two columns mentioned, along with a further four curtains which were iden- then an arch, and finally two gammadia. This may tified as gammadia. Summing up the data, the total suggest that gammadia were seen as separate objects, number of fabrics listed in the LP which are decorated not as integral part of the decoration of architectural with and defined as gammadia could be at least 79. elements. 29 However, it is worth noting that these fabrics do not Gammadia is thus used in close conjunction with constitute a dominant part of the papal gifts and ac- the names of structural elements and partitions of ci- count for less than 4% of the total number of curtains boria. Given the context, it is clear that there were and altar cloths donated by Leo III, Paschal I, Greg- places for the suspension of vela and tetravila. This ory IV, Sergius II and Leo IV.30 conclusion is crucial, as it presents the word gamma- dia not only in relation to the motif on the fabric, but Gammadia and gammula also with a curtain decorated in a certain way. The results of the analysis indicate that the term gam- Popularity of gammadia among papal gifts madia referred to a decoration on the altar cloths and curtains, but also that it was used as a term for cer- In order to interpret information concerning gamma- tain fabrics hung around an altar. The decoration of dia, it is helpful to compare the quantities and types these textiles probably featured signs constructed of of fabrics given by donors (tab. 1). On the one hand, two stripes that met at right angles. They could easily gammadias II et arcora II, cum cruces argenteas V et gabathas XV, pens. simul libras CL”; ibidem, 17: “veste de stauraci super eum posuit; atque regularem ubi supra investitum ex argento purissimo fecit; et super ipsum regularem posuit arcum et gammadias ex argento, qui pens. simul lib. LXXX”; ibidem, 57: “ante vestibulum altaris regularem investitum ex lamminis argenteis et columnis duabus, ubi et posuit arcum I et gammadias II, pens simul. lib. C semis [sic!]”. 28. LPDu, 57 (quoted in the previous footnote). 29. In one case, the reference to “cum gamadias suas” states that gammadia were associated with arches, cf. note 11. 30. Statistical information regarding textiles mentioned in the LP was provided in Delogu 1998, 124. The gifts of Pope Benedict III were not analysed by Delogu. 31. The Textile Term gammadia   487 Fig. 1. Altar cloth with signs in a right-angled shape, central panel of the casket donated by Pope Paschal I (Thunø 2002, fig. 65). be associated with the shape of the gamma letter and use and the similar root of both words may indicate gave rise to the term which was seemingly invented the decoration of covers and curtains with the signs by the author or the authors of papal biographies in of the same shape.32 the first half of the 9th century. A similar term, gammula, can be found in a section Representations in art of LP written more than 100 years prior to the part of the text featuring gammadia. It appears only once in These hypotheses are confirmed by iconographic and the life of Pope Benedict II (684-685).31 Analogous to archaeological sources which include late antique and gammadia, the term is a name of an ornamental motif early medieval representations and fabrics.33 An ex- on a purple altar cloth (coopertorium). The context of ample of this is a casket donated by Pope Paschal I 31. Duchesne 1955, vol. 1, 363: “Similiter in ecclesia beate Mariae ad alium Martyres coopertorium porphyrum cum Croce et gammu- las et clavos IIII auroclavos et al circuitu palergium de olosiricum pulcherrimum”. 32. It should also be noted that the similar understanding of the term gammula appears in the 14th century in Pietro Bohier’s comments to the LP: “Gamulas: Id est litteras; ad gamma, quod est littera” (Přerovský 1978, 259). 33. For the scope of this paper only some examples will be given. More extensive material is discussed in Szymaszek, forthcoming. 488   Maciej Szymaszek in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2. White hanging with red decorations, Monastery of St. John in Müstair, Switzerland (Goll, Exner, Hirsch 2007, 198). Fig. 3. Curtains in the intercolumnia of the so-called palace of Theodoric, Church of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, Italy (© Maciej Szymaszek, 2007). (817-824) which originated from the period in which Gold, purple and black signs in a right-angled the biographies of relevance for this work were edited shape can be seen on many altar cloths depicted in the (fig. 1).34 The central panel depicts the scene of the representations of a variety of topics. They are dated communion of the Apostles; Christ stands behind the to the period preceding the redaction of part of the pa- altar covered with a cloth on which a cross and four pal biographies discussed here, or are contemporary motifs are visible, each made of two strips joined at to them, or later. Among others they appear on mosa- right angle. The number and location of these signs, ics in churches of Ravenna, such as Sant’Apollinare as well as the way in which they were represented on Nuovo, San Vitale and Sant’Apollinare in Classe, the surface - clearly distinguished and with a differ- but also on the diptych from the National Museum in ent texture than the background fabric - corresponds Warsaw, and on the so-called Vatican dalmatic now to the descriptions in the LP. kept at the Museo del Tesoro di San Pietro.35 34. Grisar 1907, 129-135, fig. 34; Thunø 2002, 79-117, pl. III, figs. 65, 66, 67. 35. Szymaszek 2013, 132-133. 31. The Textile Term gammadia   489 Fig. 4. Templon screen with suspended white hangings with right-angled marks, Small Metropolis in Athens, Greece (© Maciej Szymaszek, 2008). In regard to curtains, the paintings at the monastery Similar signs also appear in the earlier monu- in Müstair in Switzerland dated to the second quarter ments,37 for instance, on the mosaic in the church of of the 9th century are especially valuable. They repre- Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna which is dated to sent a suspended white hanging with red decorations the 6th century. It represents the so-called palace of and most probably mimic fabrics used in the interiors Theodoric with white curtains suspended in the in- of churches (fig. 2).36 The cloth is enclosed on four tercolumnia of the façade (fig. 3).38 Golden motifs in sides with red marks in the shape of two strips at right shape of “gamma” with gold squares placed between angles. Such a distribution of motifs is in conform- the arms of the signs can be found on hangings in the ity with the LP in which gammadia occurred on vela central passage of the palace. along with crosses and circles. 36. Goll, Exner, Hirsch 2007, 108-109, 198. 37. Szymaszek 2013, 134. 38. Deichmann 1958, figs. 107, 108. The same motifs also appear on preserved textiles interpreted as altar cloths, table covers or hang- ings. For instance, on a fabric from Egypt dated to the 4th-5th century, two corners are occupied by colored right angled stripes (Turell Coll 2004, 146-148, fig. 1). Another example is dated to the period between the 6th and 9th century and is believed to be a curtain (Schrenk 2004, 114-116). There are two marks formed from two strips at right angles in the corners. 490   Maciej Szymaszek in Textile Terminologies (2017) Conclusions Beissel, S. (1894) Gestickte und gewebte Vorhänge der römische Kirchen in der zweiten Hälfte des VIII. und in The aim of this study was to reveal the origins of the der Hälfte des IX. Jahrhunderts, Zeitschrift für Christ- term gammadia through the source texts. This term liche Kunst 9, c. 357–374. Braun, J. (1924) Der Christliche Altar in seiner geschicht- was found exclusively in the Liber Pontificalis and lichen Entwicklung, vol. 2, München. only in the biographies of the popes from the end of Bovini, G. (1974) Le tovaglie d’altare ricamate ricordate the 8th to the middle of the 9th century. In this limited da Andrea Agnello nel Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ra- period the term was used both as a name of right-an- vennatis, Corso di Cultura sull’Arte Ravennate e Bi- gled motifs placed in corners of altar covers and cur- zantina 21, 77-81. tains and also as a name of a textile hanging with such Ciampini, G. (1690) Vetera monimenta. Romae. decorations. As such, there is no support in the LP for Croquison, J. (1964) L’iconographie chrétienne à Rome the belief expressed in literature that the term gamma- d’après le Liber Pontificalis, Byzantion 34, 581-603. dia was connected with motifs of other shapes, such Deichmann, F.W. (1958) Frühchristliche Bauten und Mo- as those widely recurring on mantles of figures in the saiken von Ravenna, Baden-Baden. Delogu, P. (1998) L’importazione di tessuti preziosi e il si- 1st millennium AD.39 stema economico romano nel IX secolo. In P. Delogu The method of decorating curtains with right-an- (ed.) Roma medievale. Aggiornamenti, Firenze, 123-141. gled decoration placed in the corners of the cloth De Waal, A. (1888) Figürliche Darstellungen auf Teppichen persists to the present day. An example of this is the und Vorhängen in Römischen Kirchen bis zur Mitte des hangings photographed by the author in 2008 at the IX Jahrhunderts nach dem Liber Pontificalis, Römische Small Metropolis in Athens (fig. 4). These bands cor- Quartalschrift 2, 313-321. respond to the shape of the motifs appearing on tex- Du Cange, C. (1887) Glossarium mediae et infi mae lati- tiles and representations dated back to the 1st millen- nitatis, vol. 8, Paris. nium AD and to the description of gammadia in the Duchesne, L. (1955), Le Liber Pontificalis, texte, introduc- analysed part of the LP. tion et commentaire, vol. 2, Paris. Exner, M. (2007) Il programma iconografico della chiesa abbaziale nel contesto storico. In J. Goll, M. Exner, S. Hirsch (eds.), Müstair. Le pitture parietali medievali Bibliography nella chiesa dell’abbazia, Müstair. Forte, G. B. (1663) Vocabularium ecclesiasticum. Romae. Andaloro, M. (1976) Il Liber Pontificalis e la questione Gaburri, E. (1994) Il Vocabulista ecclesiastico (1480-1731) delle immagini da Sergio I a Adriano I. In Roma e l’età di Giovanni Bernardo Forte, Quaderni Franzoniani 7:2, carolingia. Atti delle giornate di studio 3-8 maggio 267-282. 1976, Roma, 69-79. Geertman, H. (1989) Nota sul Liber Pontificalis come fonte Andaloro, M. (2003) Immagine e immagini nel Liber Pon- archeologica. In P. Pergola & F. Bisconti (eds.), Qua- tificalis da Adriano I a Pasquale I. In H. Geertman (ed.), eritur inventus colitur. Miscellanea in onore di padre Atti del colloquio internazionale “Il Liber Pontifica- Umberto Maria Fasola, Città del Vaticano, 349-361. lis e la storia materiale”, Roma, 21-22 febbraio 2002, Ghilardi, M. (2007) Gammadie. In A. di Berardino (ed.), Roma, 45-103. Nuovo dizionario patristico e di antichità cristiane, vol. Arnaldi, G. (1963) Come nacque l’attribuzione ad Anasta- 1, Genova-Milano, c. 2054-2056. sio del Liber Pontificalis, Bullettino dell’Istituto Sto- Goll, J., Exner, M., Hirsch, S. (2007) Müstair. Le pitture rico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano parietali medievali nella chiesa dell’abbazia, Müstair. 75, 321-343. Grisar, H. (1907) Il Sancta Sanctorum ed il suo tesoro sa- Arnaldi, G. (2000) Anastasio Bibliotecario, antipapa. In cro, Roma. Enciclopedia dei Papi, vol. 1, Roma, 744-746. Guidobaldi, F. & Angelelli C. (2010), La ‘Descrittione di Bauer, F.A. (2004) Das Bild der Stadt Rom im Frühmittel- Roma’ di Benedetto Mellini nel Codice Vat. Lat. 11905, alter, Wiesbaden. Città del Vaticano. 39. Cf. note 3; Szymaszek 2015; 2016. See also the catalogue with over 360 representations with the so-called gammadia in: Szy- maszek 2014. 31. The Textile Term gammadia   491 Leclercq, H. (1930) Liber Pontificalis. In F. Cabrol & H. Speck, P. (1966) Die Ἐνδυτή. Literarische Quellen zur Be- Leclercq (eds.), Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne kleidung des Altars in der byzantinischen Kirche, Jahr- et de liturgie, vol. 9, Paris, 354-459. buch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft Macro, D. (1677) Gammadia. In D. Macro (ed.), Hierole- 15, 323-375. xicon sive sacrum dictionarium, Romae, 285. Szymaszek, M. (2013) Termin gammadia w Liber Pon- Marazzini, C. (1987) Un vocabolario per il pulpito. 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Moyen- rence of the research group ‘Textiles from the Nile Val- Age 111, 289-305. ley’, Antwerp, 4-6 October 2013, Tielt 2015, 168-175. Oikonomides, N. (1986) Silk Trade and Production in Byz- Szymaszek, M. (2016) L’origine delle cosidette gamma- antium from the 6th to the 9th Century: the Seal of the diae nell’arte cristiana antica. In O. Brandt, G. Casti- Kommerkiarioi, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 40, 33-53. glia, V. Fiocchi Nicolai (eds.), Acta XVI Congressus Petriaggi, R. (1984) Utilizzazione, decorazione e diffusione Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae Romae (22- dei tessuti nei corredi delle basiliche cristiane secondo 28.9.2013): Costantino e i costantinidi. L’innovazione il Liber Pontificalis (514–795), Prospettiva. Rivista di costantiniana, le sue radici e i suoi sviluppi, Città del storia dell’arte antica e moderna 39, 37-46. Vaticano 2016, 2415-2426. Phillips, L.E. (1988) A Note on the Gifts of Leo III to the Szymaszek, M. (forthcoming) Signs, symbols or orna- Churches of Rome: ‘vestes cum storiis’, Ephemerides ments? The origin and function of so-called gammadia. Liturgicae 102, 72-78. Thunø, E. (2002) Image and Relic. Mediating the Sacred Ripoll, G. (2005) Los tejidos en la arquitectura de la an- in Early Medieval Rome, Rome. tigüedad tardía. Una primera aproximación a su uso y Turell Coll, L.G. (2004) Los tejidos coptos del Museo de función. In A. Köb & P. Riedel (eds.), Kleidung und Montserrat. Presentación de la colección, Antiquité Tar- Repräsentation in Antike und Mittelalter, München, dive 12, 145-152. 45-62. Von Sydow, E. (1912) Die Entwicklung des Figuralen Sch- Sarnelli, P. (1716) Lettere Ecclesiastiche, vol. 8, Venezia. mucks der Christlichen Altar-Antependia und -Retabula Saxer, V. (1996-1997) Le informazioni del Liber Pontifi- bis zum XIV. Jahrhundert, Strassburg. calis sugli interventi dei papi nella decorazione tessile Wessel, K. (1971) Gammadia. In K. Wessel (ed.), Real- delle chiese romane: l’esempio di S. Maria Maggiore lexikon zur Byzantinische Kunst, vol. 2, Stuttgart, c. (772-844), Rendiconti. Pontificia Accademia Romana 615-620. di Archeologia 69, 219-232. Wiener, L. (1917) Contributions Toward a History of Ara- Schrenk, S. (2004) Textilien des Mittelmeerraumes aus bico-Gothic Culture, vol. 1, New York. spätantiker bis frühislamischer Zeit, Riggisberg. 32 The oscillum Misunderstanding 1 Francesco Meo Et te, Bacche, vocant per carmina laeta, tibique Oscilla ex alta suspendant mollia pinu Verg. G. II, 389 I n this passage the Latin term oscillum refers to a to these weights, reserving the term ‘peso da telaio’ particular class of objects: a small face or mask (loom weight) for the traditional shapes (truncated hung on trees during certain religious feasts cel- pyramid and truncated cone). Most of the archaeo- ebrated by the Ausones in honour of Bacchus (Fig. logical literature identifies circular and semicircular 1). The Roman oscilla most probably derives from loom weights as such, although there have been con- the Aἰῶραι, small images related to Dionysus hung trasting interpretations of their function ever since the on trees during the Aἰῶρα, an Athenian public feast. late 19th century. What caused the term oscilla to be They were believed to purify the air as they swung transferred from sacred objects to loom weights must in the wind.2 surely have been the latter’s unconventional shape Both the Greek and the Latin words refer to objects and their decorations and inscriptions. But when and used during particular sacred feasts, in the first case why did this take place? public and in the second case private, inside villae. Before 1906 they were studied for their inscrip- However, the term oscillum has also been applied tions and they were generically described as “clay to certain shapes (circular and semicircular) of loom disks”, probably used as labels. Percy Gardner was weights (Fig. 2). Italian archaeologists in particu- the first archaeologist to deal specifically with these lar have traditionally used the term oscillum to refer disks, analysing samples with the inscription hημιω.3 1. I would like to thank Marie-Louise Nosch and Cécile Michel for their kind invitation to the Workshop, and S. Gaspa and the whole of the CTR group for their wonderful hospitality. The present paper was developed as part of the project L’attività tessile nell’Italia meridionale preromana: tecniche, tecnologie, materiali e protagonisti (nr. JPCNYJ5), co-funded by the Fondo di Svi- luppo e Coesione 2007-2013 – APQ Ricerca Regione Puglia “Programma regionale a sostegno della specializzazione intelligente e della sostenibilità sociale ed ambientale - FutureInResearch”. 2. Mansuelli 1963. 3. Gardner 1883. Before his study, discs had never been considered in specific studies but only mentioned in publications on choro- plastic art (Lenormant 1881-82, 166) or inscriptions from Taranto (Barnabei 1882, 387). 492 32. The oscillum Misunderstanding   493 He argued the disks “were used to weigh out a half obol’s worth of some commodity”.4 A few years later, Giulio Emanuele Rizzo proposed that two disks from Agrigento with both faces decorated with a gorgon- eion could have been terracotta emblemata with sev- eral functions: toys for children, ἀποτρóπαια hung in- side houses or loom weights.5 At the beginning of the 20th century, Wilhelm von Christ saw them as ex-voto objects to be hung on a wall or a panel using their two holes.6 In 1906, Paolo Orsi understood they could be loom weights, but also gifts for children or ἀποτρόπαια in houses.7 However, he perceived their main use as be- ing hung on trees in order to provide symbolic protec- tion and to prevent birds from entering the fields and eating the crops. Studying their decorations, he saw that some of them may indeed have been related to Dionysus but even if they were not expressly Greek αἰῶραι or Latin oscilla, their purpose was similar. This hypothesis would not be revisited until 1945. In the 1920s, Walton Brooks McDaniel suggested that the disks “were attached by custom-house officers who had exacted that amount of duty or some other fee”,8 as had been partially hypothesised by Gardner in 1883. In the 1930s, Pierre Wuilleumier suggested that the disks could be an indicator of either the value of the goods in the bag they sealed9 or a tax.10 In 1945, Biagio Pace argued they were clearly an attestation of the cult of trees “Più sicuro documento del culto degli alberi…”.11 He did not use the term oscillum but “mascheretta fittile” (small clay mask). However he clearly connected them to oscilla because he wrote that peasants hung these objects on trees in honour of Dionysus. Fig. 1. Drawing of the oscillum use (after Daremberg, Sa- In 1953, Piero Orlandini understood the main glio 1877-1919). value of these objects to be ritual and symbolic.12 His analysis was very detailed, describing all their 4. Gardner 1883, 157. 5. Rizzo 1897, 284-285. 6. von Christ 1900. 7. Orsi 1906, 753-758, tav. LVI. 8. McDaniel 1924, 44, footnote 7. 9. Wuilleumier 1932, 48-49. 10. Wuilleumier 1939, 223. 11. Pace 1945, 460-462. 12. Orlandini 1953. 494   Francesco Meo in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 2. Marble oscillum from Pompei (after Dwier 1981) and loom weights (sometimes defined oscilla) from Herakleia (author). sacred functions. First of all, noting many of these either, but were hung on trees even before the appear- items were from the foundations of Greek buildings, ance of the circular type in the 4th century BC. he proposed that they served a consecratory func- The following year, Sebastiana Lagona also in- tion. At the same time however, they wouldn’t have sisted that the so-called oscilla served a primarily vo- been used in such a way if they hadn’t already ac- tive purpose.15 quired a sacred meaning, that is, if they hadn’t been In 1970, Ciro Santoro once more considered the hung by their holes. Thus, Orlandini wrote that they hypothesis that they could represent payment of taxes, had been specifically created to be hung and they are analysing the inscriptions on a few examples.16 therefore oscilla.13 While not doubting the primary use of these ob- After these considerations he also wrote: “Una jects as loom weights, in 1974 Paolo Mingazzini pro- prova di ciò l’abbiamo nello stretto legame che inter- posed a series of secondary uses based on stamps and corre fra i «pesi» e gli oscilla fittili nel IV e III secolo inscriptions.17 His view was shared by Franca Ferran- av. Cr.”. In this sentence, “pesi” (weights) clearly re- dini Triosi (1986).18 fers to the truncated pyramids, while the oscilla are Most of the archaeological literature by now con- the circular forms.14 However, he also wrote that the siders the so-called oscilla to be circular or hemi- truncated pyramids were not actually loom weights spherical loom weights,19 in some cases proposing a 13. Orlandini 1953, 444. 14. Orlandini 1953, 443. 15. Lagona 1954. 16. Santoro 1970, 149. 17. Mingazzini 1974. 18. FerrandiniTroisi 1986. 19. Some examples are: Dotta 1989; Caminneci 1996; Manganaro 2000, 124-125; Rossoni, Vecchio 2000, 887-891, tav. CLXV.2; Ni- cotra 2007, 241-248; Spatafora, De Simone 2007, 38-40; Anelli 2008, 224; Bonanno 2008; Foxhall 2011; 2012. 32. The oscillum Misunderstanding   495 series of secondary purposes for the decorated and in- as if that all loom weights are decorated or inscribed. scribed specimens.20 However, if we systematically study specific contexts The distinction between truncated pyramid and we can see that this is not the case: in the western circular weights is still made in many museum cata- part of the Collina del Castello district of Herakleia, a logues at two different levels: one is functional, de- Greek town in Southern Italy, about 60% of the spec- pending on the shape, while the other is based on the imens (1661 out of 2794) have no decoration or in- presence of decoration or a particular inscription. scription,27 and similar situations are seen in the ru- As an example of the first case, Angela Marinazzo ral settlements near this and other Greek towns in the writes in the catalogue of the museum of Brindisi that same area (Fig. 4).28 “gli oscilla venivano appesi sulle architravi delle porte Italian archaeologists have traditionally focused on di abitazione” (the oscilla were hung on the lintels of decorations and inscriptions, neglecting their func- the doors of houses),21 and Alberto Bacchetta sub- tional aspect, and the weights described in the litera- sumes circular loom weights with Roman oscilla.22 ture are often selected for their decoration or inscrip- Other catalogues reflect the second type of dis- tions. Most of the publications concerning the Vallo tinction. Simon Besques separates loom weights (pe- of Herakleia, a sacred context in the Greek town, re- sons) from disks (disques) in the 1986 catalogue of fer only to decorated loom weights, even though more the Louvre museum. In this case the pesons include than 67% of the discoid loom weights (51 out of 76) both truncated pyramid and circular loom weights have no decoration or inscription, despite this being with engraved and stamped letters,23 while disques a sacred context.29 are discoid weights with at least one fully decorated The systematic study of archaeological materials face and moulded inscriptions.24 In the catalogue of from various sites along the northern shore of the Gulf the Lagioia Collection in Milan, Federica Giacobello of Taranto suggests the presence of a substantial tex- describes one hemispherical and three discoid circu- tile industry in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE that used lar loom weights as oscilla.25 The catalogue of the De circular weights with two holes. Their shape, which Brandis Collection in Udine, compiled by Marina Ru- has caused so many problems in their interpretation, binich in 2006 makes a further distinction: circular actually enabled the creation of a denser fabric than weights with inscriptions or stamps are pesi (weights) the traditional truncated pyramid weights.30 while those with decoration are oscilla (Fig. 3).26 A secondary function for those specimens with However, in my view the misunderstanding arises decoration or inscriptions cannot be ruled out, but I from the approach to studying these objects. Most of argue that their main use was as weights. Further- the published material is from museum catalogues, more, the Latin word oscillum used in this case is which never offer a precise picture because the mate- inappropriate, since these objects are usually from rial they are based on is part of a selection. The con- Greek towns. Even if they were hung on trees or sequence is that only decorated or inscribed exam- used during religious feasts, the correct term is aio- ples usually feature in publications, making it seem rai rather than oscilla. 20. Ad esempio L’Erario 2012. 21. Marinazzo 2004, 72-73; 2009, 138-139. 22. Bacchetta 2006, 32. 23. Besques 1986, 91-92. 24. Besques 1986, 92-93. 25. Giacobello 2004, 383-384, 411-412. 26. Rubinich 2006, 232-236. 27. Meo 2015, cap. IV.1. 28. Meo 2015, cap. IV.3-IV.5. 29. Meo 2015, cap. IV.2. 30. Mårtensson et al. 2007; Mårtensson et al. 2009; Andersson Strand 2010; Meo 2012; Meo 2014a; Meo 2014b; Meo 2015. 496   Francesco Meo in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 3. Example of misunderstanding about weights and oscilla (after Rubinich 2006). 32. The oscillum Misunderstanding   497 498   Francesco Meo in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 4. Southern Italy. Archaeological data from a Greek town (Herakleia) and three settlements in Metaponto and Her- akleia territories (author). Therefore, I argue that the term oscillum should Besques, S. (1986) Catalogue raisonné de figurines et no longer be used to refer to circular and semicircu- reliefs en terre-cuite grecs étrusques et romains. IV. lar loom weights, since on the one hand it involves Époques hellénistique et romaine. Italie méridionale – applying a Latin term to Greek material and above all Sicile – Sardaigne. Paris. because the main function of these discs does not cor- Bonanno, C. (2008) Gli oscilla discoidali. In C. Bonanno respond to what the word originally indicated. (ed.), Apollonia. Indagini archeologiche sul Monte di San Fratello - Messina 2003-2005, 57-61. Roma. Caminneci, V. (1996) Pesi. In R. M. Bonacasa Carra (ed.), Agrigento. La necropoli paleocristiana sub divo, 82-84. Bibliography Studi e materiali 10. Roma. Andersson Strand, E. B. (2010) The Basics of Textile Tools Daremberg, C. & Saglio, E. (1877-1919) Dictionnaire des and Textile Terminologies: From fibre to fabric. In C. Antiquités Grecques et Romaines. Paris. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Textile Terminologies Dotta, P. (1989) I pesi da telaio. In M. Barra Bagnasco in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the (ed.), Locri Epizefiri III. Cultura materiale e vita quo- Third to the First Millennia B.C., 10-22. Ancient Tex- tidiana, 185-201. Firenze. tiles Series 8. Oxford. Dwier, E. J. (1981) Pompeian Oscilla Collections. MDAIR Anelli, M. (2008) La ceramica d’uso comune. In P. Mi- 88.2, 247-306, taf. 80-130. litello (ed.), Scicli: archeologia e territorio, 217-225. Ferrandini Troisi, F. (1986) «Pesi da telaio». Segni e in- K.a.s.a. 6. Palermo. terpretazioni. In Miscellanea greca e romana 10, 91- Bacchetta, A. (2006) Oscilla. Rilievi sospesi di età romana. 114, tavv. I-XII. Il Filarete 243. Milano. Foxhall, L. (2011) Loom weights. In J. C. Carter & A. Pri- Barnabei, F. (1882) Notizie degli scavi. Ottobre. In NSc eto (eds.), The Chora of Metaponto 3. Archaeological 1882, 381-404. Field Survey Bradano to Basento. I, 539-554. Austin. 32. The oscillum Misunderstanding   499 Foxhall, L. (2012) Loom weights. In E. Lapadula, The Archaeological Textiles. Multidisciplinary Approaches, Chora of Metaponto 4. The Late Roman Farmhouse at 76-87. MASF 3. Helsinki. San Biagio, 99-101. Austin. Meo, F. (2015) L’attività tessile a Herakleia di Lucania tra Gardner, P. (1883) Clay Disks form Tarentum. JHS 4, III e I secolo a.C. Fecit Te 7. Roma. 156-157. Mingazzini, P. (1974) Sull’uso e sullo scopo dei pesi da tel- Giacobello, F. (2004) La coroplastica e gli oscilla. In G. aio. RendLinc 29, s. VIII, 201-220. Sena Chiesa (ed.), La Collezione Lagioia. Una raccolta Manganaro, G. (2000) Onomastica greca su anelli, pesi storica della Magna Grecia al Museo Archeologico di da telaio e glandes in Sicilia. ZPE 133, 123-134, tavv. Milano, 375-415. Milano. X–XII. L’Erario, M. (2012) I cosiddetti oscilla e l’economia della Mansuelli, G.A. (1963) Oscillo. In Enciclopedia dell’Arte lana di Taranto: nuove prospettive d’indagine. In M. S. Antica, Classica e Orientale, V, 780-781. Roma. Busana & P. Basso (eds.), La lana nella Cisalpina Ro- McDaniel, W. B.(1924) The Holiness of the Dischi Sacri. mana: economia e società. Studi in onore di Stefania AJA 28, 24-46. Pesavento Mattioli. Atti del Convegno (Padova-Verona, Nicotra, M. (2007) Collezione archeologica della Pina- 18-20 maggio 2011), 551-557. Antenor Quaderni 27. coteca Zelantea. In Atti e rendiconti dell’Accademia di Padova. scienze, Lettere ed Arti dei Zelanti 6, 194-262. Lagona, S. (1954) Oscilla fittili nell’Antiquarium Orlandini, P. (1953) Scopo e significato dei cosiddetti «pesi dell’Università di Catania. ArchStorSicOr 8, 89-95. da telaio». RendLinc 8, s. VIII, 441-444. Lenormant, F. (1881-82) Notes archéologiques sur Tarente. Orsi, P. (1906) Gela. Scavi del 1900-1905.MonAnt 17. Gazette Archéologique 7, 148-190. Roma. Marinazzo, A. (2004) Museo Archeologico Provinciale “F. Pace, B. (1945) Arte e civiltà della Sicilia antica. Cultura Ribezzo” di Brindisi. Bari. e vita religiosa III. Milano. Marinazzo, A. (2009) Museo Archeologico Provinciale Rizzo, G.E. (1897) Forme fittili Agrigentine. Contributo Francesco Ribezzo. Roma. alla storia della coroplastica greca. In RM 12, 253-306. Mårtensson, L., Andersson, E., Nosch, M.-L. & Batzer A. Rossoni, G. &Vecchio, P. (2000) Elementi per la defi- (2007) Technical Report. Experimental Archaeology. nizione di attività domestiche nell’abitato di Mozia, Part 3, Loom weights, in Tools and Textiles-Texts and “Zona A”. In Terze giornate internazionali di studi Contexts Research Program. http://ctr.hum.ku.dk/tools/ sull’area Elima (Gibellina - Erice - Contessa Entellina, exreports/. 23-26 ottobre 1997) II, 879-894, tavv. CLX-CLXV. Pisa Mårtensson, L., Nosch, M.-L. & Andersson Strand, E. - Gibellina. (2009) Shape of things: understanding a loom weight. Rubinich, M. (2006) Ceramica e coroplastica dalla Magna OxfJA 28, 4, 373-398. Grecia nella collezione De Brandis. Trieste. Meo, F. (2012) Attestazioni archeologiche di attività lani- Santoro, C. (1970) Iscrizioni greche su dischi fittili di Ta- era a Eraclea di Lucania tra III e II secolo a.C. Nota pre- ranto. Annali della Facoltà di Magistero di Bari 9, liminare. In M. Osanna & G. Zuchtriegel (eds.), ΑΜΦΙ 149-191. ΣΙΡΙΟΣ ΡΟΑΣ. Nuove ricerche su Eraclea e la Siritide, 259-271. Venosa. Spatafora, F.& De Simone R.(2007) Makella. La montag- nola di Marineo. Guida breve. Palermo. Meo, F. (2014a) New Archaeological Data for the Under- standing of Weaving in Herakleia, Southern Basilicata, von Christ, W. (1900) Gewichte von Tarent. SBMünchen Italy. In M. Harlow & M.-L. Nosch (eds.), Greek and 1900, 106-118. Roman Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthol- Wuilleumier, P. (1932) Les disques de Tarente. RA 35, ogy, 236-259. Ancient Textiles Series 19. Oxford. 26-64. Meo, F. (2014b) From archaeological finds to high quality Wuilleumier, P. (1939) Tarente des origines à la conquête textile fabrics: new data from Herakleia, Southern Basil- romaine. Paris. icata, Italy. In S. Lipkin & K. Vajanto, (eds.), Focus on 33 Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, and the Impact of Mass Media 1 Felicitas Maeder B yssus and sea-silk made of the fibre beard additional erroneous interpretations. This article re- of the Pinna nobilis – zoologically called capitulates the present state of knowledge and calls byssus – have both become subjects of attention to the consequences of assumed ‘old/new scholarly interest in the last decade. The knowledge’ entering the scientific discussion. subject is discussed not only in scientific books and The Oxford English Dictionary4 shows the follow- journals, but also in mass media around the world. ing etymological entry for the term byssus: Although scientific research has clarified some old < Latin byssus, < Greek βύσσος ‘a fine misunderstandings,2 the double meaning of the term yellowish flax, and the linen made from byssus3 has created new doubts and scepticism in it, but in later writers taken for cotton, also the scholarly debate, bearing the danger of new, 1. I thank Marie-Louise Nosch and Cécile Michel for the invitation to the key lecture at the CTR congress Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe 1000 BC – AD 1000 in Copenhagen (18th-22nd June 2014) and the possibility to in- tensify the scientific discussion on the topic of byssus and sea-silk. I thank Prof. Susanne Bickel, Ägyptologisches Seminar, Uni- versität Basel, and Agneszka Wos-Jucker, a specialised textile conservator from the Abegg Stiftung Riggisberg, for introducing me to the fascinating world of Egyptian linen. 2. Notably McKinley 1998, and, from 1998 onward, the Sea-silk Project at the Natural History Museum Basel, Switzerland (www. muschelseide.ch in English, German and Italian), both with extensive bibliography. For the term sea-silk see also Yates 1843; Bezon 1857; de Simone 1867; Karabacek 1882; Laufer 1915; Basso-Arnoux 1916; Mastrocinque 1928; Brühl 1938; Villani 1948; Zanetti 1964; Vial 1983; Sagot-Ortega 1992; Sroka 1995; Carta Mantiglia 1997; Maeder 2002, 2004, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2013, 2015, 2016 a, b, 2017; Maeder & Halbeisen 2001, 2002; Maeder et al. 2004; Campi 2004. 3. For the term byssus see: Braun 1680; Chambers 1753; Rosa 1786; Mongez 1818; Scot 1827; Gardner Wilkinson 1842; Yates 1843; Gilroy 1845; Long 1846; Smith 1854; Bock 1866 und 1895; Forbes 1956; Wipszycka 1965; Vial 1983; Sroka 1995; Quenouille 2006, 2012, 60-67; Kersken 2008. 4. OED, www.oed.com (12.4.2014). See also: Smith et al. 1890. German: Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissen- schaft, term Byssos (vol. III, 1, Olck 1897); Italian: Treccani, Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti, term BISSO (vol. 7, L. M. C., G. Cal., G. Mon. 1930); French: L’Encyclopédie, Texte établi par D’Alembert – Diderot, term BYSSE ou BYSSUS (Tome 2, de Jaucourt 1751, 471-472). 500 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   501 silk, which was supposed to be a kind of βύσσος. King’s linen respectively Byssus are referred cotton’ (Liddell & Scott), < Hebrew būts, to as the finest quality of linen, fabricated – at least applied to ‘the finest and most precious in Pharaonic times8 – only in temple surroundings stuffs, as worn by kings, priests, and per- and exclusively reserved for the clothing of priests sons of high rank or honour’ (Gesenius), or statues of gods and for burial use.9 We know that translated in Bible of 1611 ‘fine linen’, byssus workers even had special tools for the pro- < root *būts, Arabic bāḍ to be white, to duction process.10 Hall considers the production of surpass in whiteness. Originally there- “the fine royal or byssos linen as the state monopoly fore a fibre or fabric distinguished for its of the king himself … but a fixed quantity had to be whiteness.5 delivered to the king for export.”11 The special sta- tus of byssus manufacturing is confirmed by an ac- James Yates refers in his book Textrinum Antiquo- count for celebration and ritual occasions of the tem- rum (1843) to Forster’s Liber singularis de bysso an- ple of Soknebtynis in Tebtunis of the 1st half of the tiquorum of 1776. In Yates’ book vol. II about fibres 2nd century AD, written on papyrus: For the priestly of vegetal origin, in §70 titled Byssus, is discussed expenses is mentioned the price of byssos for the whether byssus is linen or cotton, especially in rela- robes of Sarapis, 316 drachmas, for the βυσσουργοί, tion to Egyptian mummy bandages.6 In the following the manufacturer of king’s linen two garments and x I will examine the term byssus using the example of artabas12 wheat, and 24 drachmas.13 This is only one Egyptian mummy bandages based on antique written example of Quenouille’s study with an in-depth anal- sources and material evidence. ysis of the context of 27 references to the Greek term bissos (with the adjective byssina, byssinon and the noun byssourgoi) on papyri from different places in Written evidence of byssos in antiquity Egypt, dated 3rd century BC to 3rd century AD, re- ferring to numerous quotations of ancient authors. In a German lexicon of hieroglyphs, we find a Almost all these papyri are temple registers, payment whole chapter on clothing. In the section about fab- lists and laws.14 rics two pages show different hieroglyphs for linen (Leinen in German). Among them are hieroglyphs for Königsleinen, Byssus (king’s linen, byssus).7 Material evidence of byssos in antiquity The term is also found on the Rosetta stone from the 2nd century BC, a decree issued on behalf of King Fortunately, many written sources about the mum- Ptolemy the Fifth. Here the Greek term byssinon is mification process have survived. And even more used in a legislative text treating the tax reduction on fortunately, many Egyptian tombs have survived 5. The ’whiteness’ of antique byssos not only refers to the fibre, but stands also as a symbol for purity and innocence, especially in re- ligious sense. 6. Yates 1843, 267-279. For an analysis and discussion of the term see Maeder 2015; 2016 a; 2017. 7. Hannig & Vomberg 2012, 478-479. Vigo 2010, 291-292 shows that the term was already used in Akkadian, and often found in the correspondence between the Egyptian and Hittite courts. 8. Quenouille 2005, 231. 9. Cooke & El-Gamal 1990, 69. 10. Quenouille 2005, 232. She cites many antique sources for the term byssos and discusses the possible material: linen, cotton, a mixed textile, or byssos as a statement of quality. 11. Hall 1986, 9. 12. An antique measure of capacity. 13. Quenouille 2012, 60-62: “Und für die priesterliche Kasse wenden wir die vorliegenden Beträge auf. ... als Preis für Byssos für die Gewänder des Sarapis 316 Drachmen, ...für die Byssurgen für 2 Gewänder und für den Unterhalt für sie x Artaben Weizen, als Lohn für sie 24 Drachmen, ...”. 14. Quenouille 2005. 502   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) – some of them intact – and have been found in plant’s maturity, when the fibres are still soft. “All the the last 200 years. Today, the analysis of the found technical procedure [of flax processing] was devel- mummy bandages or other textile fragments is oped in Egypt, where the finest quality of linen tabby, standard procedure. This allows us to compare the the byssos, constituted the luxury clothing – even of written sources of textile designations with the ma- the Pharaoh himself.”20 The tomb of Tutankhamun of terial evidence. the 18th dynasty (around 1300 BC) contained at least For the procedure of mummification, enormous 400 items of cloth.21 Some were made from a fine, quantities of linen were necessary. To eliminate all almost silk like linen (112 warps and 32 wefts per moisture from the body, the textile had to be changed square cm).22 In classical literature we find for such several times. So it may not surprise that 12 or more gauze-like linen the Latin terms linea nebula, misty layers of linen bandages have been found on Egyptian linen, or ventus textilis, woven wind, or woven air23 mummies.15 Yet, linen was not only used for wrap- – an expression often found in reference to byssus ping the body, linen cloth also belonged to the prin- (we will later see the confusion this creates in refer- cipal offerings for the deceased. The higher the sta- ence to sea-silk). From another tomb of 18th dynasty tus, the larger in amount and finer in quality were the Thebes, we know about a linen sheet of 515 cm x 161 linen gifts. A good example of the importance of linen cm, which weighs only 140 grams (46 warp x 30 weft textiles is the mummy of Wah found in the 1930s in per square cm). 24 a four-thousand-year-old untouched tomb at Thebes. Another, more recent example: In 2012, Susanne Today it belongs to the collection of the Metropolitan Bickel and her team from the University of Basel’s Museum of Art, New York. Wah was not a royal per- King’s Valley Project25 found an unknown tomb in son, but an estate manager to the early Middle King- the Valley of the Kings. It received the number KV dom vizier Meketra (around 2100 BC). The total of 64. The coffin belongs to a young temple singer of cloth found in his tomb has been estimated to 845 God Amun, daughter of a priest of Karnak; her name, square metres.16 375 square metres of linen were used Nehemes-Bastet, is known from the coffin lid and a for the body only.17 wooden stela found aside. The typology of the coffin Not only the masses of linen used for the dead are and the stela as well as the lady’s name and title indi- amazing, the quality is also quite stupendous. Cooke cate a 22nd dynasty date (around 900 BC).26 Under- & El-Gamal told us about the “ability of ancient neath the thick layer of debris on which the burial was cultures to produce textiles woven from exception- placed were found remains of another burial, dated ally fine staple yarns … manufactured from linen… 18th dynasty, like the tomb of Tutankhamun. There known as byssus or royal linen”.18 Ancient hand spin- are hints that the original owner of this tomb was a ners were capable of spinning linen yarns finer than princess of the reign of Amenhotep III. In the debris 50 micrometres.19 Byssus or King’s linen, the finest of this first, original burial many textile fragments quality, was made of green flax, the early stage of the were found. The examination revealed ten different 15. Veiga 2012, 3. 16. Vogelsang-Eastwood 2001, 295. 17. Winlock 1940, 256; Vogelsang-Eastwood 2001, 295. 18. Cooke & El-Gamal 1990, 69. 19. Cooke & El-Gamal 1990, 71. 20. Geijer 1971, 687. 21. Vogelsang-Eastwood 2001, 295. 22. Vogelsang-Eastwood 2001, 286. 23. Bock 1884, 515; 1895, 4, 8, 10; Heiden 1904, 105. 24. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/545138 25. https://aegyptologie.unibas.ch/forschung/projekte/university-of-basel-kings-valley-project/report-2012/ (6.1.2015). 26. Bickel & Paulin-Grothe 2012, 36-40. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   503 qualities of linen fabric, from coarse sackcloth to the greatest diversity of translations is found in German finest quality.27 Bible editions. Bäd has very seldom been translated All mummy bandages analysed until today are as byssus in Latin; the Hebrew linen term Pištim – made of linen of different qualities. Already the body although never translated as byssus in Latin – is in of a prehistoric burial found in the cemeteries at Mo- some German Bible versions, paradoxically, trans- stagedda (Upper Egypt) was wrapped in linen,28 and lated as Byssus. even an animal mummy; but here “the fibre consisted To sum up: In the Old Testament, different He- of coarse material, which proves the low quality of brew linen terms were translated with the single term the linen”.29 A single mummy textile was once an- byssus in the Latin vulgate. Byssus was again trans- alysed as cotton – which proved to be wrong: The lated differently – in different languages and at differ- mummy in question (Philadelphia University Mu- ent times: beside linen and fine linen, (white) cotton, seum: PUM II) had been shipped to America in raw (white) silk occurs, and byssus, mostly without spec- cotton – and the cotton fibres found on the mommy ification, and this in English, French and German. In were remains of the travel packaging. The mummy Italian it is bisso. This may lead to the conclusion that bandages were instead all of linen.30 many Bible translators had most probably no real no- tion about the material of byssus.33 Not much different was the notion of byssus out- The term byssus in the Bible side religious discourse. In the lexicon of Krünitz, with 242 volumes the most substantial lexicon of the The Bible, especially the Old Testament, is another German language, published between 1773 and 1858, well-known source where the term byssus is found the term byssus appears 40 times.34 We find 15 entries more than 40 times – depending on the language and in textile contexts (beside the zoological term for the the version. The most translated book of the world filaments of bivalves). Once byssus is another term is also the best source to demonstrate the difficul- for batiste, explained as finest linen: ties in reference to the term byssus. The Hebrew Bi- ble knows six different terms for linen: Būṣ, Šeš, Bäd, Batist, Battist, F. Battiste, L. Byssus, ist Pištim, Eṭün and Kütoneth. Two of them – Būṣ and eine sehr feine, ganz dichte, und sehr Šeš – were in the Latin vulgate31 translated as byssus. weiße Leinwand, die von weißem, sehr In two other papers I analysed the translation of this schönen Flachse fabriciret wird; wie denn Latin term into English, French, Italian and German der Batist das allerfeinste Gewebe von in Bible versions of the 16th to the 21st century.32 Ta- Leinen ist.... ble 1 shows the conclusion: a great variety of terms, Then, as main entry that emphasizes the above men- which makes it difficult to find any congruence. Most tioned ignorance: common is linen or fine linen, but also cotton and silk occur – and byssus, without translation; only once, in Byssus, Fr. Bysse, nannten die Alten German, byssus is annotated finest white cotton. The eine gewisse kostbare Materie, woraus 27. Franz Bock analysed in the 1880s several German textile relics and identified different qualities of linen; the finest one he called Alexandrian linen, less fine was the Syrian one, from Antiochia (Bock 1895). 28. Jones et al. 2014, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0103608 29. Abdel-Maksoud & Abdel-Rahman 2013, 56. 30. Vogelsang-Eastwood 2001, 268. 31. The source of the Old Testament of Christian Bibles in most modern languages is generally the Septuagint, a pre-Christian Greek translation, and the Vulgate, a Latin translation going back to the 4th century AD, with several revisions up to the Late Middle Ages. 32. Maeder 2015 (German), and Maeder in print a (English), with lists of translations of all Hebrew linen terms in Bible versions from the 16th to the 21st century. 33. I did not refer to the annotations of the respective Bible versions – I only took the word itself. 34. http://kruenitz1.uni-trier.de/ (15.1.2015). Byssus was in addition a name for different kinds of algae, sponges, and lichen. 504   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 1. Hebrew linen terms translated in Latin, English, Italian, French and German in Bible versions from 16th to 21th century Hebrew Būṣ Šeš Bäd Pištim Vulgate byssus (serico) Byssus linea (byssus) linea Latin English linen fine linen linen linen byssus byssus silk silk Italian bisso bisso lino lino lino fino lino fino bisso lino bianco lino finissimo French byssus byssus lin lin lin fin fin lin fin coton German Leinen weisse Seide (weisse) Seide Leinwand Byssus Byssus (= feinste weisse Leinwand Byssus Leinwand Baumwolle) Byssus Baumwolle Baumwolle köstliche Leinwand weisse Baumwolle gele (gelbe) Seide Zeuge zu allerley Kleidungsstücken für womit die Alten allerlei Arten kostbarer die Vornehmen und Reichen, insonderheit Materien zu feinen Kleidungsstücken, auch für die Damen und Priester, gewebt bezeichnet hätten. wurden. Imgl. die aus dem Byssus gewirk- Which means: The most probable opinion is perhaps ten Zeuge selbst. the one of Chevalier de Jaucourt expressed in the En- Worinn aber die Materie des Byssus cyclopédie that Byssus was a generic name, given by eigent­lich bestanden habe, das scheint the ancients to all kinds of precious cloth made into man seit vielen Jahrhunderten nicht mehr fine garments. More than 200 years later, Nadine Que- zu wissen. Einige nennen sie eine wahre nouille comes to the same conclusion in a study of the Seide; Andre, eine Seide von der Pinne term byssus in Roman Egypt: “...therefore I would marine, oder von der Perlenauster; Andre, like to propose to keep the Greek term ‘byssus’ with- den schönsten ägyptischen Flachs; Andre, out translating it.”35 eine sehr feine Baum=Wolle; noch Andre leiten sie aus dem Mineralreich her. 16th century: A second meaning of the term byssus Silk? Linen? Cotton? No wonder there was anything In the above mentioned lexicon entry we find for the but agreement about the term byssus. At the end of first time an additional meaning for the term byssus: this entry, we seem to hear the doubts about all this: silk from the fan shell (Pinna nobilis L.).36 In fact: Die wahrscheinlichste Meinung ist consulting the Merriam-Webster online, we find a sec- vieleicht die, welche der Chevalier de ond – zoological – meaning of the term byssus:37 “a Jaucourt in der Encyclopédie äussert, daß tuft of long tough filaments by which some bivalve Byssus ein generischer Name gewesen, molluscs (as mussels) adhere to a surface”. 35. Quenouille 2005, 242. 36. The also mentioned pearl oyster (Pinctada margaritifera) is in fact mentioned several times in connection with byssus in older lit- erature – the reason for this has not been studied yet. 37. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/byssus (22.1.2015). 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   505 Although in this second case the term byssus also 176845 the term byssus or a derivation of it does not derives from the Greek βύσσος, it changed the mean- even occur, we find in an edition of 182846 at least the ing from a vegetal to an animal fibre.38 So, not only term byssine, with the only explication: made of silk. have we got a second meaning of the term byssus for In lexica of antiquity we find mostly the long discus- the filaments of the Pinna, but these filaments are sion, if byssus would be linen or cotton.47 Other lex- the raw material for textile use, as explained in an il- ica – mostly specialised – make a clear distinction lustrative statement of Beck’s Draper’s Dictionary:39 between byssus/linen and byssus/sea-silk.48 Or the term sea-silk is explained without reference to the “These filaments have been spun, and antique byssus.49 made into small articles of apparel. Their colour is brilliant, and ranges from a beau- The supposed role of Aristotle tiful golden yellow to a rich brown; they also are very durable. The fabric is so thin Aristotle was by some called the father of sea-silk ma- that a pair of stockings may be put in an nufacture: “Abbiamo anche la testimonianza di Ari- ordinary-sized snuff-box.” stotile il quale chiamò la conchiglia porta-seta, ag- A beautiful, golden-brown, brilliant textile! And giungendo che il suo bisso … poteva essere filato e very thin – symptomatic for the stories around byssus tessuto.”50 None of this is true. fibres and its product, sea-silk, as it contains the stand- In the 4th century BC, the Greek philosopher Ar- ard assertion about the fineness and transparency of istotle wrote a Historia animalium. He described the byssus (sea-silk) fabric. The topos of the sea-silk stock- fan shell Pinna: “Αἱ δὲ πίνναι ὀρθαὶ φύονται ἐκ τοῦ ings in a snuffbox40 – or a walnut shell, alternately – is βυσσοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἀμμώδεσι καὶ βορβορώδεσιν” (HA wide spread. The same is said of “Limerick gloves so 547b15-16, ed. Balme 2002). In the 13th century, Wil- delicate that they fit into a walnut shell”.41 Looking at lem van Moerbeke (approx. 1215-1286), a Flemish the entire article to the term byssus in Draper’s Dic- Dominican priest, wrote a Latin version of the book tionary, we find the second – crucial – mistake: “This and translated the phrase: “Pinnae rectae nascuntur manufacture [meaning sea-silk] was well known to ex fundo in arenosis…” (“The Pinna-mussels grow the ancients, and is mentioned by Pliny and Aristotle.” upright out of the depth in sandy places…”). This is However: neither Pliny42 nor Aristotle43 ever used the correct, as ‘ό βυσσός’ is masculine, with accent on the term byssus in connection with the fan shell. last syllable – it means depth. Aristotle was a good In English dictionaries we find this inconsistency observer, he remarked the fibres anchoring the Pinna already earlier. While in dictionaries of 175644 and on the ground, and wrote in the same chapter, some 38. ... if we leave aside the very rarely found connection of ancient byssus with real silk. 39. Beck 1882, 39-40. 40. One only has to look at the pair of stockings in the sea-silk inventory to know that this is impossible: http://www.muschelseide.ch/ en/inventar/Objekte/Str-mpfe-Braunschw-.html (13.1.2015). 41. Williams 2010, 122. Limerick gloves were made from the skins of unborn calves, and therefore very thin. 42. Plinius, Naturalis Historiae IX 142: “Concharum generis et pina est. Nascitur in limosis, subrecta semper nec umquam sine co- mite, quem pinoteren vocant, alii pinophylacem. Is est squilla parva, aliubi cancer dapis adsectator.” 43. See the following chapter. 44. Bailey’s Universal Etymological English Dictionary of 1756. 45. The third edition of Johnson’s Dictionary of the English language of 1768. 46. Johnson’s Dictionary of the English language of 1828. 47. E.g., A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 1890. 48. E.g., Harmuth 1915. 49. E.g., Yates 1843, 152-159: Fibres of the Pinna. 50. Basso-Arnoux 1916, 4; Carta Mantiglia 1997, 90. 506   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) phrases later about sedentary molluscs: “Of those that The result of this is seen in the double entry in the Ox- keep to one spot the pinnae are rooted to the ground”. ford English Dictionary for the term byssus: So it is clear that he did not use the term byssus for 1) An exceedingly fine and valuable tex- the filaments of the Pinna.  tile fibre and fabric known to the an- 200 years later, in the second half of the 15th cen- cients; apparently the word was used, tury, Theodorus Gaza (approx. 1400-1475), a Byz- or misused, of various substances, linen, antine humanist living in Italy, made another trans- cotton, and silk, but it denoted prop- lation of Aristotle’s History of animals. He translated erly (as shown by recent microscopic the same phrase: “Pinnae erectae locis arenosis coe- examination of mummy-cloths, which nosisque ex bysso …”.51 Theodorus Gaza misunder- according to Herodotus were made of stood the term ‘ἐκ τοῦ βυσσοῦ’ and mistranslated ‘ex βύσσος) a kind of flax, and hence is ap- bysso’: “the Pinna-mussels grow upright from the propriately translated in the English Bi- byssus…” – ‘ή βύσσος’, feminine, with accent on ble ‘fine linen’. the first syllable, meaning fine linen – as we know it now.52  2) Zool. The tuft of fine silky filaments In this way the term byssus for the filaments of the by which molluscs of the genus Pinna Pinna was born: a translation mistake with far-reach- and various mussels attach themselves ing consequences. From that moment on there are two to the surface of rocks; it is secreted by kinds of byssus: “Byssus terrenus est et marina” – one the byssus-gland in the foot. of the land, of linen, and one of the sea, of the fila- ments of the fan shell Pinna nobilis, as stated by the The conclusion is: In antiquity byssus was a fine French naturalist Guillaume Rondelet (1507-1566). textile of linen (or cotton, rarely silk). In the 16th cen- From that moment on the filaments of all bivalves tury the filaments of bivalves like Pinna, blue mussel were given the zoological term byssus. and others were given the name byssus, in analogy to I cite only one of many authors to show the conse- the ancient byssus. quences of this misunderstanding: The fatal consequences for textile history are: From that moment on, textiles called byssus in an- Il più antico scrittore che non solo cono- tique texts were no longer associated only with linen sce la pinna, le sue proprietà zoologiche e (or cotton, rarely silk). Byssus became, in popular le sue abitudini di vita ... ma anche il pre- wisdom, for journalists and for some authors, sea- ziosissimo filo, è tra i greci, Aristotele, il silk. With the simple logic: byssus is the name of the quale è anche l’unico (che si sappia), ad filaments of the Pinna nobilis of which was made usare la denominazione di βύσσος, mentre sea-silk, byssus is found in the Bible and in profane negli altri antichi quell fibra è chiamata antique literature, so byssus is, almost always and con altro nome.53 everywhere and at any time: sea-silk. 51. van der Feen 1949, 66-71; the faulty translation was contradicted very soon (see Beullens & Gotthelf 2007, 503), but unfortunately not in English: with the translation from D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson in 1910, the incorrect text persisted until the beginning of the 20th century: “The pinna grows straight up from its tuft of anchoring fibres in sandy and slimy places”. It is still online: http:// classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/history_anim.5.v.html (25.1.2015) and has been repeated on and on. It even found its way in an actual book about marine biological materials: “Aristotle (transl. 1910) noted that the holdfast in the fan mussel (Pinna) consisted of a ro- bust bundle of fibres with sticky tips. The term byssus (Greek “bysso” for flax linen) was accidentally coined by him for the hold- fast (van der Feen 1949) and has since gained universal acceptance.” The author interpreted van der Feen in a completely reverse sense (Ehrlich 2010, 301). 52. A more extensive discussion about this is found in Maeder 2015, 2016. For additional linguistic and translation problems see van der Feen 1949. 53. Zanetti 1964, 246. To find these other names for sea-silk in different languages and different times is one of the – future – aims of the Project sea-silk. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   507 To be quite clear: “Nowhere in classic literature the tunicam pangere et serere, ni etiam piscari vestitum Latin word ‘byssus’ or one of the two Greek words contigisset: nam et de mari vellera, quo mucosae la- ‘βυσσός’ (masculine) or ‘βύσσος’ (feminine) is used nusitatis plautiores conchae comant.”60 Yet, Tertullian in connection with any molluscs”54 – nor with the sea, knew about linen byssus! In his text ‘On the Apparel or with a sea-creature. Laufer confirms this, speak- of Women’, he says: “Vestite nos serico probitatis, ing of the byssus of a mollusc: “In this sense … the byssino sanctitatis, purpura pudicitiae.”61 The bishop word was not used in the language of the ancients.”55 Basil the Great in the 4th century and the Byzantine In the last centuries, several Italian writers discussed historian Procopius in the 6th century were other wit- the problem of the nature of byssus textiles in anti­ nesses for sea-silk.62 The material evidence of the ex- quity, and all reject the idea that it could have meant istence and use of sea-silk is a textile fragment dated sea-silk.56 Byssus, before the 16th century, had noth- 4th century AD, found in 1912 in a women’s grave in ing to do with the filaments of a shell, and therefore the Roman town Aquincum, today Budapest.63 Unfor- nothing to do with sea-silk. Only from the 16th cen- tunately, the fragment and all documents about the ex- tury onward a textile mistakenly called byssus may – cavation got lost in the 2nd world war. perhaps – be sea-silk.57 The problem of the additional ambiguity of the term byssus started at the moment the filaments of the fan-shell were given the term byssus. The result Sea-silk already existed in antiquity can be seen in books from the 16th to the 20th cen- tury, where I found terms for sea-silk, in English, Ital- However: sea-silk is a fact, it existed not only in mod- ian, French, and German as reported in Table 2. ern times, but already in antiquity. The fibre is with 10- In all four languages, we find the term byssus, some- 50 microns in diameter comparable with other natu- times alone (bisso, bysse, Byssus), sometimes with an ral fibres,58 and it was spun and woven – later knitted adjective (e.g., marine byssus). They are marked in – like any other high quality natural fibre. To what ex- bold face. And in all four languages we find fibre terms tent we do not know. Probably it was at any time only – wool or silk – associated with the origin of the sea or a very small production, but surely highly valued.59 from a sea-creature, fish or shellfish. Interestingly, it is However: in antiquity, it was never called byssus! never associated with linen or cotton, the two materi- Alciphron called it first in Greek ὰ ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης als associated with the byssus in antiquity. ἔρια, wool of the sea (Lettres 1.2.3). It was also para- That this variety of terms invites misinterpreta- phrased, as we know from different written statements, tions is obvious. Even scientific institutions cannot e.g., of the church father Tertullian in the 2nd cen- resolve the problem. In the 1970s, the Centre Inter- tury AD in his text ‘On the Mantle’: “Nec fuit satis national d’Etudes des Textiles Anciens C.I.E.T.A. in 54. van der Feen 1949, 66. This is confirmed by my own research in classic literature. 55. Laufer 1915, 105. 56. Fabbroni 1782, Rosa 1786, Viviani 1836. 57. For sea-silk as a product of the Mediterranean fan shell Pinna nobilis, the manufacturing process and the textiles made of it see the catalogue of the first exhibition in 2004 in Basel: Maeder et al. 2004, and the homepage of the Sea-silk Project in English, German and Italian: www.muschelseide.ch. 58. ... such as mulberry silk or Egyptian linen 11-15 micron, Merino wool 18-25 micron, cotton 12-35 micron, mohair/alpaca 20-40 microns. 59. Maeder 2016 b. 60. “Nor was it enough to plant and sow your tunic, unless it had likewise fallen to your lot to fish for raiment. For the sea withal yields fleeces, inasmuch as the more brilliant shells of a mossy wooliness furnish a hairy stuff.” Tertullian, De Pallio III, 6, translation by Thelwall 1870, http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf04/anf04-03.htm (11.1.2015). 61. “Clothe yourselves with the silk of uprightness, the fine linen of holiness, the purple of modesty.” Tertullian, Cult. Fem. II, 13: http://www.tertullian.org/latin/de_cultu_feminarum_2.htm (12.1.2015). 62. See Maeder 2015, 2017. 63. Hollendonner 1917; Nagy 1935; Maeder 2008. 508   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) Table 2. Synonyms and translations of sea-silk in English, Italian, French and German from the 16th to the 20th century English Italian French German Sea-silk Bisso marino Soie marine Muschelseide marine byssus bisso soie de mer Byssus soie de pinne byssus silk seta di mare soie de byssus Byssusseide pinna silk seta marina Seeseide marine silk laine de mer Fischseide lana marina laine marine Steckmuschelseide pinna wool lanapinna laine de pinne Meeresseide marine wool lana pena Pinnamarina-Seide sea wool lanapesce bysse fish wool lana di nacchera byssus de pinne marine Seewolle lana dorata Fischwolle silkworm of the sea poil de nacre Meerwolle pelo d’astura pelo di nacchera gnacara C.I.E.T.A.: C.I.E.T.A.: C.I.E.T.A.: Pinna, sea-silk, sea-wool seta della conchiglia soie de coquillage Lyon published a textile vocabulary in different lan- interesting from the cultural and textile history point guages. The chosen terms soie de coquillage or seta of view. However, it is in Italy where we are con- della conchiglia are probably mere literal translations fronted with additional linguistic problems. The cor- of the German term Muschelseide, known already in rect and coherent term bisso marino appears already the 18th century.64 In 1980, clarity was not greater in 1681, in the first illustrated guide for sea-shells when Irene Emery cited among animal fibres: “bys- with the beautiful title Ricreatione dell’occhio e della sus (pinna, or sea-) silk, from the byssus or ‘beard’ by mente nell’osservation’ delle chiocciole.66 The author, which certain marine molluscs (Pinna nobilis and re- Filippo Buonanni (1638-1725), presents the fan shell lated varieties) attach themselves to the rock or sand with its filaments: “… bisso marino a distintione del floor of the sea.”65 terrestre, fatto di lino, ò bambagia”. Bisso marino, the byssus of the sea, which he clearly opposes to Byssus and sea-silk in the Italian language – and the so-called Bisso terrestre, the ‘rural’ byssus, which in Italy consisted of linen, or cotton. 100 years later, in 1798, an Italian-French diction- I have addressed the ambiguity of the term byssus ary mentions bisso only as a precious textile in the in antiquity, and – with the additional meaning of Bible, of unknown material.67 Only 20 years later, sea-silk – even greater ambiguity in modern times. in 1819,68 bisso becomes the common name for sea- Sea-silk is an ancient Mediterranean phenomenon, silk, as again in the merchant’s polyglot manual of 64. The term Muschelseide is first mentioned in Rudolph 1766. 65. Emery 1980, 4. 66. Buonanni 1681: Recreation for the eye and mind in the study of shells. Three years later, in 1684, the book is released in Latin. 67. Bettinelli 1798, term bisso. 68. Bonavilla 1819-1821. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   509 1860: Bisso followed by another term, Lanapesce - di lino sottilissimo delle Indie e dell’E- fishwool.69 In a vocabulary of the written and spoken gitto, di cui erano fatte le vesti più nobili Italian language of 1895,70 a clear distinction is made e più stimate. Siccome poi tali vesti erano between the antique byssus and sea-silk: spesso colorite di porpora, il colore fra tutti il più pregiato, quindi è che da ta- Bisso. s.m. V. G. Tela finissima, molle, de- luni fu detto bisso lo stesso color di por- licata, che usavano gli antichi. pora. F. MZZL. II Bisso marino chiamano i naturali- sti quello che volgarmente dicesi Pelo di In the Bible, the two terms bisso e porpora (bys- nacchera.... sus and purple) are often found together. It is dis- cussed whether in this sense byssus meant a linen tex- And again ten years later, in 1905,71 bisso is cor- tile dyed with purple, or the colour purple itself.72 In rectly presented as the filaments of bivalves, although 1928, Beniamino Mastrocinque uses these two terms open for misinterpretation regarding antique byssus: as title for his publication: Bisso e Porpora – per la Bisso. È un prodotto di secrezione di una rinascita delle due grandi industrie. Bisso (sea-silk), ghiandola che si trova nel piede di molti and porpora, the colour – according to him – with molluschi bivalvi, come la pinna, il mi- which sea-silk was dyed. He writes about the two tilo ecc., e che fu detta appunto ghian- manufactures of his hometown Taranto, capital of dola del bisso. Questa secrezione appena Magna Grecia,73 hoping for a revival of both.74 emessa, si solidifica in fili assai resistenti, Some years earlier, the same efforts had been made che servono a fissare il mollusco agli sco- in Sardinia. In 1916, Giuseppe Basso-Arnoux publi- gli. Talora il bisso di certi molluschi, come shed the study Sulla pesca ed utillizzazione della quello della Pinna nobilis, è bello ed ele- ‘Pinna Nobilis’ e del relativo bisso. We find the same gante, di riflessi bronzati e simile a seta. mixture of terms concerning byssus: “Questo fiocco Ora non è più in uso, ma anticamente era viene chiamate Butz dagli ebrei, Bussos dai greci, assai pregiato e serviva a fare tessuti pre- Bissus dai francesi ed inglesi; Arbı dagli Arabi; da ziosi. E. G.-T. noi italiani lana-pinna, lana dorata, gnacara; venne anche chiamato ‘seta di mare’.”75 It is interesting how As a second meaning, in the same dictionary, fol- Basso-Arnoux explains the differences in the meaning lows bisso as a ‘technical’ term: finest, most precious of the term byssus: “Non si deve confondere il bisso textile used by the ancients, possibly linen: della Pinna nobilis, colle filamenta vegetali, pur desse Bisso. (tecn.) Tela o panno finissimo, pre- sottilissime, che servivano per tessere delle tele di ziosissimo, molle, delicato, che usavano lino più fine della battista e che solo per analogia di gli antichi. Si crede che fosse un tessuto esilità si denominavano bissus…”76 – first there was 69. The merchant’s polyglot manual 1860. 100 years later, in 1958, D’Alessio would speak in an article “Il bisso tarantino: leggende e inesattezze” of lanapesce, fish-wool, o lanapenna, Pinna wool. 70. Fanfani 1895, 129. 71. Lessona 1905, 483. 72. Or is it just an expression of extreme luxury: royal linen (=byssus) and royal purple, together the most famous materials for dress- ing in antiquity? For the term byssus as colour, see Brunello 1968, 58. 73. Whether sea-silk was already manufactured in antiquity in Taranto is contested. Purple manufacture in antiquity is proved by shell finds. 74. Mastrocinque shows examples made by him of linen dyed with purple; he also mentions wool dyed with purple (tav. VII) and p. 54). There is no material reference of purple dyed sea-silk. Recent experiments show that sea-silk cannot be dyed with purple; see Maeder (2017). 75. Basso-Arnoux 1916, 2. 76. Basso-Arnoux 1916, 4. 510   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) the term byssus for the filaments of the molluscs, and la donna fu la prima ad abbandonare la in analogy to them the term was given to the fine linen veste di lana per quella di tela; e il più an- of antiquity – just the opposite of how it really was! tico costume di lino fu il supparum. Ales- While Basso-Arnoux designates the processed bys- sandro Severo fu un grande amatore delle sus always as bisso marino, Mastrocinque never uses tele di lino e gl’imperatori in genere fa- this term; he speaks of bisso, lanapinna or lanapesce. cevano tessere il lino per proprio conto.80 The Enciclopedia italiana di science, lettere ed Also the statement about the zoological term bys- arti di Treccani belongs to the greatest encyclopae- sus is correct, explaining that it was given to the fil- dias.77 In the Treccani of 193078 we find a complete, aments of bivalves in analogy to the byssus of the extensive and comprehensive statement, including the ancients. known discussion of linen or cotton, with correspond- ing authors:79 Zoologia. - Nel piede di molti Molluschi Lamellibranchi si trova una ghiandola, BISSO (dal gr. βυσσός, e questo dal fe- che secerne una sostanza semifluida, la nicio būṣ; fr. bysse, sp. biso; ted. Byssus; quale, a contatto con l’acqua, si solidi- ingl. byssus). - Fu così chiamata dai Greci fica, formando una sorta di peduncolo, o, una tela sottilissima e preziosa fatta col più spesso, un fascio di filamenti, che ser- lino, proveniente dall’India e dall’Egitto vono a fissare l’animale a un sostegno. Per e diffusa nel mondo mediterraneo dai Fe- lo più questo fascio di filamenti a cui, per nici. In Egitto le manifatture appartene- analogia col nome del tessuto sopra ri- vano ai templi che sotto i Tolomei avevano cordato, fu dato il nome di bisso, è di na- il monopolio delle tele per le mummie (G. tura cornea, alquanto elastico, e in alcuni Lombroso, Recherches sur l’econ. polit. de casi (Anomia) è impregnato di sali calca- l’Égypte sous les Lagides, Torino 1870, p. rei. La ghiandola del bisso non sbocca di- 108 segg.). Per il suo pregio era adope- rettamente all’esterno, ma immette in una rata da principi e sacerdoti, anche della cavità del piede, che comunica con l’e- religione ebraica. Da alcuni si ritiene che sterno per mezzo di una piccola apertura. si ricavasse dal linum asbestinum, altri poi Non tutti i Lamellibranchi sono provvisti dicono non essere altro che il moderno co- del bisso; lo posseggono ad es. i generi tone. Dall’uso ebraico volle la Chiesa che Pecten, Tridacna, Avicula, Mytilus, Me- gli abiti dei sacerdoti fossero di lino. leagrina, Pinna; nei generi Cyclas, Unio, Nell’ambiente romano, il byssus si Anodonta ed altri esiste in un periodo trova per la prima volta ricordato in Pli- della vita, ma scompare allo stato adulto. nio. A Roma, oltre che dall’Egitto, il bisso era fornito dalla città di Scythopolis The entry ends with the use of these filaments as tex- presso Damasco, dalla Siria, e da Tarso tile fibre, but there is no special term given to this in Cilicia, come sappiamo dall’editto di textile: Diocleziano in cui ci sono date le qualità Il bisso della Pinna è così abbondante e migliori. L’Italia ne produceva poco. fine, che può essere tessuto in una stoffa L’uso di tela fine sia per indumenti, sia morbidissima, sericea, d’un colore bruno per fazzoletti, tovaglioli, asciugamani, si dorato, con riflessi verdastri. Un tempo diffuse negli ultimi tempi della repubblica: gli abitanti delle coste siciliane, calabresi, 77. … together with the Encyclopaedia Britannica and the Spanish Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-americana. 78. Treccani 1930. 79. Byssus with the meaning asbestos is mentioned also in Rondelet 1558, 38-39; see also Maeder (2016 b). 80. Today the Italian term bisso means first a fine linen or cotton used for embroideries. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   511 tarentine e di Malta, ne facevano guanti, linen byssus is transferred to sea-silk byssus. Capecel- cravatte e altri oggetti di abbigliamento. atro, a great promoter of sea-silk manufacturing and Tale industria fioriva ancora nel sec. knowing very well the whole manufacturing process, XVIII, ma la materia prima era troppo never spoke of bisso – meaning sea-silk – but of lana­ scarsa perché essa potesse acquistare no- penna, Pinna wool.85 tevole importanza (v. lamellibranchi). L. In 1994, the Italian textile journal Jacquard pub- M. C., G. Cal., G. Mon.81 lished an article titled “Il Bisso”. Byssus of the Pinna nobilis would be the byssus of antiquity, known in Today’s Treccani Internet entry is a summary of Egypt, Greece and Rome, and in the Bible. The con- the above-mentioned – still with no special term for tradiction with the term would be old, “poiché la sea-silk.82 stessa denominazione era impropriamente attribuita In 1780, Giuseppe Capecelatro (1744-1836), Arch- a tessuti di cotone o di lino, mentre solo il filato de- bishop of Taranto, dedicated his study “Spiegazione rivato dalla Pinna nobilis può definirsi ‘bisso’”86 – delle conchiglie che si trovano nel piccolo mare di Ta- because the term bisso was misleadingly attributed ranto” to the Russian Empress Catherine II and sent it to textiles of cotton or linen while the only true bisso with several sea-silk gloves to the court of St. Peters- comes from the pinna nobilis, as the article concludes, burg. Luigi Sada has the great merit to have reprinted this corroborating the age-old misunderstanding. the text in 1983. Capecelatro uncovers some continu- How persistently some opinions survive is also ally repeated legends of sea-silk in antique Taras (Ta- seen in the estimable book La seta del mare - il bisso. ranto): “Le vesti di lanapenna non sono trasparenti… Storia, cultura, prospettive – the first illustrated mo- Le Tarantinidie così dette dall’uso, che facevasene in nograph about the sea-silk production in Taranto: Taranto, dovevano essere di sottilissimo bisso [in lino, “L’uso millenario della parola bisso per indicare la not in sea-silk], perchè così si accorda, e che erano seta marina ricavata dal mollusco bivalve denomi- diafane, e che convenivano all’uso, ed al poco pudore nato pinna nobilis, ha lasciato esili tracce anche in insieme delle antiche Ballerine.”83 However, in an alcuni testi della Bibbia.”87 Thousands of years the appendix, Sada contradicts Capecelatro’s statement: term bisso would have meant sea-silk, having left also “Inventori e maestri dell’arte dell’apparecchiatura traces in the Bible… e tessitura del bisso [filaments of Pinna nobilis, ergo In scientific texts published in Sardinia, more im- byssus] … nella città bimare [Taranto] si confeziona- portance is attached to clearness in the matter. While vano le celebri vesti tarantinidie, diafane, morbide, Paolo Piquereddu, former director of the Museo et- leggere, di colore aureo, ricercate e indossate da ma- nografico Sardo, speaks of lana marina,88 Gerolama trone, famose etère, danzatrici e baccanti”.84 Once Carta Mantiglia, folklorist at the University of Sassari, more, the famous fineness and transparency of antique 81. Authors: Leone Mattei Cerasoli, Guido Calza, and Giuseppe Montalenti. 82. http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ricerca/bisso/ (20.1.2015). 83. Capecelatro, in Sada 1983, 29-62 and 42. However, Capecelatro adds in a footnote that we do not know yet what was meant with the byssus of the ancients: some have had the opinion that it was sea-silk (“che il bisso sia codesta lana Pinna”). The Online Lid- dell-Scott-Jones Greek-English Lexicon confirms this. Yet, we still do not know for sure of what material the tarantinidie were, the diaphane light dresses for dancers in antique Taras: of the finest Apulian wool, or of the also famous finest cotton? See also D’Ippolito 2004, 73-113. 84. Sada 1983, 66. 85. For the eminent role of Capecelatro in the history of sea-silk see http://www.muschelseide.ch/en/geschichte/neuzeit/giuseppe- capecelatro.html 86. Bardini Barbafiera 1994, 10. 87. Campi 2004, 201-205. Unfortunately the nicely illustrated book contains also many traditional myths and legends concerning the term bisso. 88. Piquereddu 2009, 22. 512   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) makes often a distinction between the raw material Sant’Antioco is also the only place where the sea- bisso and the textile bisso marino.89 silk processing still is alive, if only on a small scale Why did I present the ambiguity of the term bys- and just for demonstration purposes.92 Women of sus so extensively in the Italian language? Italy is of Sant’Antioco who had learned sea-silk processing in particular importance for sea-silk in two respects. Not the weaving studio of Italo Diana in the 1930s passed only is it still the only country with a documented on their knowledge to many locals of the younger sea-silk production, at least since medieval times.90 generation. The last sea-silk weaver that once learnt Sant’Antioco, a small island southwest of Sardinia, from Italo Diana – Efisia Murroni – died in 2013 at is – together with Taranto in Apulia – the only place the age of one hundred years. So it is not surprising where the manufacturing of sea-silk was known un- that several sea-silk weavers still live in Sant’Antioco. til the 1950s. We have an interesting statement by The Sardinian journalist Claudio Moica has recently Vittorio Alinari, a famous Florentine photographer reanimated the local history of sea-silk production who was travelling – and photographing – in Sar- in the 20th century in several articles in the local dinia at the beginning of the 20th century and made Gazzetta del Sulcis. They are available online.93 And the following remarks about the textile production in the English marine biologist Helen Scales takes also Sant’Antioco: a critical look at the present situation in Sant’ Antioco in chapter VI of her book Spirals in Time - The Secret Ma la lavorazione più curiosa è quella che Life and Curious Afterlife of Seashells. si fa della Pinna Nobilis, che viene pescata in grande abbondanza nel golfo e la cui Invented tradition and the role of mass media appendice terminale (bisso), formata da filamenti setacei, viene, in prima, ripulita Beside this well-founded local history, Sardinia seems dalle concrezioni calcaree che vi stanno to have a rich history of mystification around sea-silk aderenti, quindi filata e tessuta. Ne deriva and its processing: “… è strano che si parli di segreto una stoffa di un bel colore metallico, che e di conservazione ereditaria del metodo del quale si si avvicina al rame, con la quale si con- servano gli antichi per fissarne la doratura” – this fezionano delle sottovesti che, guarnite di is a statement of Giuseppe Basso-Arnoux in 1916.94 bottoni in filigrana d’oro, pure lavorati nel Apparently this tendency has survived and keeps paese e nel cagliaritano, producono bellis- evolving since the 1990s, especially in Sant’Antioco. simo effetto. Per ogni sottoveste occorrono Against better knowledge, the term bisso is used by almeno novecento code la cui filatura co- some without any distinction in the sense of sea-silk, sta, all’incirca, una lira al cento. Questo which leads to assertions like: the Bible is full of non può ritenersi un prezzo esagerato per- sea-silk, all mummies are wrapped in sea-silk, and ché non può filarsene che un centinaio al more and more textile relics around the world are – giorno essendo il filo delicatissimo e facile of course – from sea-silk. Even perfectly researched a strapparsi.91 89. Carta Mantiglia 1997; 2006. Unfortunately some of the stories about Aristotle and transparency persist. 90. Other possible but not yet confirmed countries are Croatia, Spain, and, may be, Malta and Tunisia. 91. Alinari 1915, 114. This shows clearly that sea-silk products were made for the market – at least at that time – and sold. 92. The fan shell Pinna nobilis is protected since 1992: European Council Habitats Directive 92/43/EEC, on conservation of natural habitats and the wild fauna and flora. Annex IV, Animal and Plant Species of Community Interest in Need of Strict Protection. No part of the shell may be harmed. 93. http://www.gazzettadelsulcis.it/archivi.asp: no 682, 10.7.2014, p. 6: Si scoprono nuovi maestri della tessitura: il bisso a Sant’An- tioco; no 685, 31.7.2014, p. 7: La difficile ricostruzione della vita di Italo Diana, il misterioso maestro del bisso di Sant’Antioco; no 688, 4.9.2014, p. 6: Felicitas Maeder e la ricerca della verità intorno alla storia del bisso; no 690, 18.9.2014, p. 7: Gli insegna- menti del maestro Italo Diana ad Efisia Murroni, l’ultima allieva del bisso; no 692, 9.10.2014, p. 9: Italo Diana ricordato dai figli di Jolanda Sitzia: L’allieva e la rievocazione del maestro; no 694, 23.10.2014, p. 9: Le sorelle Pes maestre di tessitura e di bisso: La passione di Assuntina e Giuseppina. 94. Basso-Arnoux 1916, 3. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   513 textile techniques like l’or de Chypre is brought in been examined in 1980th and analysed as mulberry connection with sea-silk.95 So-called ‘secret oral tra- silk.100 In the meantime, also two textile relics in Ger- ditions’ around sea-silk manufacturing flourish and man minsters are marked sea-silk: in Kornelimünster encounter numerous fascinated admirers, if not local, the sudarium of Jesus “aus feinster äußerst zarter then outside of the island, and around the world. Mass alexandrinischer Muschelseide (Byssus)”101 and in and social media play an important, albeit questiona- Aachen Mary’s robe, made of linen and “aus kost- ble, role in the spread of this so-called ‘cultural her- barem orientalischem Byssus, auch Muschelseide itage’. Countless interviews, radio broadcasts, doc- genannt.”102 Both textile relics have been analysed umentary films and self-promoting books diffuse a by Franz Bock in the 1880s and were clearly identi- made-up story of sea-silk, which has – except the real fied as fine linen.103 process of washing, combing, spinning and weaving Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger published in – very little to do with the historical record. 1983 the widely discussed book “The Invention of One endlessly re-echoed assertion has a particu- Tradition”. The chapter of the invention of Scottish larly dangerous effect: the assumed transparency of Highland traditions is especially interesting, as it con- sea-silk. In Manoppello, a little town in the Abruzzi tains an example from the textile world: the kilt as em- (Italy), exists a very fine, translucent veil in the Cap- bodiment of a traditional Scottish costume – in fact uchin church, the so-called Volto Santo, venerated as quite modern, invented in the 18th century.104 What the face of Christ. In 2004 it was ‘identified’ as bisso we presently observe regarding sea-silk is a similar de- - only at sight.96 This bisso has been - without any velopment: the worldwide spread of half-knowledge questions or doubts – translated by journalists and about a so-called ‘ancient sea-silk tradition’, a mixture authors as sea-silk, and thus found its way in sev- of ‘old wisdom’ and sacral vows, which is, in fact, in eral books, papers, videos, and films.97 Manoppello great parts an invented one.105 No problem that this is today a growing pilgrimage destination and has an forged ancient sea-silk tradition is mentioned in every enormous repercussion in the Catholic world.98 This Sardinian traveller guide. But what we must consider fact determines more and more how sea-silk ‘looks’ – is the fact that the enormous publicity worldwide en- even if none of the inventoried sea-silk objects have ters slowly – like a reverted trickle-down effect – into the slightest resemblance with a translucent, veil-like the heads of those who are seriously interested in tex- textile. Another veil, shown in Assisi and venerated tiles. At least, several publications of the last decade as the veil of Madonna, has newly been ‘identified’ mentioning byssus and/or sea-silk suggest this, even as sea-silk in the Vatican Magazin.99 This textile has if the source is not mentioned, or not even perceived. 95. “Qu’est donc cet or de Chypre, qui n’a visiblement rien de métallique? C’est un produit des fonds marins, le byssus de la grande nacre (Pinna nobilis), c’est la Soie de Mer. Le Maestro di Bisso Chiara Vigo le confirme, et précise que le terme ‘or de Chypre’ dé- signe une façon particulière du travail de la Soie de Mer, donnant un fil grège (non teinté) réservé à la décoration des vêtements sacerdotaux.” http://www.sardolog.com/bisso/france/loanec.htm (28.1.2015). About gold threads in textile see: Bock 1884, 4-5; de Reyer et al. 1997; Gleba 2008; Karatzani 2012; Jacoby 2014; and http://www.annatextiles.ch/vo_sti/dictiona/metmat.htm (7.8.2015). 96. http://manoppello.eu/eng/ 97. E.g., Badde 2005, 2010a & b, 2011, 2014; Schrader 2007; Gaeta 2010; van den Hövel 2013. 98. http://manoppello.eu/eng/index.php?go=bisior (3.2.2015). 99. Badde 2010c. 100. Flury-Lemberg 1988, 318 and 492. More detail in Maeder 2016, 829. 101. http://katholisch-informiert.ch/2014/06/aachener-reliquien-historisch-authentisch/ (3.2.2015). 102. Domkapitel Aachen: Pilgern in Aachen 2014. In the English edition of this leaflet only ‘byssus’ is mentioned – a good example of the translation problems. 103. Bock 1895, 8-14. 104. Trevor-Roper 1983: The invention of tradition: the Highland tradition of Scotland. In Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983, 15-42. 105. The old homepage www.chiaravigo.com. Chiara Vigo – not the sea-silk manufacturing! – would be presented for Italian candi- date as UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage. 514   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) 2007: Example one book about marine biology materials. In chapter 18 titled “Byssus – An Ancient Marine Biological Ma- In the Collection de l’École Française de Rome, an terial”, the same old mythical stories are assembled. impressive volume of 752 pages: La culture maté- We read about the ‘Cloth of gold’ and Jason’s ‘Golden rielle médiévale – l’Italie méridionale byzantine et Fleece’ and the tunic found by Herodotus “made of a normande. In chapter IV, Métiers et activités et la loose fabric of exceedingly fine thread … finer than a draperie, are presented on the same level: animal hair”, and of course, the “fine, diaphanous fabrics … fibres, vegetal fibres, silk, furs – and byssus.106 Enter- commonly used in making the apparel of the queen ing the topic, we read that antique authors took byssus and the princesses and the wives and daughters of rich as a linen de couleur gris-cendre (of ash-greyish col- men and high officials.” Even the legend of ‘the bys- our107). Latin and Greek dictionaries would take bys- sus gloves folded and packed inside a walnut shell’ sus and byssos as a vegetal fibre, cotton or linen. But is included. The author ends the chapter with the fol- this is wrong, we read: “En réalité, le byssus est un lowing words: “Because of the very simple (and to- tissu diaphane, créé en utilisant une fibre provenant day unique) technique of the spinning of the byssus d’un mollusque acéphale à coquille bivalve.” (In re- threads, I take the liberty to represent here several im- ality, byssus is a sheer fabric using the fibre of a bi- ages which, in my opinion, will astonish our material valve mollusc.) research community.” Shown is a whole page with photographs of the sea-silk production with our ‘last 2008: Example two and only maestro di bisso’.109 In the third edition of a German practical lexicon for 2010: Example four textile studies we find for the term Byssus the known reprises of transparent cloth for mummies and relics: In a linguistic study of Neo-Assyrian textiles and their colours, we read about the byssus of molluscs for Ein feinfädiger Netzhemdenstoff aus Dre- luxury clothes: “Le byssus, tissu très fin et de grande herbindung; ferner feinfädige, zarte, un- valeur, réalisé à partir de filaments produits par des gemusterte oder mit eingewebten Mustern mollusques, était réservé à quelques vêtements de versehene Gewebe aus Seide, Muschel- luxe”.110 This cannot be taken amiss, as the reference seide oder Flachs. Diese Gewebe (Byssos) to this statement is a paper of 1991 in which, about wurden schon zur Pharaonenzeit zum Ein- the Akkadian term būṣu, ‘Hebrew būṣ, Phoenician bṣ’, hüllen der Mumien und Reliquien benutzt. is said: “Knowledge of true byssus appears to have … Seit dem Altertum wurde dieses Sekret fallen out of the focus of modern scholars of history; ‘geerntet’ und zu durchsichtigem, natur- most recent works on ancient textiles only mention it farbigem Gewebe verarbeitet (gewirkt).108 in passing as a fine linen, although conchologists are still aware of its existence”… Byssus would be “an 2010: Example three ultra-fine fabric woven from the tuft of fine silky fila- ments … of the genus Pinna…”111 Unfortunately, Dal- Outside textile discussions, we find a scary example ley here referred to several pieces of misinformation of an uncritical copy-paste text in a recent Springer debunked since. Her bold conclusion is: “From Late 106. Ditchfield 2007, 425-427. 107. Did he take this idea by Harmuth 1915, where one concept of Buz is a “plain woven gray cotton fabric made in Central Asia”? 108. Wadischt 2008, 18. 109. Ehrlich 2010, 299-318. Although he refers to some papers of Maeder, and Maeder & Halbeisen, all citations are copied from a homepage without any scientific background (www.designboom.com), dated 2002. 110. Villard 2010, 388-399. 111. Dalley 1991, 121. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   515 Bronze Age and Early Iron Age sources it may be pos- as luxurious commodity.” It should be added that tha- sible to show, both from representations and from texts lassai really could refer to textiles made of sea-silk, that indicate the direction of trade, that Akkadian būṣu made of the byssus of Pinna nobilis! But it was not is indeed the fabric made of mollusc filaments.”112 the byssos of the ancients. 2013: Example five 2013: Example six In a discussion about the term thalassai in the Book The term byssus and its derivations are also men- of Prefect, a Byzantine commercial manual of the 9th tioned and discussed in the book Etymologies of Isi- century, a “textile from byssos – the so-called sea silk dor of Sevilla and in the Summarium of Heinrici. The (also: marine wool or marine silk)” is mentioned.113 conclusion of the authors is: „Byssum ist kein be- The authors not only refer to the above-mentioned stimmtes Material, sondern ein Qualitätsbegriff, hin- book of Ditchfield, but also to the Der Kleine Pauly. ter dem sich die Rohstoffe Leinen, Baumwolle und Lexikon derAntike: Muschelseide verbergen können.“116 Of course, sea- Byssos (βύσσος) bezeichnet verschiedene silk was known in the 7th and 11th century, but as pflanzliche und tierische Fasern, βύσσινος, I have demonstrated above, it would not have been βύσσινον πέπλωμα … Kaum jünger als die called byssus. Bezeichnung für Leinfasern dürfte die für die bis heute Byssos genannten Haftfasern 2013: Example seven festsitzender Meermuscheln, besonders der im Mittelmeer verbreiteten Pinna no- In a recent semiotic thesis about the traditional cos- bilis sein, aus deren 3-8 cm langen Fasern tume in Sardinia, the whole chapter of byssus and seit dem Altertum Stricke, Strümpfe, Hand- sea-silk consists of unquestioned stories about this schuhe u.a. hergestellt werden.114 so-called ‘oral tradition’ heard from the above men- The same term in Der Neue Pauly: tioned Sardinian weaver who has declared her- self the last and only sea-silk weaver of the world, Byssos (βύσσος). Pflanzliche und tierische “Maestro di bisso” since 20 generations!117 No ques- Fasern, die in weitgehend durchsichtigen tioning, no discussion of terms, no precise references Gewändern (βύσσινος, βύσσινον πέπλωμα) to any literature. The chapter ends with a poem of verarbeitet wurden.115 Giovanni Pascoli, a 19th century Italian poet ci- Some facts, some ambiguities, some similarities… ting the precious silk «la preziosa seta»: “O mani it is no wonder that the authors of the article come d’oro, le cui tenui dita menano i tenui fili ad escir to the following conclusion: “We therefore believe fiori dal bianco bisso, e sì, che la fiorita sembra che that thalassai is a manufacture fabricated from byssos odori” – even the ‘white byssus’ is not scrutinised (‘sea silk’, ‘marine wool’) and imported from Syria or questioned.118 112. Dalley 1991, 121-122. 113. Jaroszinsky & Kotlowska 2013, 39-46. 114. Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike 1979, 978–979 (H. Gams). 115. Hünemörder 1997, 866. 116. Müller et al. 2013, 320. 117. http://www.donneuropa.it/lifestyle/2014/04/18/chiara-vigo-maestro-bisso-venti-generazioni/ (20.12.2014). 118. Sedilesu 2013, 98-102. ‘White byssus’ is another topos in byssus/sea-silk discussion, probably referring to cotton, or used in a symbolic sense. This is only one of a dozen Italian Universities theses on sea-silk in Sardinia of the last years, all referring to Chi- ara Vigo. Corresponding events have taken place in different universities like Cagliari, Siena, Venice, Rome and other cultural institutions. 516   Felicitas Maeder in Textile Terminologies (2017) 2014: Example eight Bibliography In a book of 2014 titled “Unwrapping Ancient Egypt” Abdel-Maksoud, G. & Abdel-Rahman, E.-A. (2013) The we read: investigation and conservation of a gazelle mummy from the late period in ancient Egypt, Mediterranean The finest linen, known as ‘royal linen’, Archaelogy and Archaeometry, 13(1), 45-67. was almost sheer and is sometimes er- Alinari, V. (1915) In Sardegna. Note di viaggio. Firenze. roneously translated as byssus, after the Badde, P. (2005) Das Muschelseidentuch. Auf der Suche Greek word for a thread spun from mol- nach dem wahren Anlitz Jesu. Berlin. lusk secretions, whose miraculous, gossa- Badde, P. (2010a) L’autre suaire: Enquête sur le secret de mer quality the finest woven flax may have Manoppello. Paris. Badde, P. (2010b) The Face of God - The Rediscovery Of resembled.119 The True Face of Jesus. San Francisco. Badde, P. (2010c) Der Schleier der Jungfrau. Die Franzis- Conclusions of the Italian situation kaner in Assisi zeigen ein ganz besonderes Muschelsei- dentuch. Vatican Magazin 12, 48-51. John Peter Wild stated once: “To discover the mean- Badde, P. (2011) Das göttliche Gesicht im Muschelseiden- ing of a specific textile term, a lexicon is a good place tuch von Manoppello. Kisslegg. to start, but a bad place to end.”120 How true! Study- Badde, P. (2014) Die Grabtücher Jesu in Turin und Man- ing the terms byssus and sea-silk in lexicons and dic- oppello: SUDARIUM ET VESTES. Berlin. tionaries is of nearly no help. They only render the re- Bardini Barbafiera, L. (1994) Il Bisso, Jacquard 21, 5-12. searchers uncertain with all their inconsistencies and Basso-Arnoux, G. (1916) Sulla pesca ed utilizzazione della “Pinna Nobili” e del relativo bisso. Roma. contradictions. As we have seen, even actual special- Battisti, C. & Alessio, G. (1950) Dizionario Etimologico ised dictionaries raise more questions than answer- Italiano. Firenze. ing them. Beck, S. W. (1882) The Draper’s Dictionary. A Manual of This background explains why fantastic sto- Textile Fabrics: their history and applications. London. ries around real sea-silk production – as we hear of Beekes, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Sant’Antioco – encounter such an enormous interest. Leiden. Sea-silk exists! You can touch it! How could all this Beullens, P. & Gotthelf, A. (2007) Theodore Gaza’s Transla- not be true? tion of Aristotle’s De Animalibus: Content, Influence, and These few examples – from the thesis of a Roman Date, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 47, 469-513. university to historical and textile studies of antique Bezon, J. (1857) Dictionnaire général des tissus anciens et modernes, … Lyon. and medieval times up to a modern specialised lex- Bickel, S. & Paulin-Grothe, E. (2012) The Valley of the icon and biological reference book – show the con- Kings: two burials in KV 64, Egyptian Archaeology 41, sequences of the impact of mass media in present- 36-40. day research, at least in the matter of byssus and Bock, F. (1866) Geschichte der liturgischen Gewänder des sea-silk. The ‘power of naming’ – so it seems – lies Mittelalters oder Entstehung und Entwicklung der kirch- more and more in fanciful websites, odd blogs, fa- lichen Ornate und Paramente. Bonn. cebook accounts, and magic events around ‘secret Bock, F. (1884) Goldstickerein und Webereien in alter and sacred old traditions’. How should textile re- und neuer Zeit und das dazu verwandte Goldgespinnst. search handle this? Nürnberg. Bock, F. (1895) Die textilen Byssus-Reliquien des christli- chen Abendlandes, aufbewahrt in den Kirchen zu Köln, Aachen, Cornelimünster, Mainz und Prag. Aachen. 119. Riggs 2014, 117. The author refers to Dalley 1991 (as did Villard 2010), but also to the homepage of the Sea-silk Project; I take it as an appeal to re-read it carefully and look for misunderstandings. 120. Wild 2007, 5. 33. Irritating Byssus – Etymological Problems, Material Facts, Mass Media   517 Bonanno, P. (1684) Recreatio mentis et oculi - In Observa- Ehrlich, H. (2010) Byssus: From Inspiration to Develop- tione Animalium Testaceorum. Roma. ment of Novel Biomaterials. In Biological Materials of Braun (Braunius), J. (1680) Vestitus sacerdotum hebraeo- Marine Origin. 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Hobsbawm & 193-273. 34 Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System 1 Kalliope Sarri O ne of the major challenges in costume and languages, such as the word khiton (Greek: χιτών), textile research is dealing with the vast num- which appears as ki-to in Linear B coming from the ber of terms related to textiles and garments, Semitic ktn.3 especially because similar terms are found in different An effort to systematize Greek textile terms in a languages and dialects, in various regions and over databased system was initiated as a pilot program be- long periods of time, where they have survived in a tween the years 2000-2003 and it was first presented complicated network of linguistic and cultural inter- at the conference on Textile Terminologies from the relations. There have been many attempts to collect Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe 1000 BC – textile terms in glossaries as parts of costume studies AD 1000 and at the Euroscience Open Forum meet- or as parts of museum archival projects. These glos- ing (Copenhagen 2014). This study is now included saries however are usually limited to specific topics, in the present volume. The project took place during geographical areas, languages, and time periods. the recording of a costume collection, which was a Creating a diachronic and global costume term joint project of the Peloponnesian Folklore Founda- base in the Greek language is of considerable value tion, the Museum of Greek costumes and the Foun- for textile terminology, since the earliest textile terms dation of the Hellenic World. The term collection was in the Greek language go back to the second millen- initially focused on Greek traditional costumes of the nium BC, retrieved from the clay tablet archives of 19th century. Soon after its first steps it became clear the Mycenaean palaces.2 These early textile terms can that the collection had to be extended to other pe- be also traced in the vocabularies of other ancient riods, languages and areas adjacent to the modern 1. I owe many thanks to Ioanna Papantoniou, Xenia Politou, Nadia Maha-Bizoumi and Angeliki Roumeliotou for their valuable ad- vice and encouragement during the compilation of the terms collection at the Peloponnesian Folklore Foundation and the Museum of the History of the Greek Costume of the Lyceum Club of Greek Women between the years 1999-2002. I am very grateful to Ma- rie-Louise Nosch and Susanna Lervad for discussions on the concept and usefulness of the database and for reviewing this paper. I also owe many thanks to Cécile Michel and Salvatore Gaspa for accepting this paper in the conference volume. 2. For the Mycenaean textile vocabulary see Del Freo, Rougement & Nosch 2010. 3. Michel & Nosch 2010, xi. 520 34. Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System   521 Greek state in order to enlighten the etymology and the alterations of the terms. Moreover, through this linguistic pathway it is possible to trace a wide range of historical and cultural contacts between various ethnic communities within and outside these borders. Thus, costume terms from the oldest historical peri- ods and from areas outside the current political and cultural boundaries of Greece have been included in this project. The textile term collection, the structure of which is presented here, contains approximately 6000 terms directly related to clothing items but also to raw mate- rials, treatments, implements and stages of manufac- ture, and also related to the physical conceptual envi- ronment of clothing production, e.g. fόrema (Greek: φόρεμα): dress and nyphikό (Greek: νυφικό): wed- Fig. 1 ding dress, their use by specific social or professional groups, e.g. diadema (Greek: διάδημα): diadem, as costumes as possible. In a thesaurus in the form of a well as special pragmatic and linguistic definitions dictionary or encyclopaedia it is possible by a simple linked to them, i.e. ghyaloméno (Greek: γυαλωμένο: query to reach the meaning as well as side informa- textile finishing through applying glass pressure; tion about all compiled entries.4 The major advantage from γυαλί: glass). At the same time, the collection of a databased system such as the one suggested here includes terms concerning ancient garments, textiles is that the search can also be operated in a reverse di- and textile implements seen as archaeological finds, rection, that is, starting from a survey on a special exhibition objects and as objects under conservation field of interest one is able to discover many more re- and research. lated words, focused on specific topics and taking into While compiling textile terms from various histor- consideration various chronological and geographic ical periods, we noticed that a high number of words parameters (fig. 1). This can be achieved a) through a derive from other languages, some of which reached system of classification fields and b) through a system Greek as loans or as results of mutual loans, while of keywords directed towards specific thematic units. the origin of many other terms remains unclear. Al- Thus, a simple lexicographical research can be turned ternative etymologies have been included with the into a search-engine extending beyond time or space main entries, and thus the dictionary, apart from be- limitations. The experience with this kind of structure ing a place for collecting and explaining the meaning so far has showed that a search system based on key of the textile concepts, can also be used as an etymo- fields and keywords leads to many more unexpected logical tool for monitoring a perpetual traffic of tex- findings about the origin, the history, and the distri- tile related words in space and time. bution of clothing items and related terms than those initially targeted. The concept Terminological sources The multi-thematic and diachronic collection of tex- tile terms presented here aims – through a systemati- The sources of the term collection are of different zation of the terminology – at acquiring direct knowl- nature, depending on the periods from which they edge of as many diverse aspects of the historical come. For the prehistoric and proto-historic periods 4. An example of this kind is the online terminology collection Textilnet. See Engelhardt Mathiassen & Ringbøl Bitsch 2016 and Ler- vad & Engelhardt Mathiassen in this volume. 522   Kalliope Sarri in Textile Terminologies (2017) man woman cloth armour a b c Fig. 2 there is not a verbal terminology, yet archaeological wore different clothes and that women’s clothes were terms referring to a rich imagery or to the use of tex- long wide dresses while men wore short garments. tile related objects and connotations can suggest vi- A characteristic example of linking texts and objects sual or linguistic comparisons with later historical is the symbol of armour, which can be verified by terms, revealing the origins of clothing production means of Mycenaean items known from the archae- before they appear in any deciphered language.5 An ological record (fig. 2c). example is the term ‘Minoan dress’, which despite its obvious onomasioological convention, is a defini- Historic textile terms tion that shows the pattern of the hieratic garment of the Minoan period and can be compared to costume In the Greek and Latin texts of history and philoso- patterns of other cultures.6 In some cases, the archae- phy, poetry and in the texts referring to nature, i.e. the ological record seems able to indirectly support the works of Pliny, there is a large amount of costume terminology and can even lead to the meaning of and textile terms, most of which have been already words and symbols, i.e. the prehistoric loom weights recorded in the classical language dictionaries. So, it explain in reality the shape of ideograms TELA of is possible to search and find exactly, meanwhile on Linear B script (fig. 2b) but they also clarify the the web as well, in which ancient text certain terms etymology of the ancient Greek word for loom his- occur and how their meanings are differentiated by tos as this means a standing or vertical loom.7 At the diverse authors.8 At this point, it is worth mention- transition from prehistory to history during the Late ing that ancient writers and modern translators – es- Bronze Age, the first, fragmentary texts in the Lin- pecially those who were not particularly interested ear B script contain the oldest Greek words denoting in giving very precise descriptions of nature or tech- clothing. Here, pictograms, if compared with their nicalities – do not always give accurate information contemporary illustrations and other archaeological in the fields of textile production and costumes and evidence, can help link images with words, i.e. the sometimes they even give confusing or misleading different symbols for women and men show that they information. Classical examples are the Greek words 5. For aspects of nonverbal terminology see Lervad, Flemestad & Weilgaard Christiansen 2016. 6. Jones 2015, 27-55. 7. See the different versions of the logograms in Nosch 2016, fig. 17.2, table B. 8. See, e.g., the Perseus Digital Library: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/. 34. Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System   523 byssos and mitos, discussed in the present volume,9 as The structure of the database well as the word diplax in the translations of Homer.10 In such cases the search and comparison between al- The textile term database consists of two kinds of ternative meanings and descriptions can lead to cor- fields: fields to be filled out with textual information rections or altered interpretations of the primary infor- and fields planned as multiple choice lists based on mation. Numerous depictions of people in ancient art, preselected categories (fig. 3). All entries can be clas- i.e. in sculpture, vase painting and architecture, some- sified by the users in order to form queries based on times show with many details how ancient clothing certain groups of criteria. In this way, users can col- was made and how it was worn, so that we can easily lect and study comparatively terms from specific ar- compare pictures with words.11 eas, historical periods and languages, as well as terms For the term collection from Late Antiquity, Byz- related to special research fields and terms referred antium, and the Medieval period we have used similar by certain authors or in special kinds of publications. historical and literary sources, which are supported by Close to the term ID, the etymology of this word a rapidly growing number of –in the areas of the east is given as the first, second or third language of attes- Orthodox church Greece’s mostly religious – icono- tation. Here various authors and sources can give di- graphic data. Mutual loans during these historical pe- verse information or their personal view on the der- riods can be traced more accurately with knowledge ivation of the terms, which can be compared and of other languages and through the increasing amount evaluated by the database users and researchers. For of information saved in the literature and other writ- a better tracking of the terms’ mobility, it is also very ten sources.12 useful to supply a phonetic transcription as well as a Encyclopaedias and lexica, especially of an older sonic performance of the terms. In this way, it is eas- date and concept, bridge the linguistic distance to ier to compare terms, which may offer a weak pho- our modern era13 while when approaching our time, nological but a stronger sound relation, maybe altered the number of special costume studies increases and by local dialects and language loans. these are very often accompanied by term glossaries, One of the crucial features of this database is a which can be included in the database. Museums and field containing classification codes, which makes it textile research centres have also accumulated large easier to approach, detect and categorize the semantic numbers of textile terms in archives, publications, and functional environment of the terms. The codes exhibition and educational material, which can be appear as acronyms consisting of three letters and further systematized and used as direct information function as key words leading to information asked sources.14 In the modern era of media and multimedia with a query. Through this, users can reach informa- environments, journalistic texts, documentary films, tion on the conceptual or functional environment of interviews, ethnographic photography and blogs pre- the term, i.e. to find if entries denote textile fibres, sented on the Web have been also proven a valuable dyes, weaving implements, workshops, clothes, dec- pathway for discovering unknown or laboriously ac- orations, accessories or parts of accessories. For ex- cessible textile terms. ample: a chemical substance for cleaning or fixing 9. See for example the contribution by Felicitas Maeder. 10. Kolonas et al. 2017. 11. For an updated study of ancient Greek clothing see Spantidaki 2016. 12. A crucial source of nonverbal information about the costumes of the Ottoman period are the illustrations based on travellers’ re- ports, i.e. Stackelberg c. 1828. This publication has been recently accessible online at the webpage of the Sylvia Ioannou Founda- tion: http://www.sylviaioannoufoundation.org/digital-library.html?view=book&id=32 13. A very useful source for terms of the medieval period is the 19 volumes Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Greek Literature (1100- 1669) by E. Kriaras, See Kriaras 1968/2014 and Kazazis 2001/2003. 14. A large number of studies on the traditional Greek costumes are published by the Peloponnesian Folklore Foundation. See Papan- toniou 1996. 524   Kalliope Sarri in Textile Terminologies (2017) Name of field / Description & Function Field type field group Name Term ID Text Sound Acoustic value Button Phonetic value Text Transliteration Alternative name/s Alternative name/s Text Meaning Description of the term Text Language Greek, Italian, Arabic, Turkish, Albanian, etc. Check field Yes/No Original Language Intermediate Text Translation to other European languages / English plus Turkish, Text languages (if Arabic, Hebrew applicable) Action e.g. Spinning, Weaving, sewing, dyeing, Multiple Choice pleating, wearing etc. Classification code e.g. Textile, dress, shoe, hat, weapon etc. Multiple Choice Body part e.g Head, hand, foot, neck, bodice, lower part Multiple Choice Age & sex e.g. Man, woman, child, baby, old person Multiple Choice Actor e.g. worker, warrior, bride, priest, royality, not Multiple Choice defined Circumstance e.g. Everyday dress, work, wedding, funeral, Multiple Choice dance, sport, war Geography Continent, country & region Multiple Choice (three fields) Multiple Choice Text Place Name of the place (town or village) Text Map Coordinates and & map Text & GPS map Source e.g. Ancient archive, historiography, literature, Multiple Choice lexicon, research, modern archive, internet, visual art, sound art Reference (five Author, Title, Year, Page & figure number Alphanumeric fields) Image Visual evidence Image Remarks Special observations related to the entry Text field Internet citation External document where information is given Hyperlink Fig. 3 34. Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System   525 textiles would belong to the category ‘conservation’, majority of written sources are not illustrated. How- a coloring plant to the ‘dyes’, a pattern to decoration, ever, the dictionary should include pictures and visual a clothing item to ‘part of costume’. The more spe- examples whenever available. This is much easier for cific codes are, the easier it is for the database user to archaeological and museological terms and for terms discover new terms and evidence in particular fields coming from iconographic sources. of interest. Apart from this main classification code, a series of Application fields other fields are aimed at yielding classified informa- tion. The field ‘activity’ e.g. leads to a certain stage of The term-collection aims at offering knowledge about textile and costume manufacture or use (i.e. weaving, historical clothing to anyone interested in this topic. sewing, dyeing, pleating, wearing); the field ‘body There are some areas of historical and technological part’ tells us which part of the body the clothing item research though, where it is particularly valuable to covers (head, legs, feet, hands, shoulder, etc.) The use a textile dictionary. The most important among field ‘age/sex’ shows that the item was worn or used these are the history of costumes, the archaeological by a man or a woman, a young child or an older per- research, ethnology, the conservation of historical fab- son or it was a unisex or universal garment worn by rics and museology. everyone. The field ‘actor’ informs us more precisely – whenever possible – about the identity or the social Historical research role of the user (worker, warrior, bride, priest, roy- alty or undefined). The field ‘circumstance’ shows in The collection of textile terms can shed light on many which case a clothing item or tool was used (work, aspects of historical research concerning the regional wedding, celebration, performance, battle, funeral). history of clothing production but also on population A group of geography specifying fields informs movements, trading and cultural relations between about the places, where costumes, textiles and tex- regions. Through a comparison of terms in different tile related items, dressed people or actions have been languages, we can trace word movements from one localized. Here the geographical names of regions, region to another which signify trade and contacts be- countries, towns or villages can be entered, so that tween those countries (e.g. fez). Generally speaking the database users will be able to make their research words and terms occur in certain places where they on specific geographical areas. If the users’ search fo- remain until they are replaced by new ones coming cuses in areas of special interest, it is possible to make from new local traditions or via distant influences. targeted queries with a combination of many pre-clas- In contrast, other textile terms remained unchanged sified fields, i.e. on the kind and names of head covers for thousands of years in the Greek language such as abundant in a certain area or during a special chrono- the word for loom (histos, Greek: ιστός), wool (er- logical period, used by a certain social class or under ion, Greek: έριον), flax (lino, Greek: λινό) and dis- certain circumstances. taff (Greek: ηλακάτη). Queries can also be made based on bibliographi- cal sources, since entries are accompanied with a full History of arts and crafts citation leading to the authors or other information sources. A special field informs us about the kind of In the ancient and modern figurative arts we can find the source used, i.e. lexicon, museum archive, ancient images of costumes represented with clarity, some- literature, individual research work, so as to enable times even with many details. These comprise valu- comparisons, cross references and evaluations. able evidence for historical fashion, clothing technol- An ideal terminology collection should contain ogy and for the raw materials used but they are also pictures, which illustrate and explain visually the valuable for giving us information about the wearer compiled terms. This is unfortunately not possible in his or her historical background. In Greek-speaking for many periods in Greek textile history since the regions the main source of information about ancient 526   Kalliope Sarri in Textile Terminologies (2017) costumes can be found on vase painting, sculpture manufacture of utilitarian objects. Ethnological terms and later in religious iconography and in the fine arts. derive from relatively recent periods from which there In all these cases we have images of clothing ele- is ample illustrative and historical evidence, thus ments, but not their names, since both ancient and through a systematic collection, it is possible to de- modern iconography have usually only an ideologi- tect and rescue large numbers of textile terms which cal or decorative character and do not aim at describ- are becoming extinct or forgotten. ing the material culture in much detail. Terms fill here the role of imaginary captions missing from the picto- Conservation rial representations. The search for textile terms based on iconography is a very effective approach for tex- From the perspective of the rescuing strategies of his- tile research because it makes it possible to compare torical and archaeological textiles, both traditional and verify data (materials, structure, design) by com- and modern conservation tools and methods can be bining names, verbal descriptions and pictures. For tried and marked with a special classification code example, if we search the name of a male headdress (e.g. COM: conservation material). Moreover, knowl- seen on a picture from a historical period and if we edge of ancient or traditional methods supplies ideas know the area of the persons’ activity, we can search for the conservation of old natural materials, which in the database for male headdresses from this partic- causes less damage to the fibers. By selecting relevant ular period and region and eventually find this word terms, textile conservators may find a wide range of from a textual source. information on the appropriate materials required at every work stage. In the group of terms concerning Archaeology conservation materials and methods we have so far included so far are also terms for traditional meth- The use of accurate textile and costume terminol- ods for cleaning, treating and repairing of clothing ogy is of great value for the archaeological record. and fabrics. In the case of ancient civilizations for which we have only limited information, it helps to standardize the Museology terminology of raw materials, manufacturing meth- ods, tools and techniques but also the terminology of With the aid of a textile term dictionary, museum ob- fashionable choices and dress codes of the periods jects can be recorded by using their authentic names under investigation. As the costume design and the (e.g. we can use the word ependýtis and not coat for fabric technology have not yet been included in aca- the traditional overcoat of the Ottoman period or pep- demic archaeological training,15 a common and tech- los and not dress for the specific female dress of the nical language is needed for descriptions of tools and classical period), preferably the original names used manufacturing techniques of historical textiles. during their time and place of use, with a standardised terminology. In this way, costume collections can be Ethnology supported with the use of accurate information, while they will be, at the same time, able to save old terms. Textile terminology in the field of ethnological stud- In addition, by using standardized terms, museum re- ies can illuminate aspects of manufacture and the use cordings can also be operated also by non-fully special- of fabrics and garments in various lesser known cul- ized staff or trainees. During exhibitions, museum cu- tural communities. The nomenclature of clothing of- rators can use correct and unified terms for the legends ten links these activities with other related tasks such and accompanying texts, and in this way they will be as dyeing, tools, the selection of raw materials and the able to disseminate accurate information to the public. 15. I would like to mention here the exceptional work of Marina Vrelli Zachou (University of Ioannina) in gathering information on traditional Greek costumes and textile terms in collaboration with the students in the framework of the seminars. Vrelli-Zachou, http://users.uoi.gr/mvrelli/ergasies/xeirografa-endyamtologikis-laografias.pdf 34. Conceptualizing Greek Textile Terminologies: A Databased System   527 Conclusions Ontologie: Théories et applications) Workshop 2013, Copenhague 8 November 2013, 171-175. Copenhagen. The aim of this ongoing project is to collect Greek Jones, B. (2015) Ariadne’s Threads. The Construction and costume, textile and related terms from all periods Significance of clothes in the Aegean Bronze Age. Ae- and regions including terms from other languages, geum 38. Leuven-Liège. which have been integrated into Greek. Beyond the Kolonas, L., K. Sarri, Chr. Margariti, I. Vanden Berghe, technological and the linguistic part, a textile term I. Skals & M.-L. Nosch (in print) Heirs of the Loom: Funerary textiles from Stamna (Aitolia, Greece). A pre- dictionary, by tracing the human and social condi- liminary analysis. In M. Fotiadis, R. Laffineur, Y. Lolos tions behind the terms, aims to illuminate social as- & A. Vlachopoulos (eds.) Hesperos. The Aegean seen pects of clothing manufacture and dress codes, pro- from the West. 6th International Aegean Conference, Io- viding understanding of the society and economy of annina, 18-21 May 2016. former periods and cultures in the Eastern Mediterra- Kriaras, E. (1968 - 2014) Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar nean. The collection of entries can be a tedious task Greek Literature (1100-1669), I-XIΧ (19 Volumes). when terms are scattered in various texts and differ- Online publication: http://www.greek-language.gr/ ent kinds of sources, while it becomes much easier greekLang/medieval_greek/kriaras/index.html and effective when they are grouped together in lists Kazazis, I. (ed.) (2001/2003) Επιτομή του Λεξικού της and indexes. This makes the existence of glossaries in Μεσαιωνικής Ελληνικής Δημώδους Γραμματείας, 1100- every costume publication a valuable vehicle for col- 1669 του Εμμανουήλ Κριαρά. lecting and evaluating textile related terms. Epitome of the Kriaras Dictionary. The concise Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Greek Literature (1100-1669), Vol. I-XIV: http://www.greek-language.gr/greekLang/medi- eval_greek/kriaras/index.html Bibliography Nosch, M.-L. (2016) What’s in a Name? What’s in a Sign? Anstey, H. & T. Weston (1999) The Anstey Weston Guide Writing Wool, Scripting Shirts, Lettering Linen, Word- to textile Terms. Frome-London. (2nd ed.). ing Wool, Phrasing Pants, Typing Tunics. In S. Lervad, P. Flemestad, L. Weilgaard Christensen (eds.) Verbal Burnham, D. (1980) Warp and weft. Adapted and expanded and Nonverbal Representation in Terminology. Proceed- from the Vocabulary of Technical Terms, 1964, with per- ings of the TOTh (Theorie et Ontologie: Théories et ap- mission of the Centre International d’Étude des Textiles plications) 2013 Workshop, Copenhague 8 November Anciens. Toronto. 2013. 93-115, Copenhagen. Online publication: https:// Del Freo M., F. Rougement & M.-L. Nosch (2010) The ter- hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01354950/document minology of textiles in the Linear B Tablets, including Palmer, T. F. (1929) Dictionary of technical textile terms some considerations on Linear A Logograms and Ab- (Tri-lingual). Vol. I. English, French, Spanish, London. breviations. In C. Michel and M.-L. Nosch (eds.) Textile https://archive.org/details/dictionaryoftech00palmrich Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterra- nean from the Third to the First Millennia BC, 338-373. Papantoniou, I. (1996) Greek Regional Costumes. Nafplion. Ancient Textile Series 8. Oxford. Stackelberg, O. M. von. (c. 1828) Costumes & Usages des Desrosier, S. (2010) Textile Terminologies and Classifica- Peuples de la Grèce Moderne dessinés sur les lieux tions: Some methodological and chronological aspects. par Le Baron O. M. De Stackelberg, Lithographiés par In C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.) Textile Terminolo- Levilly & Publiés par P. Marino, Editeur de la Collec- gies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from tion des Costumes de l’Italie, Rue Montmorency, No. the Third to the First Millennia BC, 23-51. Ancient Tex- 13. Paris. Online Publication: Sylvia Ioannou Founda- tile Series 8. Oxford. tion. Digital library (2016): http://www.sylviaioannou- foundation.org/digital-library.html?view=book&id=32 Engelhardt Mathiassen, T. & B. Ringbøl Bitsch (2016) A New Danish Project in Textile Terminology: textilnet. Vrelli M. (1964/1992) Χειρόγραφα ενδυματολογικής dk. In: S. Lervad, P. Flemestad, L. Weilgaard Chris- Λαογραφίας Πανεπιστημίου Ιωαννίνων. Συλλογή tensen (eds.) Verbal and Nonverbal Representation φοιτητών. Online: http://users.uoi.gr/mvrelli/ergasies/ in Terminology. Proceedings of the TOTh (Theorie et xeirografa-endyamtologikis-laografias.pdf 35 textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation Susanne Lervad and Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen S ince February 2015, the digital dictionary or textile conservator Else Østergård, and photographic term database, textilnet.dk, has been accessi- slides of 1980s textile samples by textile scholar and ble on the Internet.1 The purpose of this pa- ethnologist Ingeborg Cock-Clausen, which provide per is to present the background and methods of this great illustrative assistance. pilot project. Since 2010, the project has collabo- rated with The Danish National Research Founda- The files of Erna Lorenzen and Ellen Andersen tion’s Centre for Textile Research (CTR), Univer- sity of Copenhagen, and has gained moral support Dr Erna Lorenzen (1909-2006)3 was the keeper and from Sabine Kirchmeier-Andersen, director of Dansk curator of the collection of historical dress and textiles Sprognævn, the Danish National Language Advisory in Den Gamle By (The Old Town), Danish Open Air Committee.2 From 2011 to 2015, we have been work- Museum of Urban History and Culture4 from 1959 to ing with generous funding from the Danish Minis- 1979. After she passed away in 2006, her files, which try of Culture. The objective of textilnet.dk is to were probably collected while she was researching preserve and communicate the cultural heritage of for her doctoral thesis, Folks Tøj i og omkring Aarhus words and expressions for clothing and textiles in the ca. 1675 - ca. 1850,5 were found and brought to Den Danish language. The unique starting points of the Gamle By. These files have proved to be a true trea- project include the collections of handwritten and sure chest for anyone interested in the terminology of typewritten files of terms compiled by the Danish different fabrics and textile fibres. Around 900 index textile researchers Erna Lorenzen and Ellen An- cards with words have been thoroughly researched dersen, quotations from all types of literature from and digitized for textilnet.dk.6 1. This resource of Danish textile and clothing terminology is available from the address: www.textilnet.dk 2. Dansk Sprognævn: http://www.dsn.dk/ (Accessed December 3, 2014). 3. Erna Lorenzen: http://www.kvinfo.dk/side/597/bio/1908/ (Accessed December 2, 2014). 4. www.dengamleby.dk 5. Lorenzen, E. (1975) Folks Tøj i og omkring Aarhus ca. 1675 - ca. 1850. Aarhus. In English: Clothes in the Aarhus Area 1675-1850, it was published with an English summary. 6. The resources used researching the index cards in Erna Lorenzen’s files will be placed at the end of this chapter as Appendix 1. 528 35. textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation   529 Fig. 1. From 2011 to 2014 Birka Ringbøl Bitsch was em- Fig. 2. Dr. Erna Lorenzen. Photo: Karin Munk. ployed on the textilnet.dk-project, starting most of her re- search with this wooden box containing Erna Lorenzen’ collection of terms. Photo: Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen. the textilnet.dk project but are not currently released in the online version of the database. There is, how- ever, great potential which will hopefully be made From 1936 to 1966, Ellen Andersen (1898-1989)7 available later. The majority of terms for fibres and was keeper and curator at the National Museum of fabrics in Ellen Andersen’s collections are identical Denmark,8 and, like Erna Lorenzen, had special re- with Lorenzen’s but Andersen’s also focuses on terms sponsibility for historical dress and textiles. Ellen for dress and parts of clothing. These number about Andersen’s files are kept in the National Museum of 150 index cards, which are typed into Word files and Denmark, and her collection is larger (approximately made available as quotations in textilnet.dk. 5,000 index cards) and more diverse than Erna Lo- renzen’s. Apart from terms for dress and textiles, El- The history of the ideas behind textilnet.dk len Andersen’s files contain many index cards with references to literature and other sources, which de- In 2004, the project was started by the Danish Cos- scribe items kept in the National Museum. The index tume Group, Dragtpuljen,9 which is a network of re- cards, which are not strictly about the definition of searchers into textiles and dress. The core members of concepts, are keyed into Word documents as part of the network come from the staff of Danish museums 7. Ellen Dorothea Johanna Andersen: http://www.kvinfo.dk/side/597/bio/336/origin/170/ (Accessed December 2, 2014). 8. http://natmus.dk/nationalmuseet/ (Accessed December 3, 2014). 9. Dragtpuljen runs a website: www.dragt.dk .The network was founded in 1985. 530   Susanne Lervad & Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen in Textile Terminologies (2017) with an improved understanding. Danish serves a small language area but this project is nevertheless founded on the conviction that it is of the greatest im- portance to preserve terms - particularly those that are no longer in use. The group’s work started many dis- cussions about classification. We agreed on four main categories of concepts: 1. Textiles and the different techniques to produce them. 2. Dress and all of their different parts. 3. Decorations and the techniques to produce decoration. 4. Colours, dyes and techniques to produce co- lour and dye. Expressions and quotations from Danish literature with connotations of dress and textiles are noted in the database when they prove enlightening. The col- Fig. 3. Ellen Andersen. Photo: The National Museum of lection of quotations from 18th-century newspapers Denmark. and 19th-century literature by Østergård is a unique resource in this context. These quotations are very working with collections of dress and textiles, broadly helpful in understanding the use of certain textiles and speaking, as keepers, curators, conservators and also clothing in their specific social environment.11 keen individuals who, without any formal academic The fifth section is related to terms and expres- training, have taken special responsibility for col- sions of fashions and styles. None of the collections lections in smaller museums.10 The work in Dragt- of terms, which are included in textilnet.dk at this puljen is organized into small groups, each with spe- stage, contain examples of fashion/style which, for cial interests, and projects that unite the members. instance, would be termed punk and hip hop. It is The group defining the project, which later became hoped that these terms will be included later. At the textilnet.dk, quickly – and boldly –agreed in 2004 that moment, expressions and idioms with references to the future user groups of textilnet.dk would be the cu- terms of dress and textiles are included when present rators and registrars of museums and researchers who, in the sources used. Lorenzen’s 900 index cards with for various reasons, need more knowledge of textile terms primarily for fabrics and fibres were methodi- and clothing concepts/terms, as well as linguists and cally researched in the handwritten files of the Dan- the general public. Languages change in daily life. ish lexicographer Mathias Moth from the 17th cen- Politics and culture change through time. By preserv- tury. These were also made available online during ing words in a database, we keep in touch with our the work of textilnet.dk.12 These terms for fabrics and own history, craft and art. For instance, we can read textile fibres are also researched in a selection of sci- the fairytales of H. C. Andersen and all other written entific literature, dictionaries and other handbooks – sources with terminology about clothing and fabrics up to 10 sources per concept are listed (Appendix 1). 10. From the late 1990s to 2013 the network received financial support from the Danish Ministry of Culture and opened up to mem- bers from universities and other research and educational institutions. List of members: http://www.dragt.dk/medlemmer/ (Ac- cessed December 3, 2014). 11. Else Østergård was appointed conservator at the National Museum of Denmark in 1958. 12. Moth’s dictionary available due to another Danish digitalizing project: https://dsl.dk/sprog/ordboger-og-sprogteknologi/moths-ordbog (Accessed December 10, 2014). 35. textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation   531 Termbase: Media wiki common and are not suitable for identifying a concept. The characteristics that we represent in ­textilnet.dk­  The group of scholars also undertook a review of da- are the delimiting characteristics that differentiate one tabase systems before choosing the Media Wiki sys- concept from others. Concepts are abstractions or men- tem. We chose it for several reasons. First, the Wiki tal units and we need definitions and terms to express data structure format is familiar to everyone using the them. The core of our work – the definitions – are the Internet. Secondly, the Media Wiki system is updated descriptions of the concept, while the terms are the ex- regularly. As mentioned above, the group has good pressions we use when we refer to the concepts. The support from the director of the Dansk Sprognævn, terms consist of either verbal elements, such as words, Sabine Kirchmeier-Andersen, who stresses the im- or nonverbal elements such as symbols or drawings. portance of regularly updating the systems. It would In order to take the very high number of term vari- be inefficient in both research time and funding, if the ants into account in textilnet.dk, each concept is re­ group used a system, which, after a few years became presented by a definition, an explanation, an illustra- obsolete. Thirdly, data can be exported into other sys- tion whenever possible, references, and a link to other tems from Media Wiki and be combined in new and languages. Every concept is represented by the fol- informative ways. We also have contact with Profes- lowing data format: term, variant(s), languages, defi- sor Bolette Sandford Pedersen13 at the University of nition, explanation and bibliographic reference. If the Copenhagen, who in 2004-2008, worked with Dan- user searches for information about the fibre ‘abaca’ Net, a digital platform for presenting words, terminol- from the category: material, the following variants ogy and relations between words. In the future, tex- appear: ‘Abacca’, ‘abaka’, ‘banantrævler’, ‘manila’, tilnet.dk will be a source of concepts/terms for other ‘manilahamp’, ‘menadohamp’ and ‘siamhamp’.15 databases and terminology projects, such as DanNet. The term variants of ‘abaca’ are simple ortho- graphic variants such as different spellings of the same The conceptual structure of textilnet.dk term, as well as more specific knowledge about the concept, for example, the origins of the fibre abaca Textile terminology work is based on an analysis and (‘siamhamp’) and the resemblance of the fibre (‘ba- structuring of concepts and the relations between nantrævler’). The characteristics of the concepts such them.14 The concept of textile/clothing is the basic el- as the form and the geographic origins are thus re- ement of our work in textilnet.dk and the way we or- flected by different verbal representations, and the der and transfer knowledge. When we think of tex- knowledge about the generic aspects of the concept tile concepts, such as a fibre, we choose a number of of plant fibre (hemp and banana) is transparent for properties in order to characterize the concept. The fi- any user of textilnet.dk in order to transmit the knowl- bre is a material and also used to form a textile struc- edge of the subject field, which one single standard- ture, such as a basic weave. The properties of the ob- ized term might not give. To give another example: jects are abstractions and characteristics, which form the numerous variants in the term base for the concept the concepts. In textilnet.dk we have concepts con- of the technique of the basic ‘tabby weave’ are pro- nected to single specific objects - individual concepts vided this way: Term: ‘lærred’ (Tabby) Variants: lær- such as ‘siamhamp’ and ‘bielefelderlærred’ and more ret, læret, lærept, lerredt, læith, lærth, lerudth, lærft, general concepts as fibre and weave. Characteris- En.: Linen. (Juul 1807, ‘Lærred’) Germ.: Leinvand. tics such as form, function, and origin correspond to (Juul 1807, ‘Lærred’) Fr.: Toile. (Juul 1807, ‘Lærred’), the properties of the objects, many of which are very Definition: Textile …. Basic weave of tabby.16 13. Bolette Sandford Pedersen: http://research.ku.dk/search/?pure=en%2Fpersons%2Fbolette-sandford-pedersen(d70a3b44-d3ab- 4259-a0aa-17d84d3d7de5).html (Accessed December 11, 2014). 14. Guide to terminology, NORDTERM 8 p. 9. 15. Abaca http://www.textilnet.dk/index.php?title=abaca (Accessed December 12, 2014). 16. textilnet.dk (Accessed December 12, 2014). 532   Susanne Lervad & Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen in Textile Terminologies (2017) Fig. 4. Samples of tow and linen tabby woven 1816 in Trinitatis Sogns Arbejdshus, an institution established 1794 for poor women. The samples were sent to the Poor-Law authorities. Photo: Ingeborg Cock-Clausen. Other term variants in the term base such as Examples from textilnet.dk ‘lærred’ are ‘agenois-lærred’, ‘bengalsklærred’, ‘bielefelderlærred’, ‘bocklærred’ reflect the origins Three concepts/terms are presented here to exemplify of the fabric, which is produced in Agenois, Biele- how textilnet.dk could be a toolkit for other termi- feld etc. In this way, we can keep track of different nology projects. Every concept in textilnet.dk will be concepts of a weave and a final product of the basic worked up in the seven categories mentioned above, tabby weave, different origins, orthographic variants, whenever possible from the current sources. The first and the integration of French and German terms in category is variants, which are very important from our material. Researchers in both ancient and mod- linguistic and historical perspectives. The next is lan- ern textile studies need to understand both generic guage, when it is relevant for understanding the con- and specific concepts and their relevant terminology cept, and when this information is available in our in order to share understanding in a common language current sources (Appendix 1). The third and most im- across times and cultures. Our goal is to share con- portant category is the definition, which expresses cepts, language and associated cultural ideas, and not the condensed analysis of the concept. Language and to standardize the terms. Another very important con- terms change their meanings over time so whenever cept from our chosen time period is silk, which is rep- possible, the relevant date/time from the available resented by the following variants: ‘Silke’, ‘silky’, sources is the next category. The sources in which the ‘silchæ’, ‘silki’ and eight variants in textilnet.dk if time aspect existed are also listed. The fifth category is you search the term: ‘floretsilke’, ‘floretsilke’, ‘fleu- explanation. This category is usually somewhat longer retsilke’, ‘floksilke’, ‘flokssilke’, ‘flossilke’, ‘chappe- than the definition, the latter being the condensed re- silke’, ‘schappesilke’.17 sult of our work. The next and very important point is the quotation, which is an excellent way to place terms 17. Floretsilke :http://www.textilnet.dk(index.php?title=Floretsilke (Accessed December 12, 2014). 35. textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation   533 for fabrics and clothing in their original social setting. was mentioned in two Danish encyclopedias for mer- Just one example of the quotations will be given here chandise, namely Juul dated 1807 and Rawert dated as most of the language is in very old-fashioned Dan- 1831. The source category tells us that the term was ish, which is difficult to translate into English.18 The neither mentioned in sources dated before 1807, nor last of the seven categories is the sources, and, as an in the sources dated after 1831, and not in any other extra service for the user groups of textilnet.dk up till contemporary sources. 2017, we have also noted in which of our sources the Apart from the references to mohair and moiré, concept/term is not mentioned. the category of explanation for angoriske kamelotter The first example is the term angoriskekamelot- guides the user further by linking to the term kamelot.20 ter,19 which is chosen to show the interrelations of the This concept/term has nine variants: kamelot, camelot, concept variants in textilnet.dk. The variants are ang- kamlot, kammelot, kamelet, kamelotz, samelot, sham- orinsk kamelot (singular) and angoriske kamelotter lot and unsurprisingly, angoriske kamelotter. The lan- (plural). The variants illustrate the way textilnet.dk guage category presents the English term camblet with links the pages from every concept/term in the main reference to Rawert 1831 and the French term camelot section, where the terms are listed alphabetically. Al- and its Old French variants: camel, chamel and ka- ternatively, a user can make an open search of a term mel. The definition says: “Textile, originally woven of and will see every mention of it in the entire database. camel yarn [this term is blue with underscore which The category for language is empty in this example in the Media Wiki system indicates that the user can because it is only used when the relevant information link directly to camel yarn], spun from hair of the An- is available in the current sources. This presents great gora goat (cf. mohair [blue with underscore]), even- opportunities for collaboration. A goal of the presen- tually mixed with silk. Normally woven in a weave tation of this toolkit is to inspire the use of the system with two shafts (see weaving techniques [this term is for other digital dictionaries (for example, a textil- red with an underscore showing the user that the term net.nl, a textilnet.uk, a textilnet.it) with all the pos- will be incorporated in textilnet.dk at a later stage]). sibilities of comparative research, which would be Later also woven in different mixtures of camel yarn, the outcome of interrelated databases of terms. The cotton yarn, silk yarn and linen yarn. Mixed yarns definition of angoriske kamelotter is: “Textiles wo- are also found. From the beginning of the 19th cen- ven of Angora goatshair (see mohair), are described tury it gradually became more common to use sheep’s as fine and light, can be moiré (see moiré). Produced wool instead of camel yarn [blue with underscore]. At in Turkey and especially used for women’s clothes.” first produced in Angora (Ankara, Turkey), and later This definition gives information about geography in many places in Western Europe. Cf. angoriske ka- (Turkey), textile fibres (Angora goatshair) and fabri- melotter [blue with underscore].” cation techniques such as the weave (but not the ex- The definition for kamelot is much more compre- act method) and finishing, i.e. moiré, quality of the hensive and precise than the definition for angoriske fabric (fine and light) and common use of the fabric kamelotter, particularly concerning the fibres used for (women’s clothing). The time category tells us that in these fabrics. The user has the opportunity to read the addition to its inclusion in Lorenzen’s files, this term explanation category to understand this complexity. 18. This quotation stems from the files collected by Else Østergård: “1795. Kappe. Onsdagen den 5 August, om Morgenen Kl. 9, ­indsneg sig et Fruentimmer i Gaarden No 56 i Store Kongensgade, var høj og smekker, klæd i lys Kattunstrøie og Skiørt, et trykket Tørklæde om Halsen og en hvid Kappe paa Hovedet, med en liden rød Hue under; ved hendes Bortgang savnes ---- Adresseavisen, Tirsda- gen den 11 August 1795.” This passage was printed in the Danish newspaper Adresseavisen, August 11, 1795 and it describes the looks and the clothing of a female thief: “1795. Cap. Wednesday August 5 at 9 o’clock in the morning a woman stole into the Yard of No 56 in Store Kongensgade [a street which still exists in Copenhagen], [she] was tall and slim, clad in a light Jacket and Skirt of Calico, a printed Scarf around her Neck and a white Cap on her Head, with a small red Cap underneath; at her Departure [the following] is missing.” 19. Angoriske kamelotter: http://www.textilnet.dk/index.php?title=Angoriske_kamelotter (Accessed December 12, 2014). 20. Kamelot: http://www.textilnet.dk/index.php?title=Kamelot (Accessed December 13, 2014). 534   Susanne Lervad & Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen in Textile Terminologies (2017) The explanation refers to Juul 1807, Rawert 1831 and important contribution to the database. Many ele- Ordbog over det Danske Sprog 1927. Juul explains ments of the concepts, such as the complexity of a that most of these fabrics were purple and of a much weave, are easier to understand in illustrations than higher quality than fabrics produced in what he calls in words. Cock-Clausen’s collection of slides from Europe i.e. Western Europe at the time. Only a small the 1980s are now in the library of the Design Mu- proportion was originally exported from Turkey. seum Danmark. She photographed textile samples in Then, he discusses the first places where these fabrics Danish museums and archives and many of these pho- were copied – in specific towns in France, Belgium tographs serve as excellent illustrations for ­textilnet.dk.­ and the Netherlands – and how the camel yarn, cot- The best slides show a textile sample with informa- ton yarn and silk yarns were mixed for the kamelots. tion about terms, dates and places of production. He also explains what kind of techniques were used They give users a unique opportunity to understand to decorate the fabric after weaving and that produc- the quality and social context of the term in ques- ers in 1807 had to compete against English and Ger- tion. Other types of illustrations (for example, dia- man producers. In 1831, Rawert explains the use of grams and drawings) help the explanation of com- sheep’s wool, specifically good worsted, for the ka- plex weaves such as satins. Different relationships melots. The best of these were mixed with silk from between concepts can be represented by the illustra- Piedmont in Italy. Not until 1927 is the use of linen tions in addition to the hyperlinks between the defi- yarn mentioned. In this way, the textilnet.dk user is nition and other explanatory fields. The relations are offered a clear understanding of how these fabrics and either part of relations – if the concept is part of a the term kamelot changed over time. whole as, for instance a heddle is a part of a loom, The second short example is the term amabouck.21 or generic relations as, for instance ‘a type of’ rela- The definition is: “Textile, linen [blue with under- tion: twill is a ‘type of’ a basic weave as is satin and score, which indicates that the user can get access tabby. A chaîne opératoire is very important when to the complexity of the meanings of this concept textile techniques are illustrated, and we need to re- as both weaving technique and fibres mentioned cord and relate the concepts for preparing the loom above]. Described as coarse and half bleached (see such as warping, beaming, and heddling. These tem- bleaching [red with underscore indicating that the poral relations or associative relations are also seen in term will be incorporated in textilnet.dk at a later the production of the yarns by combing, carding and stage]). Produced in England. Used for clothing and twisting procedures, for instance. The designations for sacks and wrapping.” The explanation gives the and the terms are only verbal translations-transmis- user insight into how the same coarse fabric could sions of the meanings shortened forms of the defini- be used as clothing and wrapping. Juul (1807) ex- tion, and a possible definition of a fibre might also be plains that amabouck was used for clothing slaves a chemical formula as shown in ISO standards, which and ­sailors and for the other wrapping purposes. could be included at a later stage of the project. This example shows that textiles are highly illus- trative of social history: the same coarse fabric was Perspectives suitable for protective wrapping and clothing spe- cific people. Textilnet.dk provides many such in- With the release of textilnet.dk, we hope to have es- sights into social history. tablished a useful tool for many different user groups, and textilnet.dk could be a stepping-stone to a vari- Illustrations of the concepts in textilnet.dk ety of international and multilingual projects which in tandem with textilnet.dk could communicate about Whenever possible relevant illustrations are included the terminology of textiles from different time periods too. The non-verbal representation of concepts is an and be the foundation of comparative studies. 21. Amabouck: http://www.textilnet.dk/index.php?title=Amabouck (Accessed December 11, 2014). 35. textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation   535 Fig. 5. The group behind the textilnet.dk-project in 2013. From left: Else Østergård (conservator at The National Museum of Denmark), Kirsten Toftegaard (curator at Designmuseum Denmark), Birka Ringbøl Bitsch (employed in Den Gamle By at the textilnet.dk-project), Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen (curator at Den Gamle By and project leader of the textil- net.dk project), Maj Ringgaard (conservator at the National Museum of Denmark), Susanne Lervad (terminologist, vis- iting scholar, CTR, Anne Hedeager Krag (freelance researcher) and Inge-Margrethe Davidsen (retired registrar). Textile ­researcher Ingeborg Cock-Clausen was not present at the time. The use of a wiki model makes it possible to link and museum institutions, such as the Getty Museum to other projects in the field of terminology to trans- in Los Angeles, are front-runners who have already fer knowledge and definitions, for instance, by the presented multilingual thesauri – the Getty vocabu- means of open and linked data in the Semantic Web. laries.22 As mentioned in this article, XML formats Many other classified multilingual cultural heritage and wikis have been the guidelines for our terminol- databases all over the world are linked together and ogy work of textilnet.dk in order to exchange data are accessible in open data forms for very big research from other resources. The next phase of textilnet. 22. http://www.getty.edu/research/tools/vocabularies (Accessed 1-12-2014). What is cinnabar? What is a rhyton? The Getty vocabu- laries contain structured terminology for art, architecture, decorative arts and other material culture, archival materials, visual sur- rogates, and bibliographic materials. Compliant with international standards, they provide authoritative information for catalogers and researchers, and can be used to enhance access to databases and Web sites. The Getty Vocabularies grow through contributions. The vocabulary data is available for licensing and accessible free of charge below for more limited online use. 536   Susanne Lervad & Tove Engelhardt Mathiassen in Textile Terminologies (2017) dk will need to link data to concepts and have com- Appendix 1 mon dynamics tools jointly maintained by the com- munities of users and not static authorities. We Resources used in researching the terms for textilnet.dk hope to be able to link to multilingual thesauri of this kind in order to transmit knowledge about tex- Andersen, Ellen: “Anna Sophies dragter”. I Dronning Anna Sophie. Festskrift til Lehnsbaron H. Berner Schilden tile concepts for education and training in the future. Holsten i anledning af hans 70 års dag 18. juli 1951. Feedback on the current textilnet.dk is welcome at Kbh. 1951, s. 131-148, [Andersen 1951].

[email protected]

. This is only the first Andersen, Ellen: Danske bønders klædedragt. Kbh.: Carit step – our goal is to provide a worldwide web of in- Andersens Forlag, 1960, [Andersen 1960]. terlinked resources for textile terminologies. Andersen, Ellen: Danske dragter. Moden i 1700-årene. Kbh.: Nationalmuseet, 1977, [Andersen 1977]. Andersen, Ellen: Danske dragter. Moden 1790-1840. Kbh.: Acknowledgements Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold Busck, 1986, [Andersen 1986]. The project textilnet.dk has been generously funded Andersen, Ellen: Seddelkartotek. Opbevares på National- museet, [Andersen kartotek]. by: Bech, Viben: Danske dragter. Moden 1840-1890. Kbh.: HM Queen Margrethe’s and HRH Prince Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold Busck, 1989, [Bech 1989]. Henrik’s Foundation Berlingske Haandarbejdsbog. Ellen Andersen, Gertie Wan- HM King Frederik and HRH Queen Ingrid’s del og T. Vogel-Jørgensen (eds.). Bd. 1-3. Kbh.: Ber- Foundation lingskeForlag, 1943-44, [BHB]. The Augustinus Foundation Bohn, Gottfried Christian og Gerhard Philipp Heinrich The Farumgaard Foundation Norrmann: Waarenlager, oder Wörterbuch der Produk- The Danish Ministry of Culture ten- und Warenkunde. Des Wohlerfahrnen Kaufmanns Termplus Aps zweyte Abtheilung. Bd. 1-2. Hamborg: C. E. Bohn, Den Gamle By, The Old Town, Danish Open Air 1805-1806. http://books.google.dk (accessed August 2012 – June 2013), [Bohn 1805]. Museum of Urban History and Culture Bonniers Store Håndarbejdsleksikon. Bd. 1 – 20. to whom we wish to express our grateful thanks. Kbh.:BonniersBøger A/S, 1995, [BSHL]. Christensen, Sigrid Flamand: Kongedragterne fra 17. Og Bibliography 18. Århundrede. Bd. 1-2. Kbh.: Egmont H. Petersens kgl. Hof-Bogtrykkeri, 1940, [Christensen 1940]. Bitsch, B. & Mathiassen, T. Engelhardt (2016) A New Dan- Cock-Clausen, Ingeborg: Tekstilprøver fra danske arkiver ish Project in Textile Terminology . textilnet.dk. In S. og museer, 1750-1975. Kbh.: Borgen, 1987, [Cock- Lervad et al. (eds.) Verbal and nonverbal representation Clausen 1987]. in terminology, Proceedings from the Toth 2013 work- Den Danske Ordbog, Moderne dansk sprog. http://ordnet. shop , Centre for Textile Research, Copenhagen, 171- dk/ddo (accessed 2014), [DDO]. 177, 2016-12-18. Digital version: ISBN: 979-10-95973- Den Store Danske Encyklopædi. Bd. 1-20. Danmarks Na- 00-3; https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01354950v1 tionalleksikon A/S, 1994-2001, [DSDE]. Dury, P. & Lervad, S. (2010) Synonymic Variation in the Den store danske, Gyldendals åbne encyklopædi. http:// Field of Textile Terminology: A study in diachrony.In www.denstoredanske.dk/ (accessed 2014), [DSD]. C. Michel & M.-L. Nosch (eds.) Textile Terminologies Encyclopedia of clothing and fashion. Valerie Steele (eds.). in the Ancient Near East and the Mediterranean Area Bd. 1-3. USA: Thomson Gale, 2005, [ECF]. from the Third to the First millennia BC, 1-10, Ancient Gyldendals røde ordbøger. Dansk-fransk. 6. udg. Kbh.: Textiles Series 8, Oxford. Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag A/S, 1997, Dury, P., Lervad, S. & Nosch, M.-L. (2011) Verbal and non- [GRO dansk-fransk] verbal configurations of textiles : a diachronic study. In Henningsen, Ingeborg Mule: Væverens ABC. Lynge: Bo- C. Roche (ed) Proceedings Toth, Terminologie et Onto- gans Forlag, 1995, [Henningsen 1995]. logies: Théories et Applications, 201-220, Annecy 2011. Henschen, Ingegerd: Kattuntryck. Svenskttygtryck 1720- Suonuuti, H. (1997) Guide to Terminology, NORDTERM 1850. Laholm: Nordiska Museets Förlag, 1992, [Hen- 8, Tekniikan SANAstokeskus, Helsinki schen 1992]. 35. textilnet.dk – A Toolkit for Terminology Research and Presentation  537 Jensen, Jørgen: Danmarks Oldtid. 2. udg. Bd. 1-4. Kbh.: Østergaard, Else: Seddelkartotek. Opbevares på National- Gyldendal, 2006, [Jensen 2006]. museets [Østergård kartotek]. Jespersen, Gunnar: Klæde og kalemanke, på sporet af det Rawert, Ole Jørgen: Almindeligt Varelexicon. Bd. 1-2. glemte rokokotøj. Herning: Poul Kristensens Forlag, Kbh.: V. F. Soldenfeldt, 1831–34, [Rawert 1831]. 1979, [Jespersen 1979]. Rawert, Ole Jørgen: Kongeriget Danmarks industrielle Juul, Bruun: Naturhistorisk, oeconomisk og technologisk forhold: Fra de ældste tider indtil begyndelsen af 1848. Handels- og Varelexikon. Bd. 1-3. Kbh.: A. og S. Sol- Fotografisk optryk af 1. udg. fra 1850. Forlaget Skipper- dins Forlag, 1807-12, [Juul 1807]. shoved, 1992, [Rawert 1992]. Kalkar, Otto: Ordbog til det ældre danske Sprog (1300- Retskrivningsordbogen. Udgivet af Dansk Sprognævn. 1700). Bd. 1-4. Kbh. 1881-1907. http://www.hist.uib. 3. udg. Kbh.: Alinea – Aschehoug Dansk Forlag A/S, no/kalkar/ (accessed 2011-2013), [OTDS]. 2001, [Retskrivningsordbogen 2001]. Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder, fra viking- Riello, Giorgio: Cotton, The fabric that made the modern etid til reformationstid. Bd. 1- 22. Kbh: Rosenkilde og world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013, Bagger, 1956-78, [KLNM]. [Riello 2013]. Lorenzen, Erna: Folks tøj i og omkring Århus 1675-1850. Salmonsens Konversationsleksikon. Chr. Blangstrup (eds.). Aarhus: Universitetsforlaget, 1975, [Lorenzen 1975]. 2. udg. Bd. 1-26. Kbh.: A/S J. H. Schultz Forlags- Lorenzen, Erna: Seddelkartotek. Opbevares i Den Gamle boghandel, 1915-1930, [Salmonsen]. By, [Lorenzen kartotek]. Sandberg, Gösta: Purpur koschenillkrapp. En bok om rö- Lundell, Laila: Forums store vævebog. Forum, 1978, [Lun- datextilier. Stockholm: Tidens förlag, 1994, [Sandberg dell 1978]. 1994]. Meyer, Karl: Almindeligt, Illustreret Vareleksikon. 4. udg. Skougaard, Mette og Helle Thordur Hansen: Uld og hør: Kbh.: H. Aschehoug & Co. 1924, [Meyer 1924]. Tekstilfremstilling i 1800-tallets bondesamfund. Kbh.: Modeleksikon. Fra couture til kaos. Mads Nørgaard (eds.). Nationalmuseet, 1992, [Skougaard 1992]. Politikens Forlag A/S, 2002, [Modeleks.]. Sterm, Poul: Textil, praktisk varekundskab: metervarer. Montgomery, Florence M.: Textiles in America 1650-1870. Kbh.: Jul. Gjellerups Forlag, 1937, [Sterm 1937]. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007, [Mont- Suonuuti, Heidi: Guide to Terminology, Helsinki, NORD- gomery 2007].  TERM 8, TekniikanSANAstokeskus, 1997 Moth, Matthias: Håndskrevet ordbog, opbevares på Det 1700-tals textil. Anders Berchs samling i Nordiska Mu- Kgl. Bibliotek. Udarbejdet i perioden ca. 1686 -1719. seet. Elisabet Stavenow-Hidemark. Stockholm: Nord- Digitaliseret version: http://mothsordbog.dk/ (accessed iska Museets förlag, 1990. [Berchs samling] 2013-2014), [Moth].  Textilbogen, Haandbog i textil varekundskab. Poul Sterm Møller, Mogens Birger: Tekstilhåndbogen. Borgen, 1983, (eds.). Bd. 1-2. Kbh.: Westermanns Forlag, 1946, [Tex- [THB]. tilbogen 1946]. Nudansk Ordbog. 11. udg. Kbh.: Politikens Forlag A/S, Textilbogen, Haandbog i textil varekundskab. Poul Sterm 1982, [NuO] (eds.). Bd. 1-2. Kbh.: Martins Forlag, 1961, [Textilbo- Nyrop, Camillus: Danske Farvere; En historisk Udsigt ved gen 1961].  De Goldschmidtske Fabrikers Hundredaars Jubilæum. Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Medi- Kbh. 1900, [Nyrop 1900]. terranean Area from the third to the first millennia BC, Ordbog over det danske Sprog, historisk ordbog 1700- Edited by C. Michel and M.-L. Nosch, Ancient Textile 1950. Bd. 1-28, 1919-54; supplementsbind 29-33, Series 8, Oxford. 1992 - 2005. http://ordnet.dk/ods (accessed 2011-2013), Wikipedia (de.), http://dewikipedia.org (anvendt 25-08- [ODS]. 2014), [Wikipedia de.]