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The bear in ancient Mesopotamia
Lorenzo Verderame
2024, Ash-sharq
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Abstract
Among the animals documented in archaeological and epigraphic sources from ancient Mesopotamia, the bear has received little or no attention. This contribution aims to fill this gap by providing an overview of all the available sources –textual, archaeozoological and iconographical– and discussing the relationships between bears and the human community.
Keywords: bear, Mesopotamia, lexical lists, literature, personal names, archaeozoology, iconography

Index
Introduction
The terms for bear in Sumerian and Akkadian
The bear in lexical lists
The earliest evidence of bears in written evidence
The bear in literature and other non-documentary sources
The bear in iconography
The brown bear and its faunal remains in the Near East
Bears and human communities: predators, game, entertainment, delicacies
The ambiguity of the bear? From lexicography to sex
Conclusions
Key takeaways
AI
The study addresses the lack of focus on bears in ancient Mesopotamian sources.
Evidence includes cuneiform texts and archaeological findings, primarily in Neo-Sumerian documents.
Bears served multiple roles: as predators, game, royal gifts, and in entertainment.
The research discusses Sumerian and Akkadian terms for bears and their cultural significance.
Ambiguities in bear names and gender representation emerge from the sources.
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Sexual Symbol or Domestic Tool? The Use of Bear Bacula - an Assessment of the Archaeological and Ethnological Record
Liane Giemsch
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S. Gaudzinski & O. Jöris (eds.) The beef behind all Possible Pasts. The Tandem-Festschrift in Honour of Elaine Turner and Martin Street, 2021
The present paper attempts at understanding the background to and possible use of bear bacula in Stone Age contexts. Particular focus is given to the baculum from the Late Palaeolithic site of Bonn-Oberkassel. In order to allow for a more general interpretation of such finds, their meaning and symbolism, we compare the Palaeolithic evidence with ethnographic contexts.
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Introduction: encountering animals in the ancient Near East
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Bear necessities? On potential uses of the ursine baculum (os penis) in archaeological and ethnological contexts
Liane Giemsch
Forschungen in Franconofurd. Festschrift für Egon Wamers zum 65. Geburtstag. Schriften des Archäologischen Museums Frankfurt 28, 2017
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Composite animals in Mesopotamia as cultural symbols
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Bear Cults, Bear Worship, Bear Sacrifice, and the Cosmic Hunt
Damien Marie AtHope
“Bear worship is the religious practice of the worshipping of bears found in many North Eurasian ethnic religions such as among the Sami, Nivkh, Ainu, Basques, Germanic peoples, Slavs, and Finns. There are also a number of deities from Celtic Gaul and Britain associated with the bear. The Dacians, Thracians, and Getians in the Eastern Balkans were noted to worship bears and annually celebrate the bear dance festival. The bear is featured on many totems throughout northern cultures that carve them. In an article in Enzyklopädie des Märchens, American folklorist Donald J. Ward noted that a story about a bear mating with a human woman, and producing a male heir, functions as an ancestor myth to peoples of the northern hemisphere, namely, from North America, Japan, China, Siberia and Northern Europe.” “The existence of an ancient bear cult among Neanderthals in Western Eurasia in the Middle Paleolithic has been a subject of conjecture due to contentious archaeological findings. Evidence suggests that Neanderthals could have worshipped the cave bear (Ursus spelaeus), and bear bones have been discovered in several cave sites across Western Eurasia. It was not just the presence of these bones, but their peculiar arrangement that intrigued archaeologists. During the excavation, on-site archaeologists determined that the bones were arranged in such a way that could only have resulted from hominin intervention rather than natural deposition processes. Emil Bächler, a proponent of the bear-cult hypothesis, found bear remains in Switzerland and at Morn Cave (Mornova zijalka) in Slovenia. Along with Bächler’s discovery, bear skulls were found by André Leroi-Gourhan arranged in a perfect circle in Saône-et-Loire. The discovery of patterns such as those found by Leroi-Gourhan suggests that these bear remains were placed in this arrangement intentionally, an act which can only be attributed to Neandertals due to the dating of the site and is interpreted as ritual.” “While these findings have been taken to indicate an ancient bear-cult, other interpretations of remains have led others to conclude that the bear bones’ presence in these contexts are a natural phenomenon. Ina Wunn, based on the information archaeologists have about early hominins, contends that if Neandertals did worship bears there would be evidence of it in their settlements and camps. However, most bear remains have been found in caves. Many archaeologists now theorise that, since most bear species hibernate in caves during the winter, the presence of bear remains is not unusual in this context Bears which lived inside these caves perished from natural causes such as illness or starvation. Wunn argues that the placement of these remains is due to natural, post-deposition events such as wind, sediment, or water. Therefore, the assortment of bear remains in caves did not result from human activities Certain archaeologists, such as Emil Bächler, continue to use their excavations to support that an ancient bear cult did exist.” “This baculum is generally interpreted as a grave good. The grave of a 35-45 year old male and a ca. 25 year old female was discovered in the course of quarry-work in 1914. In addition to the human skeletons and the ursine penis bone it contains early dog remains and two art objects, highlighting the exceptional character of the site. Unfortunately, given the early discovery of the site during quarrying work, there is no map of the location of the skeletons and their grave goods. Martin Street was able to identify a series of cuts along the convex edge of the bear baculum. These were later overlain by haematite and must have been created before their deposition in the grave. This suggests a purposeful deposit in the grave as a grave good. As early as 1919, the original investigator, Max Verworn, interpreted the bone as a grave good and suggested that it had been used as an awl or similar tool. Originating from Gravettian contexts are two other bacula found in cave sites of the Swabian Jura (Germany). One comes from the Gravettian layer AH VII of Brillenhöhle in the Ach Valley near Blaubeuren. The penis bone of a cave bear (Ursus spelaeus) shows six deep notches and dates to roughly between > 29,000 and > 25,000 years ago. The tip of the baculum displays an old fracture; its use as an awl was considered. During an inspection of the baculum in the Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart by comparing it with a complete cave bear baculum, we recognized that a considerable part of the distal end (in the anatomical sense; in reference to tool orientation, this would be the proximal end) is missing. The distal end shows longitudinal thinning facets towards the tip, implying a re-sharpening of the pointed end. The use as an awl is evidenced by a broken-off flake at the tip displaying the cancellous tissue in the inner part of the baculum. Furthermore, the circular striae at the tip support the interpretation as an awl. The cave site Hohle Fels, also situated in the Ach valley between Schelklingen and Blaubeuren (Germany), yielded several complete and fragmented penis bones of Ursus spelaeus (n = 49) and brown bear (n = 2). One cave bear baculum from the Gravettian layer IIcf is intensively polished on all sides. The polished surface is covered with numerous scratches pointing in all directions.” “In addition, there are longitudinal cut-marks probably caused by defleshing. We suggest the marked polish to be use wear originating from leather working similar to the polish seen on smoothers. Another baculum of Ursus spelaeus comes from the cave site Vindija in northwestern Croatia. The stratigraphic provenience is heavily debated. Karavanić argues that the organic tools, mainly bone points, but also the decorated baculum, from layer G1 are of Upper Palaeolithic character, but produced or traded by Neanderthals. The cave bear penis bone is exceptionally decorated with multiple circumferential scorings – a pattern that we only know from Upper Palaeolithic contexts. It obviously provides no traces of use as a tool, but closer study of the object is needed. Manipulated or decorated ursine penis bones in archaeological context are firstly recognized at Vindija cave. Its potential Middle Palaeolithic age, however, is contradictory and not securely established. Furthermore, the kind of decoration found on this specimen hints at symbolic communication, which is interpreted as an essential feature of modern human behavior and which is thought to first appear with the Upper Palaeolithic. Other specimens from Upper Palaeolithic contexts display different anthropogenic modifications, like longitudinal striations or cuts, as described from Hohle Fels, Teufelsküche, and Bonn-Oberkassel, which most probably relate to skinning of the penis bone or removal of the periost. In a second step, some of these items were used as tools, most probably as awls, as shown by old-fractures and respectively removed tips (distal end), such as in the case of Brillenhöhle, Teufelsküche, and Bonn-Oberkassel. The intensively polished baculum from Hohle Fels is likely linked to leather working. In all these cases, the bacula reflect a chaîne operatoire that informs us on technological choices and sequences of production. In Shamanka II, several modifications are reported, but unfortunately, these are not documented in further detail. Seemingly, at Shamanka II, bacula were used as tools, and a gender related association with male graves appears apparent.” “Against this context, we would like to return to our initial question: did bacula of the archaeological record serve as sexual symbols or as tools? The use of these bones as awls is evidenced in several cases during the Upper Palaeolithic period, however, the penetrating action by working with awls might also have a wider symbolic, potentially sexual, background. These two aspects might have been combined in the contexts bacula were implemented. In relation to this, another observation might also be worth mentioning: The Gravettian layer AH IIcf of Hohle Fels (the same layer that yielded the polished baculum) also contained an elongated pebble shaped and modified by engravings into a phallus and was used as a retoucher. The fact that these items occur for the first time in Gravettian contexts might signal a change in gender roles, at least in the Swabian Jura. The emphasis on females indicated by the oldest Venus figurine in the Aurignacian might have shifted towards male power in the Gravettian. Drawing from ethnographic analogy, we can suggest that penis bones – and probably the Hohle Fels stone retoucher, as well – gave power and strength to the owner. Losey and colleagues emphasize the close relationship between humans and bears, referring to ethnographic sources. Many indigenous societies see bears and humans as belonging to the same family, they may even marry. The perception of ursine bacula as a powerful tool seems to be directly connected to the life of hunter-gatherers or nomadic communities.” “To date, no farming society has been documented in which bear remains and, in particular, bear bacula are of considerable interest. The burial place of Shamanka II provides obvious similarities concerning the use of bacula in present-day indigenous Siberian people, where bacula are gender-related and refer to males. Such gender-related back-ground is also possible for the double burial of Bonn-Oberkassel, although it is not clear, whether the baculum as a grave good and tool covered with hematite was given to either (or both) the male or the female. One may conclude that the use of bear bacula by humans developed from their use as tools towards symbolically charged objects. Most intriguingly, this may be expressed through their integration into human burial contexts, as seen at the Late Palaeolithic site of Bonn-Oberkassel, and also in the extraordinary grave goods of the Siberian burial place of Shamanka II. While at Shama...
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Ash-sharq Volume 8 (2024): 107–145

The bear in ancient Mesopotamia1
Lorenzo Verderame
‘Sapienza’ Università di Roma

Abstract: Among the animals documented in archaeological and epigraphic sources from ancient
Mesopotamia, the bear has received little or no attention. This contribution aims to fill this gap by
providing an overview of all the available sources –textual, archaeozoological and iconographical– and
discussing the relationships between bears and the human community.
Keywords: bear, Mesopotamia, lexical lists, literature, personal names, archaeozoology, iconography

Among the animals documented in archaeological and epigraphic sources from
ancient Mesopotamia, the bear has received little or no attention. The evidence for
this animal in cuneiform texts is scarce, although there are important exceptions
such as the hundreds of Neo-Sumerian documents recording the delivery of bears. In
secondary literature, overviews were published almost one century ago,2 while bears
have been dealt with tangentially in articles on iconography (Pittman 2002; StiehlerAlegría 2016), jugglery (D'Agostino 2012) or the history of the Third Dynasty of Ur
(Michalowski 2013). This contribution aims to fill this gap by providing an overview
of all the available sources and discussing the relationships between bears and the
human community in ancient Mesopotamia.
The article consists of two main parts. In the first part, I present evidence for
identifying the presence of the bear in ancient Mesopotamia. I discuss the terms for
bear in Sumerian and Akkadian, their attestations in lexical lists, personal names,
and in literature as well as iconographic and archaeozoological sources. In the second
part, I focus on the different ways the human community perceived and ‘used’ bears:
as a menace, as game, as tributes and gifts to kings, as a tamed animal to be exhibited
in royal menageries, in bearbaiting, and in bear meat consumption.
Before making my final conclusions, I dedicate a paragraph to the ambiguity of the
names and the sex of the bear which emerges from the sources. In the conclusions,
1 My gratitude goes to Gabriella Spada for pointing out the two texts from Mari (ARM 7, 91; A.2931) and
the passage from the Ebla text that is about to be published (ARET XXI, 17). In my research I have
extensively used BDTNS, CDLI, ePSD, eTCSL, DCCLT, and the other projects in ORACC. When possible,
the texts have been collated from the pictures in CDLI or the copies; thus, my transliterations may differ
from those found in previous editions, or on the above-mentioned web portals. All the translations from
Sumerian and Akkadian are mine, when not otherwise acknowledged.
2 Opitz 1932; Landsberger 1934: 80–83; see, more recently, the unpublished dissertation by Lladó
Santaeularia 2019: 122–141.
FAQs
AI
What archaeological evidence supports the presence of bears in ancient Mesopotamia?
add
The study identifies hundreds of Neo-Sumerian documents, including cuneiform texts which record bear deliveries, as key evidence for bear presence.
How were bears perceived by human societies in ancient Mesopotamia?
add
Bears were viewed variably as threats, game, and were used in royal menageries as well as for bearbaiting.
What terms were used for bears in Sumerian and Akkadian literature?
add
The article discusses specific Sumerian and Akkadian terms found in lexical lists and personal names, demonstrating their linguistic significance.
In what ways were bears utilized in the context of royal tributes?
add
Bears were delivered as tributes and gifts to kings, indicating their value in socio-political exchanges during that era.
What are the methodological challenges in translating ancient texts about bears?
add
Translation discrepancies arise from multiple sources, necessitating careful collation from projects like CDLI and ORACC to ensure accuracy.
October 11, 2025
Lorenzo Verderame
Università degli Studi "La Sapienza" di Roma, Faculty Member
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The Kainsbakke bears and changing patterns in the human-bear relationship through the Danish Mesolithic and Neolithic
Lutz Klassen
Kristian Murphy Gregersen
Bear and Human: Facets of a Multi-Layered Relationship from Past to Recent Times, with Emphasis on Northern Europe, ed. by Oliver Grimm (Turnhout: Brepols, 2023), pp. 351–386, 2023
With a point of departure in the major discovery of ritually deposited bear bones at the Pitted Ware culture site of Kainsbakke on Djursland, Denmark, this paper sets out to investigate the human-bear relationship in Denmark during the Mesolithic and Neolithic (c. 9500–2400 cal BC). Studies of the abundance of bear bones in the archaeological record demonstrate a decreasing tendency throughout the entire Mesolithic and earlier parts of the Neolithic, followed by a rise in the early 3rd millennium BC (i.e. the Pitted Ware culture). Additional investigations of the treatment of the bones, the selection of specific bone elements and the contexts in which they were found indicate changing patterns in the human-bear relationship. These are interpreted as being due to a combination of environmental change and shifting contacts and interactions with societies in especially the eastern Baltic region.
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