(PDF) Transgressive drinking practices and the subversion of proscriptive alcohol policy messages

Citation for published version: Hackley, C, Bengry-Howell, A, Griffin, C, Szmigin, I, Mistral, W & Hackley, RA 2015, 'Transgressive drinking practices and the subversion of proscriptive alcohol policy messages', Journal of Business Research, vol. 68, no. 10, pp. 2125-2131. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2015.03.011 DOI: 10.1016/j.jbusres.2015.03.011 Publication date: 2015 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Publisher Rights CC BY University of Bath General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. 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Jun. 2020 Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Business Research Transgressive drinking practices and the subversion of proscriptive alcohol policy messages Chris Hackley a,⁎, Andrew Bengry-Howell b, Christine Griffin b, Isabelle Szmigin c, Willm Mistral d, Rungpaka Amy Hackley e a School of Management, Royal Holloway University of London, Egham, Surrey YW20OEX, UK b Department of Psychology, University of Bath, Claverton Down, Bath BA2 7AY, UK c Birmingham Business School, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston B15 2YT, UK d University of Bath, Claverton Down, Bath BA2 7AY, UK e School of Business and Management, Queen Mary University of London, Mile End, London E14NS, UK a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: This research makes a new contribution to alcohol policy practice and theory by demonstrating that transgression Received 1 July 2014 of officially sanctioned norms and values is a key component of the sub- and counter cultural drinking practices of Received in revised form 1 December 2014 some groups of young consumers. Therefore, policy messages that proscribe these drinking practices with moral Accepted 1 March 2015 force are likely to be subverted and rendered counter-productive. The qualitative analysis draws on critical Available online 18 March 2015 geography and literary theories of the carnivalesque to delineate three categories of transgression: transgressions Keywords: of space and place, transgressions of the body, and transgressions of the social order. Implications for alcohol policy Alcohol are discussed. Policy © 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. This is an open access article under the CC BY license Binge drinking (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). Young people Counter-culture 1. Introduction promoted in the UK in the 1980s as if they had implied psycho-active properties at a time when the government was intensifying the policing Mass consumption is often identified with conformity, yet transgres- of the illegal and drug-infused rave culture (Measham, 2004; Measham & sion also plays an important role in consumer motivation (Desmond, Brain, 2005), thus tapping into an element of sub-cultural capital. McDonagh, & O'Donohoe, 2000; Heath & Potter, 2005). Consumer trans- Drinking in the West has a history of facilitating a convivial ‘time- gression of norms and rules need not be motivated by the prospect of out’ from everyday social rules and structures, yet it is also associated economic gain, but for reasons of identity positioning. To transgress is with social harms when drinking practices are seen as excessive or to go “beyond the bounds or limits set by a commandment or law or uncontrolled (Hayward and Hobbs, 2007; Berridge, 2013). UK govern- convention….to violate or infringe” (Jenks, 2003, p.3). Advertising and ment policy has systematically de-regulated the sale and marketing of marketing offer discursive resources for the production of consumer alcohol over the past thirty years (Nicholls, 2009) and combines ap- identities through creative or adaptive consumption (Firat & Venkatesh, proval of the “positive impact” of “moderate” drinking (HM 1995; Holt, 1995). The outright rejection of consumption can also be Government, 2012, p 3) with condemnation of those who “drink to constitutive of identity positioning, in the form of an anti-consumption get drunk” (p 4). As a result of trying to mediate between the market identity positioning (Cherrier, 2009). Marketers are astute in exploiting needs of suppliers, many of whom are directly involved in alcohol policy the transgressive dynamics of some consumer groups, by tapping into formulation (Moodie et al., 2013), and public health priorities, certain sub-cultural and counter-cultural consumer movements (Frank, 1997). drinking practices that are constituted as harmful or dangerous are ef- By so doing, marketers seek to co-opt sub- and counter-cultural consum- fectively criminalised by policy (Moore & Measham, 2012) and the indi- er practices by structuring them ideologically (Thompson & Coskuner‐ viduals who indulge in them are constituted as reckless or irresponsible Balli, 2007). For example, many new branded alcohol drinks were (Hackley, Bengry-Howell, Griffin, Mistral, & Szmigin, 2008). The distinc- tion between acceptable and unacceptable drinking practices is not nec- essarily clear because of the variability in definitions of excessive ‘binge’ ⁎ Corresponding author. Tel.: +44 1784434455. E-mail addresses:

(C. Hackley),

drinking (Herring, Berridge, & Thom, 2008) while drinking practices (A. Bengry-Howell), c.griffi

(C. Griffin),

(I. Szmigin), themselves are inflected by discourses of class and gender (Brown,

(W. Mistral),

(R.A. Hackley). 2013). As a result, there is a potentially mixed message or double http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2015.03.011 0148-2963/© 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). 2126 C. Hackley et al. / Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 standard in proscriptive policy messages (Hobbs, Winlow, Hadfield, & dance and drug cultures…” (Hollands, 1995, p. 6). Alcohol is deeply im- Lester, 2005) that characterise transgressors of desired norms in terms plicated in young adults' phenomenological experiences of social life of a moral deficit (Hackley, Bengry-Howell, Griffin, Mistral & Szmigin and ‘going out’ in the UK (Hayward, 2004; Hobbs, Lister, & Hadfie, 2011) but ignore the ways in which extreme drinking practices are con- 2000), although ‘priming’ with cheap alcohol often takes place at stituted as fun and enjoyable by participants (Brown & Gregg, 2012; home before venturing into town for the more expensive clubs Griffin, Bengry-Howell, Hackley, Mistral, & Szmigin, 2009a; Moore & (Kuntsche & Labhart, 2012). Going out can be seen as a spatial practice Measham, 2012). (de Certeau, 1984) that has ideological undertones within a consumer The possibility that transgression constitutes part of counter- cultural context. The integration of ideology and space is exemplified cultural consumer behaviour poses a problem for alcohol policy. The in drinking spaces, traditional bars and pubs and heavily branded proscriptive message that warns consumers to drink less or face moral urban drinking venues located, planned and policed specifically as condemnation and damaging consequences lacks resonance with the spaces representing leisure (Hollands, 1995; Lefebvre, 1976; 1991; lived experience of consumers (Keane, 2009) and rests on an over- Roberts, 2013). Urban drinking zones have assumed considerable eco- simplified picture of the complex messages and meanings that surround nomic importance for UK local authorities but also entail massive anti-drinking social marketing campaigns (Cherrier & Gurrieri, 2014). costs in policing, hospital admissions and neighborhood disturbance Health policies form part of the constitution of drug and alcohol prob- (Chatterton & Hollands, 2001; Measham, 2004; Harker, 2012). Drinking lems (Moore & Measham, 2012). Under neo-liberal alcohol policy practices that are characterised as excessive or immoderate are linked in (Haydock, 2014) government campaigns ostensibly seek to control policy discourse with individual irresponsibility, criminality and social un-sanctioned, carnivalesque drinking practices that potentially subvert harm (Hackley et al., 2008). Youth drunkenness in public spaces carries official rules and controls. Proscriptive messages can unwittingly pro- a transgressive force that can be seen as dissent rather than deviancy vide discursive material to support sub-cultural or counter-cultural (Stanley, 1995) but is also bound up with the tension between criminal- identity positions. Consequently, government anti-drinking messages ity and the politics of transgression (Hayward, 2004; Campbell, 2012). might exacerbate the very practices they seek to control in some Transgression has been conceived as a universal impulse to exceed counter-cultural consumer groups. limits that is driven by a sense of the eternal (Bataille, 1988). It is also This research makes a new contribution to the understanding of al- a necessary part of a functioning social system in that transgression cohol policy by showing that the transgressive impulse is an important both tests and maintains social order (Durkheim, 1964a,b; 1965 Gane, feature of some of the very drinking practices that neo-liberal policy 2011) by reinforcing culturally and historically relative norms and prescriptions seek to address through proscriptive policy messages. limits. As individual behaviour, transgression can be seen not only as a The data sets used in this study remain highly salient as expressions of matter of deviance, but as a “deeply reflexive act of denial and affirma- contemporary ways in which some young people use alcohol to negoti- tion” (Jenks, 2003, p.3) in the sense that transgressing the norm also ce- ate counter-cultural identity positions within prevailing discourses of ments its social significance. For example, government sponsored anti- space, class, ethnicity and gender (Griffin, Bengry-Howell, Hackley, drinking advertising campaigns in the UK and Australia have targeted Mistral, & Szmigin, 2009b; Hutton & Wright, 2015; Roberts, 2013). The women by portraying excessive drinking as un-feminine, yet apparently paper will now set the topic within a wider context of relevant literature without any deterrent effect (Brown, 2013). The ideological dilemma of to establish the theoretical framework, drawing on research in health being feminine and also enjoying heavy drinking is discursively negoti- and public policy, critical geography and theories of transgression. ated within existing ideological frames of femininity. Griffin, Szmigin, Bengry-Howell, Hackley & Mistral (2012) find that young adult female 1.1. Literature review drinkers are fully aware of the risks getting very drunk poses to their health, personal safety and their putative reputation, yet going out to Concerns continue to be raised in the UK and worldwide about the get very drunk is constituted as a normative practice. Drunkenness health and social consequences of rising levels of alcohol consumption, and drunken behaviour are constituted as permitted transgressions with increasing rates of liver cirrhosis, and a greatly lowered mean against the convention that respectable (Skeggs, 1997) women do not age of sufferers (e.g. Harker, 2012; Matthews & Richardson, 2005; get outrageously drunk, in spite of well-publicised social advertising cam- Matthews et al., 2015; Leon & McCambridge, 2006). The latest data paigns warning of the dangers of excessive drinking in the night-time available for England at the time of writing indicate that there were economy (Szmigin, Bengry‐Howell, Griffin, Hackley, & Mistral, 2011). 1.2 million annual hospital admissions related to alcohol, some 15,500 Imposed social norms of femininity (Skeggs, 1997) have been repre- people died from alcohol-related causes, and alcohol-related harm sented vividly in some anti-drinking campaigns, for example in one UK cost the UK National Health Service £3.5 billion annually (Public campaign described by Brown and Gregg (2012) in which a young Health England, 2013). Many Western countries have seen evidence of woman is portrayed preparing for an evening out by ripping her clothes, determined drunkenness becoming a common behaviour for younger rubbing vomit in her hair, and snapping the heel off her shoe, with the and younger people (Martinic & Measham, 2008) while others have strapline “You wouldn't start a night out like this, so why end it that seen a more nuanced evolution of patterns of harmful drinking, with way?”. This example constitutes overt female drunkenness as a trans- youth “binge” drinking becoming less prominent but potentially harm- gression of norms of female deportment, but it fails to acknowledge ful levels of in-home drinking amongst older consumers rising that such behaviour can be constituted as fun and enjoyable in drinking (Measham & Ostergaard, 2009). High levels of sessional alcohol con- stories told to friends after the incident (Brown & Gregg, 2012;). The sumption remain a normalised part of social life for some young people attempted co-optation of sub-cultural ideologies can be turned back (Cherrier & Gurrieri, 2014; Fry, 2010; Piacentini & Banister, 2009). Ex- on itself to reinforce the sub-cultural norm (Thompson & Coskuner‐ treme alcohol consumption is perceived positively by many young Balli, 2007). Transgressive consumption can be seen as a form of crea- Western adults, both male and female, as legitimate and autonomous tive consumption that can be used to accomplish an identity position behaviour that cements social bonds of friendship and belonging, gener- for the consumer. For example, the drinker who enjoys alcohol brand ates fun and establishes identity (Griffin et al., 2009b) in ways that advertising but ignores the “drink sensibly” subtext and, instead, drinks entail managed risk rather than unthinking hedonism (Szmigin et al., to excess, might be expressing a form of anti-heroic resistant identity, as 2008). opposed to an ostensibly more conformist heroic identity narrative For some young adults, drinking heavily amongst friends is not (Cherrier, 2009). merely a transient rite of passage between youth and adulthood but Some drinking practices are characterised as carnivalesque (e.g. forms a “more permanent socialising ritual…expressed in the night Hackley, Bengry-Howell, Griffin, Mistral, Szmigin & Hackley 2013; time economy, including group drinking rituals, fashion, music and Hubbard, 2013) in the sense that alcohol, in large quantities, acts to C. Hackley et al. / Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 2127 release drinkers from the restrictions of convention (and from neo- society will, of its own accord, produce that element of unpredictable liberal self-control) in a carnival of transgression, of bodies, places and behaviour that Debord (1967) hoped to engineer” (p.117). However, social roles. Haydock (2014), referring to English alcohol policy as a spe- in the work of Ballard (2004)), the revolution promoted by the spectacle cific case, suggests that government anti-drinking campaigns over the does not result in emotional salvation, but in a “full-scale descent into past 20 years can be understood in terms of a neo-liberal mentality savagery…[and]…personal obsession” (Coverley, 2006, p.117). Trans- that seeks to control and suppress the carnivalesque. There is tension gression is seen in the genre of psychogeography as an intimate part between state control of drinking, which generates profits, tax revenue of contemporary socio-psychology that is in part constituted through and employment, and particular drinking practices. English alcohol pol- discourses of consumption, of alcohol, technology and space. icy has a long history of uneasy tension between the ideology of the free market and the need for social control (Nicholls, 2009) and, as noted above, there are persistent class and gender implications around alcohol 2. Method policy discourse. Proscriptive alcohol policy messages, then, are re- ceived and interpreted in the light of complex cultural conditions. Carni- This research draws on a larger funded study of the meaning of alco- val is a sanctioned and limited (Eagleton, 1981) subversion of hol in the social lives of young people. Data sets were gathered between conventional behaviour, characterised by drunkenness, debauchery, 2004 and 2007 and remain salient as expressions of drinking practices free association and the reversal of social hierarchies (Bakhtin, 1965, that, while not representative of all harmful drinking, nonetheless re- 1984). Transgression of imposed social convention is the most striking main current practices amongst certain groups (Brown & Gregg, 2012: aspect of carnival, so official exhortations to behave moderately and Brown, 2013: Hutton & Wright, 2015: Haydock, 2014). An initial sensibly with alcohol run directly counter to the ethos of carnival. phase explored the alcohol marketing landscape with an analysis of Spatial practices and transgression are linked in alcohol policy that the ways in which drink and drinkers were represented in 216 print, connects drinking with youth and urban crime (Campbell, 2012). Drink- broadcast and outdoor advertisements for different types of drinks. A ing and drunkenness are “discursively and differentially constructed subset of 20 advertisements were analysed in greater detail using a in different spaces and places” (Jayne, Valentine, & Holloway, 2008, meaning-based approach (Parker, 2003), focusing on the key themes p. 248) and entail movement in groups through urban environments of gender, fun, identity, sexuality and social cohesiveness. The fieldwork of city centres, drinking zones, and clubs and venues which are trans- entailed interviews and focus groups with 89 young adults aged 18–25 formed through drink into liminal zones (Hobbs et al., 2000). Urban in three geographical locations in the UK. The participants included a spaces can be seen not as neutral but “products literally filled with ide- range of gender, class, ethnicity and occupation. Participants were ologies” (Lefebvre, 1976, p.31). The drinking zones constructed in town asked to discuss their social lives, and alcohol consumption emerged and city centres by urban planners, licensing authorities and alcohol unprompted as a central feature. At the end of each group discussion marketing chains in the UK can, in Lefebvre's (1976) term, be constitut- participants (some of whom were non-drinkers or moderate drinkers) ed as “representations of space” since they are an official construction were shown a range of alcohol advertisements and asked to discuss designed to control consumption. The spatial practices that actively pro- them. The final part of the research involved 5 observational case stud- duce such spaces transform them into “representational spaces”. Trans- ies of young people's drinking activities in the 3 locations, followed by 8 gressions occur where the consumption practices enacted within these individual interviews. The observational case studies, recorded in field spaces are invested with a sense of autonomy and authenticity through, notes by the research assistants, enabled the research to be informed for example, informal association regardless of social position, or, more by first-hand experience of the drinking spaces, marketing activities extremely, drunken violence, public vomiting or criminal acts. and young people's drinking practices. Debord (1967)'s notion of the spectacle is the aggregation of the The in-depth interviews permitted more detailed investigation of mediated images of consumption that make freedom and individuality key themes outside of the friendship group environment. The final so difficult to accomplish. The spectacle envelopes all aspects of life data set consisted of 29 transcribed documents, affording a multi- and subjugates it to the service of capital: “The spectacle is the acme perspective insight into the social lives of these young people. In the of ideology because it fully exposes and manifests the essence of all analysis for this paper, data mainly from two of the focus groups are ideological systems: the impoverishment, enslavement and negation used to aid narrative coherence and continuity. The direct quotes are ex- of real life” Debord (1967; p.117). Real life is that not lived in conformity amples of themes that emerged across the research team's analysis of all to the spectacle, but since the spectacle cannot be evaded, resistance oc- the contextualised data sets. The initial data analysis was conducted curs in momentary reclamation of spaces and practices. As Jenks (2003) within an interpretive textual frame (Thompson, 1996) and key notes, “The possibility of breaking free from moral constraint in contem- phrases, metaphors and patterns of meaning were sought in order to porary culture has become an intensely privatised project. As we recog- reach a consensus on emerging themes. Themes from all the data sets nise no bond we acknowledge fracture only with difficulty—how then do were compared, discussed, contested and synthesised as discourses we become free of or different-to?” (p. 6–7). Spectacular images of con- (Potter & Wetherell, 1987). sumption, including officially-sanctioned commercial and government- The data sets have been drawn upon to produce work focusing on, sponsored alcohol messages, are constitutive of consumer behaviours respectively, the calculated risk-taking of young people engaging in around alcohol. Canivalesque (Haydock, 2014) practices can be seen as binge drinking (Szmigin et al., 2008); the policy focus on the moral def- transgressions of official discourses of sensible and controlled public icit displayed by excessive drinkers (Hackley et al., 2008; 2011), the role behaviour. of drinking stories in constituting social identity and cementing bonds Coverley (2006) suggests that the neo-Marxist revolutionary politics within the friendship group (Griffin et al., 2009a,b); the use of social of Debord (1967) and the literary trajectory of psychogeography meet marketing around alcohol policy (Szmigin et al., 2011); the carnival- in the work of J. G. Ballard (2004)). Psychogeographical literature artic- esque character of youth binge drinking (Hackley et al., 2013) and the ulates the sense in which, as a result of life in advanced industrial soci- negotiation of gender ideologies within the context of the UK's drinking eties, “our emotional response is blunted and we become unable to culture (Griffin et al., 2012). The present study broadens the theoretical engage directly with our surroundings without the mediated images scope of the analysis to shift into the wider and cross-disciplinary topic of television and advertising” (Coverley, 2006, p.116). The banalisation of consumer transgression and the reception of policy messages as as- of everyday life and consumers' attempts to recover a sensory engage- pects of sub- and counter-cultural consumer identities. The following ment with the environment result in extreme behaviour that offers a ca- section illustrates three forms of transgression that emerged from the thartic release from the tedium of passive consumption and yet “mirrors datasets. Transcription conventions are adapted from Potter and the violent and sexualised imagery that surrounds us. The ‘spectacular’ Wetherell (1987). 2128 C. Hackley et al. / Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 3. Findings literally to be found on one's doorstep” Coverley (2006 p.46). There is a sense of the dark incongruity and deepened social encounters that 3.1. Transgressions of space and place can emerge from urban wandering. For Lefebvre (1976: 1991), the men- tal and the social collapse within urban spaces, including the micro Many of the drinking stories related in the discussion groups de- spaces of domestic urban homes, and act to reproduce capitalist rela- scribe transgressions of domestic space, as in this one related by Sasha tions of power and domination. Debord's (1955; 1967) advocacy of “sit- (19) and Cathy (18): uations” refers to the use of spatial practices that challenge the moral and capitalistic order of power, such as riots or scandalous interventions Sasha [my friend had this really massive party once and everyone in public ceremonies or public property. Subverting the imagery of the was absolutely off their faces cos my friend Katie went on holiday spectacle by transgressing official norms of behaviour in controlled (.) err her mum and dad went on holiday and everyone went round spaces is seen as a way of reclaiming the essentiality of lived experience. her house and we was mixing you know the really cheap like WKD (laughter) we were putting extra vodka (.) extra cheap vodka into 3.2. Transgressions of the body it (laughter) =Cathy = ergh =Sasha = and we were all off our faces and two of my male friends got in (.) in her bath together (laughter) The grotesque, carnivalesque body (Bakhtin, 1965) is vividly repre- and (1) then proceeded to be sick while I was in the bath (more sented in the data sets. Mike (aged 25) explained that when he is laughter) (2) and then everyone just (laughter) (2) someone ended “throwing up really bad” it feels like “your insides are killing them- up sleeping in the dog kennels out the back (more loud laughter)DC selves”. Participants claimed that they knew when they'd ‘had enough’ With the dog?Sasha With the dog yeah (.) and on the trampoline to drink “when you're ill for days and days”… “when you can't see (laughter) and it was chuckingdown with rain… anything”…“when you can't feel your lips any more”. The extent of alco- hol consumption is played down by some, while extremely high con- The scenario illustrates a transgression of space that is the antithesis sumption is recounted as a matter-of-fact by many others. One of urbane and benign advertised scenes of alcohol consumption. It acts admitted frankly that “Every time I do it I absolutely annihilate myself” as a striking subversion of the idea of officially sanctioned ‘sensible’ (Griffin et al., 2009a). Some drinking stories relate tales of alcohol- drinking. In the following story, the transgression occurs not in the induced memory loss and many respondents refer to getting micro-spaces of home, but in the urban spaces around drinking venues: “smashed”, “hammered”, and “slashed” (Griffin et al., 2009b). The vio- Connie My boyfriend got so drunk he was by the Flapper and Firkin lent metaphors are reflected in many of the stories, as in the following: we got drunk under the bridge and he was drinking that and erm Sasha The worst night I ever had was when (1) we went down with (1) tequila (.) obviously (1) fell asleep in a flower bed (1) with Andrew's brother and Andrew's and his brother's mate and erm Dan erm like pink just dribbling down his face =Denise = oh no (.) his brother fell off the top of the stairs [gasps] and (2) (ohh) we =Connie = and then and then he went(.) he got up and went away had to drag him outside (.) he was absolutely paralytic we had to and he disappeared and I didn't see him and I decided to go home drag him outside and phone an ambulance (1) (mmm) and then about three o'clock in the afternoon he said he'd fallen asleep on (.) his mate got into a fight while I was outside and just like (.) it the Macdonald's toilet floor was just complete mayhem (mmm) (2) you just you got in and you think (1) was it worth it? Some of the drinking stories in the data sets hold an element of dark- ness and mystery, as drunkeness transforms human spaces into liminal The data sets hold many tales of injury and hospitalisation. The risk zones (Hobbs et al., 2000). Some of the events described relate crime, and danger seem to offer a necessary setting for the dark carnival juxta- and risk of serious harm with the whole experience rendered surreal positions and liminal experiences. Other stories are related for comic ef- by alcohol, as in the following quote: fect amongst the friendship group, with both male and female Bill …he was just drinking beer (.) he wasn't drinking spirits or any- participants recounting accidents with bodily fluids: thing (.) He'd had about five beers (1) I couldn't find him outside the Rob the first time like he came round (.) he just walked in my Mum club (1) went to meet him at three o'clock in the morning (.) to try and Dad's room and had a piss up the cupboard (loud laughter) and find him (1) He woke up outside an alley (.) then he woke up (1) he was he was (.) he just woke up and he was like (1) he thought a second before he can remember he was three quarters of the he was in his own house like and he pissed in the cupboard (nice) way down Seatown Beach (.) where he woke up (.) and he had no (2) my mum and dad were like (continued laughter)Tiffany Nice shoes on and he was up to his (.) his chest in sand (.) and then he to meet youRob He wasn't invited round for a few weeks was (.) he didn't know where he was (1) so he er (.) he started walk- (laughs)Molly recounts a similar story:Molly When I um first got ing up (.) all he could see was the lights (.) (yeah) (.) so he started with Dan we went out for a drink (mmm) and I got really drunk walking up to the sea front and he passed out again (.)….1 and I stopped round his (.) and I pissed on his radio (loud laughter) not the toilet (2) he just stood there (laughter) Twenty-one year old Bill's story above (related in a focus group of six white males of a similar age) goes on to describe the protagonist There is much transgression of bodily control in the stories, involved in violent attack and memory loss. It evinces a psycho- vomiting, urination, falling over, sexual grotesquery, and general pro- geographical literary narrative in the sense that it provides a “new fanity. The following story is recounted to gales of laughter from the means of experiencing the environment” and evinces “aimless wander- group: ing driven…by the force of the imagination in which the exotic…(is) Dawn = I got absolutely wrecked and then I got back (.) and I drank 1 Transcription conventions adapted from Potter and Wetherell (1987). two bottles of red wine (laughter) and then somehow (.) you're all = Indicates the absence of a discernable gap between speakers my friends so I'm gonna say this (laughs) uh I like shagged this bloke (.) A pause of less than 1 s three times (loud laughter) and I didn't realise my mate was in the (1), (2) A pause of 1 s, 2 s and so on room (more laughter) my mate was in the room and then I was (…) Some transcript has been deliberately omitted [DB laughs] Material in square brackets is clarifying information really confused and I walked I walked naked into my mate's parents They A word or phrase underlined indicates additional emphasis bedroom (loud laughter) I thought it was the toilet (continued [as you can Left square brackets indicates overlapping speech. laughter) it wasn't as bad cos I was fifteen then so I would have been C. Hackley et al. / Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 2129 more embarrassed now and like (.) her dad just got up and took me Not drinking, or drinking alone, is constituted as a practice of situat- to the toilet and then took me back again I was really really drunk ing oneself outside the conviviality of the group. People who fail to get (wow) (laughter) drunk in this cultural context suffer a social penalty: Cathy They don't get the jokes that you're telling them like (right) Dawn constitutes her drunken excess as an amusing anecdote re- like if we've all got a joke going on (.) (yeah) she'll stand there and told for the benefit of friends. The self-revelatory aspect might be prob- she won't know what's funny =DC = right =Cathy = and we're lematic in other settings, but, as with other studies, such as Brown and like (.) we're trying to explain but she just doesn't find it funny Gregg (2012), Griffin et al. (2012)) and Day, Gough, and McFadden =Cat = they seem quite boredCathy = mmm =DC = bored (2003), the intractable dilemmas of femininity are negotiated partly =Cathy = bored (.) it's like one of my mates is just like (.) just like through the transgression of ideological norms, with alcohol framing just giving up drinking and erm (.) like when we've gone to the the action. Transgressions of the body, including nudity, sexual indiscre- pub or something he'll just sit there and he just (1) he just doesn't tion, vomiting and urination are evocative of Bakhtin's (1965) depiction seem to enjoy himself. of medieval carnivals, in which excrement and urine were sometimes thrown upon people of higher standing amongst scenes of general Bac- Drinking alone is constituted by participants as a social transgression chanalia. Bakhtin (1965) suggests that the grotesque body “protrudes, in the sense that it violates an important group value. Yet, the intensity bulges, sprouts and branches off”, whereas the classical body is a façade of social fun is heightened and made possible by the transgression of that cannot be penetrated (Bakhtin, 1965, p. 320; Stallybrass & White, normal social inhibitions, which in turn is made possible by being 1986). Grotesque representation is inherently transgressive as it “exag- drunk. The darker side of disinhibition is illustrated once again by gerates and caricatures the negative, the inappropriate” (Bakhtin, 1965, stories of drink-fuelled violence: p.306). Some of the narratives in our data sets not only epitomise a re- jection of bodily control and an implicit subversion/re-inscription of Denise Oh god do you know that happened to my brother once be- ideologised gender norms, but also illustrate other features of carnival fore (.) because he used to be a biker (hmm) and he was he was just (Hackley et al., 2013), such as the juxtaposition of incongruous situa- walking down this (1) road (.) he was going into a bar or something tions and the leveling of social relations within a collapsed hierarchy. (1) and these blokes mistook him for someone else (.) cos they were Self-parody is a feature of some of the stories, and, as the story above il- all drunk (mmm) and cos he had a bike and they kicked his face in (.) lustrates, this is not confined to the ritual assertive masculinity of male and it like caved all his face in (.) he had to have it reconstructed and nudity, public urination and vomiting during drinking rites (Thurnell- everythingSheila My god Read, 2011). In the story above, feminine ideologies of deportment and rectitude are subverted and, yet, re-iterated, framed by extreme Violent assault is constituted in the data sets as an ever-present risk drinking. for both male and female drinkers, and a further illustration of the capacity of alcohol to facilitate transgression of social norms. These ex- 3.3. Transgressions of the social order periences heighten the sense that alcohol opens the door to a carnival- esque world that is both darker and more exciting than the normal Participants refer to the way alcohol loosens their inhibitions, and ‘official’ world and in which normal social rules and constraints are tem- those of others (Griffin et al., 2009a). Conversely, remaining sober on porarily, and cathartically, suspended. The descent into extreme vio- a night out leads to a sense of exclusion from the fun (Cherrier & lence echoes the darker themes of psychogeographical narratives, and Gurrieri, 2014; Piacentini & Banister, 2009). The normal social order of the turn to violence can happen in an instant, as in the following: polite reserve and inhibition is subverted, with the help of alcohol. Terese At the (inaudible) school I was at the police showed a video in The following quote, from a group of young (18–25) white women, il- Solihull of this (.) over nothing(.) like these people have never ever lustrates the social imperative of having drinking stories to share: committed any crime before (mmm) and they just all turned round Carrie: you feel like you almost have to get drunk in order to to this one bloke and started beating the shit out of him and he was (1) share the funny stories (1) cos next day you have them to talk nearly dead aboutToni: yeahJude: I never really got on with my flat mates in the first year because (1) they had all these funny stories about their ‘Going out’ is recounted as an experience that can, at any time, turn drinking nights and I thought (2) here we go (right) (1) erm (2) and from calm enjoyment to horror. As one participant recounts, “it's not because of that (1) I was really kind of (1) separate (1) separated funny then but at the time…” meaning that even though the violent sit- (1) and it was horrible (hmm hmm)Carrie: yeah it's very much like uations are grave, they also form part of a compelling theatre in which that I think (.) it's all about like (.) what they (1) what everyone did transgression, of place, of bodies, and of the social order, are made pos- last night (1) so in order to be in (.) if you like (.) you have]ABH/Int: sible through alcohol. The risks of sexual or violent assault are treated [to have done something last night (laughter)Jude: something with seriousness and not minimised, yet the stories are recounted as stupid part of a wider parody of the tedium and predictability of ‘official’ life. The presence of genuine risk lends a dramatic tension and a trangressive Other quotes are indicative of the way being drunk facilitated forms frisson to the stories of the world turned upside-down and inside-out. of social encounter that were not possible when sober. For example, Grant (19) refers to the way that when drunk “= uh I tend to get more friendly (1) I talk to more people.” The so- 4. Discussion ciality of being drunk has two components: one is positive and refers to the disinhibition induced by drunkenness, which is such that in some Health policy does not stand outside the issues it purports to ad- clubs “you just go up to people and they tell you their life story”, dress, but is a part of how those issues are constituted and understood which is “brilliant”. The negative aspect of sociality refers to the stigma (Moore & Measham, 2012). The data suggest that transgression of offi- of drinking alone. cial norms and rules is an inherent part of counter-cultural alcohol con- Jo I couldn't go and stand in a bar on my own (.) I'd feel really sumption for some groups, and therefore alcohol policy messages that awkward (.) there's nobody there with me to talk to whatever ostensibly seek to dissuade targeted groups from engaging in certain (1) (mmm) and you feel like people are watching ya (1) so I drinking practices, may unwittingly contribute to the discursive consti- couldn't do it tution of those very practices. 2130 C. Hackley et al. / Journal of Business Research 68 (2015) 2125–2131 The debasement of bodies described in the data sets has a wider so- approaches” while at the same time, deploying counter-messages cial significance (Durkheim, 1964a,b: 1965). In Bakhtin (1965) the exu- through covert marketing (p.674). Policy proscriptions that warn of berant outpouring of bodily solids and fluids and the use of profane negative consequences of extreme drinking fail to engage with the “Billingsgate language and parodic laughter” is linked more broadly to lived experience of target groups (Keane, 2009) and fail to account a sense of “birth, fertility, [and] renewal” (p.148). Carnival time un- for the resonance some consumption practices have with counter- leashes a sense of “the death of the old and the birth of the new cultural and sub-cultural identity positions (Cherrier, 2009). world” (p.149). Importantly, for Bakhtin, Rabelesian satire is not merely Two main implications for alcohol policy follow from this research. focused on individual injustices but must be seen as a “negation of the Proscriptive policy messages that target drinkers who are involved in entire order of life (including the prevailing truth), a negation closely counter-cultural identity positioning reflect the stated aims of policy linked to the affirmation of that which is born anew” (1965, p.307). makers and producers and ignore the lived experience of targeted con- The element of carnival as a source of renewal and opposition to the sumers. Policy strategies should acknowledge the inherent contradic- crushing oppression of feudal life seems to resonate with the carnival- tion in proscribing behaviours that are actively pursued because they esque tone of many of the drinking stories, yet in a contemporary cul- are proscribed. The lived experience of the target group should be tural context. Bakhtin likens carnival to Roman Saturnalias: carnival is more plausibly assimilated into creative executions. Alternatively, poli- a lived spectacle that expresses an essence of freedom. “Carnival is not cy would be more effectively focused on other measures rather than a spectacle seen by the people; they live in it, and everyone participates proscriptive campaign messages, such as treatments for alcohol depen- because its very idea embraces all the people. While carnival lasts, there dency, or on regulatory issues of availability, and pricing. is no other life outside it. During carnival time life is subject only to its Secondly, given the resonance of transgressive drinking practices laws, that is, the laws of its own freedom” (Bakhtin, 1965, p.7). It is a that this research has demonstrated for some consumer groups, com- mass experience and represents the power of the group to touch a tran- mercial alcohol branding should come under closer scrutiny for any im- sient and ephemeral sense of freedom, within a world “drawn out of its plied suggestion that taps into transgressive counter-cultural identity usual rut” and “turned inside out” and upside down (Bakhtin, 1984, positions. Commercial alcohol branding is able to conform to regulatory p.122). Drunken transgressions, then, can be understood not merely codes of practice with its explicit content, but is not required to reveal as deviant but as socially functional behaviour that falls beyond the the brand positioning or communication strategies to regulators. For ex- normal scope of state control within democratic societies. ample, much alcohol advertising portrays social situations of lively fun, Consumption is a site for identity work in many settings. Resistant but many young people feel that such situations are un-achievable and counter-cultural identity positioning (Cherrier, 2009) entails not when sober, since alcohol is necessary to release social inhibitions only escaping market forces, insofar as that is possible (Kozinets, 2002) (Griffin et al., 2009a). Consequently, messages that portray social fun but also in transforming mundane, everyday life into something that in juxtaposition with ‘sensible’ drinking are rejected by target groups confers a sense of authenticity through creative and adaptive consump- because they are seen as unrealistic and hypocritical (Hobbs et al., tion experiences (Firat & Venkatesh, 1995). Extreme drinking practices 2005). The scenes of uninhibited social fun that are portrayed are not can be construed as transgressive in comparison to the anodyne specta- regarded as possible unless participants are drunk, hence there is an im- cle of passive leisure drinking, and within the rationality and self-control plicit wink of collusion in brand advertising that portrays social fun but of the neo-liberal order (Croghan, Griffin, Hunter, & Phoenix, 2006; carries a ‘sensible drinking’ tag. Under neo-liberal (Haydock, 2014) O'Malley & Valverde, 2004). Policy discourses tend to emphasise risks as- health and alcohol policy, government campaigns serve audiences that sociated with harmful drinking, but the re-negotiation of risk is a central include manufacturers, retailers, legal and licensing officials, politicians, aspect of the role of transgression. and voters, as well the consumers who are at risk. It may be that the “The nature of the risk, the threat, and the ways in which that risk is need for campaigns to satisfy multiple audiences is part of the problem handled are most instructive concerning the moral bond and social of message content that fails to resonate with the lived experience of structure of the society in question. Herein lies the artistry of transgres- consumers. Policy messages need to address target audiences with sion, the diagnostic role of transgression, and the value of transgression greater insight, rather than addressing the stated aims of clients. as a touchstone of social relations” (Jenks, 2003, p.33). Neo-liberal policy messages (Haydock, 2014) that seek to constitute Acknowledgements uncontrolled, carnivalesque drinking behaviour as risky and/or harmful, unwittingly engage the social mechanism of transgression and become The original research for this paper was funded for Christine Griffin constitutive of a social relation in which official instructions are there to as PI and co-applicants Chris Hackley, Isabelle Szmigin and Willm be subverted. The transgression of policy proscriptions is therefore im- Mistral, with Andrew Bengry-Howell as research assistant, by the Eco- plied in proscriptive policy discourses. nomic and Social Research Council (UK), ‘Branded consumption and social identification: Young people and alcohol’ (ESRC Ref: RES-148- 5. Concluding comments 25-0021). 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