: , , Ы 1 . . а в Ю. А. а . А. а а Ы ACADEMIA 2008 ББК 81.2Удин У28 щ - « , - » : . .А в( . .), . А. а а ( . .), . . а в, Ю. А. а . . . . . а ва, . . . . А. а У28 : , , / : . . ( . .), . . ( . .), . . , . . .— .: Academia, 2008. — 462 . ISBN 978-5-87444-315-3 , - ( - , ). , , , , щ - , . - - - , , - , - - , XIX . - . , , , щ . ББК 81.2Удин ISBN 978-5-87444-315-3 © , 2008 ОТ Р АКТОРОВ , - — , , . . - , , , , ( , ). . - - , - ( , - , , - ). — , - 8 500 . - . , ( 1897 . — 4 000 .), - . 1980- . . ( ) ( 4 500 ); - ( ) 3 000 ; , - ( ) ( — - 1922 .). 5 О , , , XIX—XX . XIX . - - - , - . , - . , - , . 20- ХХ . XXI . ( 2006 .) . («Ч »), . C 1980- . - - . 35 ( .), . — 300 , - . - . , 3500—4000 . , , - ( , - ). , — - — , . - , , , - , . 2002 ., 3 721 , 61% (2 078 .); , , . , - - . , - 6 О ( , - ). , , . . , , - , - , - ( ). , ( ) - , . - , . , ( . . ( .) : . , 1999) - (Ҹ ., Һү ј- . ə . , 1999). , . - . , , - , . - . - . , - . - . , , - — . . 7 О - - « , » ( « », 2006—2008 .). - . Ю. . . . А - Гео ия А е и о ича Кечаа и (1930—2006), , , - - , - - , Ч . 8 ГРАММАТИКА . С. а е к в , Ч Ч ... Ы 1. . — - , . , - [ - 1971; 1974; Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 460—466] [Schulze, to appear: 3.3.10—3.3.11], , , - , , - . , , . , 11 . . . . . . . 2004 2006 . . . , . . . . , , - . - 1 . . . , - . , « » « » , . , - — - , - , , / ( . 1), - ( - ., ,[ 1970; 2003: 12]). , , - , - , , , , . , , , , - « », - — . , - 1 . . . . - . 12 ... , , - . 1. suw ‘ ’ ‘ , ’ ‘ ’ suw-a-l-∅ suw-a-q-∅ гора-O-SUPER-ESS гора-O-POST-ESS на горе за горой suw-a-l-di suw-a-q-di гора-O-SUPER-LAT гора-O-POST-LAT на гору за гору suw-a-l-as suw-a-q-as гора-O-SUPER-ELAT гора-O-POST-ELAT с горы из-за горы , - , , . « - » . - , , , ( ) . - . 2. 2. balk’an ‘ ’ SG PL NOM balk’an balk’an-ar -PL ERG balk’an-di-∅ balk’an-ar-i-∅ -O-ERG -PL-O-ERG DAT balk’an-di-z balk’an-ar-i-z -O-DAT -PL-O-DAT GEN balk’an-di-n balk’an-ar-i-n -O-GEN -PL-O-GEN 13 . . , - , « - » « » . , , . , - - , - 2 . - - ( . ) , - ( , ). , (« » , - , ) , - , - . 2. : - . . išqːar ‘ ’: 2 - - . [Schulze 2003; Schulze, to appear]. 14 ... 3. išqːar ‘ ’ NOM išqːar ERG išqːar-en BEN išqːar-ejnakː GEN išqːar-in AD išqːar-astːa DAT išqːar-a ALL išqːar-ačː ABL išqːar-aχun SUPER išqːar-al - : ( ), , , , , , , , , ( - 2 . 3.4). 2.1. - , , , : . , - 3 , : • ; • , -n, -en, -on; • , -e, -i(n) 4, -j, -oj; • , -ejna(kː), -ojna(kː), -jna(kː); • , -a ( -ä), -e, -o, -∅. , , : • - , -(χ)un; • , -stːa; • , -č(ː); • , -l. 3 - ( . ). 4 . 15 . . , ё , , . - — — - , - , , - . . , , - . , , , , , , ( . . 4). , , - , . : 1) : ) (ber ‘ ’, jaqː ‘ ’, muz ‘ ’, tːul ‘ ’); ) c « » , -n- (fi ‘ ’, ʁi ‘ ’, žIeI ‘ ’); ) c « » , -j- (čIo ‘ ’, χaI ‘’, χoI ‘ ’, cːi ‘ ’). 2) : ) (išqːar ‘ ’, ajaqː ‘ ’, tːapːakː ‘ ’, dizikː ‘ ’, baldamaǯ ‘ ’, tariχ ‘ ’); ) (kːož ‘ ’); 3) « » : 16 ... ) -a#, -ä# (tängä ‘ ’, aʁala ‘ ’, mala ‘ ’); ) -i#, -e#, -u#, -ü# (afere ‘ - ’, läli ‘ ’, ajizlu ‘ ’, sürü ‘ ’); 4) -uχ 5: ) -uχ (äjl-uχ ‘ ’, viči-muχ ‘ ’, kːož-uruχ ‘ ’); ) , - -uχ (čuhuχ ‘ , ’, uluχ ‘ ’, elmuχ ‘ ’, buχaǯIuχ ‘ ’, aruχ ‘ ’); 5) « » : ) (bava ‘ ’, nana ‘ ’); ) -χo (gaval-χo ‘ ’, eʁel-χo ‘ ’, usen-χo ‘ ’). - . 4. , 5 - . -uχ ( - ) -ur-uχ, -r-uχ, -m-uχ. , , -uʁ-, -urʁ-, -ruʁ-, -muʁ- , , -oʁ-, -orʁ-, -roʁ-, -moʁ-. -χo - ( ) -ur-χo, -ir-χo, -n-χo, -m-χo. ( ,[ 1974: 259; , 1990: 304]) -ur. , , , . . - , -ur - - , / . . 17 . . ( 2), ) , - , ; ) : - . 4. ERG GEN DAT BEN ʁar ʁar-en ʁar-e ʁar-a ʁar-ejnakː ‘ ’ žIeI žIeI-n-en žIeI-n-e žIeI-n-a žIeI-n-ejnakː 1 ‘ ’ χaI χaI-j-en χaI-j-e χaI-j-aI χaI-j-ejnakː ‘ ’ išqːar išqːar-en išqːar-in išqːar-a išqːar-ejnakː 2 ‘ ’ kːož ‘ ’ kːož-en kːož-in kːož-a kːož-ejnakː tːängä täng-in-en täng-in täng-in-ä täng-in-ejnakː ‘ ’ 3 läli läli-n-en läli-n läli-n-ä läli-n-ejnakː ‘ ’ äjl-uχ äjl-oʁ-on äjl-oʁ-oj äjl-oʁ-o äjl-oʁ-ojnakː ‘ ’ 4 aruχ aruʁ-on aruʁ-oj aruʁ-o aruʁ-ojnakː ‘ ’ bava bava-n bava-j bava bava-jnakː ‘ ’ 5 eʁel-χo eʁel-χo-n eʁel-χo-j eʁel-χo eʁel-χo-jnakː ‘ ’ , , - , , : • ( 1) -e; • : « » « » . « »( 1 ,1 3) - 18 ... : -j-, -n-, -in- 6. - . « » ( 5) ( . . , - « » ), - : -n, -j, -∅, -jnakː. • -uχ ( 4) , -o-, - -uʁ , , -oʁ. . - , : • , -in, -e ( 2 ): bul ‘ ’, kːož ‘ ’, tur ‘ ’, χod ‘ ’, vaχtː ‘ ’, χalg ‘ ’( — -e); • - -in: beIšI ‘ ’; • , - -a ( ), -in: oqːa ‘ , ’, ala ‘ , ’, oša ‘ , ’: (1) oš-in ʁi oqː-in atːaž -GEN -GEN 6 1 1 - ; - , . : -in- -a#, -ä# ( - ) -n- -i#, -e#, -u#, -ü#. 19 . . • , / . , - , . . 5 ( , ; - , ). 5. , NOM GEN DAT ‘ ’ äš äš-l-in äš-l-ä (|| äš-ä) ‘ ’ ga ga-n-un ga-n-u || ga-l-a ‘ ’ kːož kːoj-a (|| kːož-a) ‘ ’ kul ki-j-in ‘ ’ pul pi-j-in ‘ ’ ʁi ʁi-n-ej viči ‘ ’ χunči ‘ ’ - , , vič- χunč-, , . . 6. 6. viči ‘ ’ χunči ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ NOM viči χunči ERG vič-en χunč-en GEN vič-ej χunč-ej DAT vič-a χunč-a BEN vič-ejnakː χunč-ejnakː , , - , ( ) . , - , , -a, - -e -nu. , , - , - ( , 20 ... , . , 3.2). , - , . 22 , - . . 7. 7. , LOC DAT ( ) bul ‘ ’ bije bula bačːIan ‘ ’ bačːIane bačːIana čIo ‘ , ’ čIoje čIoja muz ‘ ’ muze muza kul ‘ ’ kije kula ozan ‘ ’ ozane ozana pul ‘ ’ pije pula qːoqː ‘ ’ qːoqːe qːoqːa tum ‘ , ’ tume tuma tur ‘ ’ ture tura ükː ‘ ’ ükːe ükːä ajiz ‘ ’ ajize ajiza ara ‘ ’ arane arana bazar ‘ ’ bazare bazara čːäläj ‘ ’ čːäläje čːäläjä niIžI ‘ ’ niIžeI niIžaI šähär ‘ ’ šähäre šähärä oq ‘ ’ oqe oqa düjnä ‘ , ’ düjnane düjnanä kːackːal ‘ ’ kːackːale kːackːala kur ‘ ’ kurnu kura mes ‘ ’ mesnu mesa ,- , - . - , ( . [Schulze, to 21 . . appear: 3.3.2]), -a, -e, -nu . , , - -a . -e / -nu, , - -a ( . kul ‘ ’, bul ‘ ’, pul ‘ ’, - ). , , - , -a — -e ( . ozan ‘ ’, kːacːkːal ‘ ’, - -a). , - , , - , , , - . - ( - , , , ). , - -a, . 2.2. - . , - ( - ). , . - (‘ ’, ‘ ’) 2 -χ ( . - ), a 1 - . 22 ... , ič šu ‘ ’ - . 8. 8. NOM ERG DAT BEN GEN ‘ ’ zu za za-jnakː bez(i) ‘ ’ hun va va-jnakː vi ‘ ’ jan jaχ ja-jnakː beš(i) ‘ ’ vaIn vaIχ vaI-jnakː ef(i) 9 , - ( - ) šono, kono, mono. - - (-o , -tː- - ), (-in), (-aj) (-u; -o, , -o-). 9. NOM ERG GEN DAT BEN ‘ ’ kala-o kala-tː-in kala-tː-aj kala-tː-u kala-tː-ajnakː DIST šono || šo šo-tː-in šo-tː-aj šo-tː-o šo-tː-ajnakː MED kono || ko ko-tː-in ko-tː-aj ko-tː-o ko-tː-ajnakː PROX mono || mo mo-tː-in mo-tː-aj mo-tː-o mo-tː-ajnakː , 10 - ič šu ‘ ’ he ‘ ’. : - ( , šu ‘ ’), ( - -i šu ‘ ’ ič ‘ , ’), ( -tː- he ‘ ’, he ‘ ’ ič ‘ , ’). 10. ič, ‘ , ’, šu ‘ ’, he ‘ ’ ‘ ’ šu ši-n ši šu-a šin-ejnakː ‘ ’ he he-tː-in he-tː-aj he-tː-u he-tː-ajnakː ‘ , ’ ič ič-in iz(i) ič-u ič-ejnakː 23 . . 3. . — - , , - « » — , , , , — , - , . 3.1. , - - - , - - ( . [Dixon 1994; 1992: 14; 2003: 9—10]). - - , - , . .« - » [Dixon 1994: Chapter 4]. - , , , , - . : • ; • ( -χo#); 24 ... • , . , « » , , , . , , - ( .« - »). . [Harris 2002: 244—251; Schulze- Fürhoff 1994: 493—494]. , 1) , 2) 7 : (2) aj pːapːa, hun za bar-t-i tac-enu. VOC [A] :DAT[O] -LV-AO -PERF=2SG Э , , . (3) zual ečer-i va mija boss-e. [A]=ADD -AO :DAT[O] PLOC =1SG=ST-PERF . (4) zu häjsä essa. [S] =1SG=ST+PRS . , , , 1) - , 2) , , . (5) tːütːtːäj-ä čoban-en gele farep-i, eʁel-χo -DAT -ERG =3SG=LV-AOR -PL[S] 7 , [Dixon 1994], :A( ), O ( ), S ( ). 25 . . aIχiIl tanec-i. =3SG=ST-AOR , . (6) p-ene, vi χüjär-a šuje-nχo-n käjne. -PERF=3SG -DAT -PL-ERG[A] +AOR=3SG : . (7) čoʁ-on čːapːeb-sa qːɨzɨl-χo. -ERG =3SG=LV-PRS -PL[O] . , šo(no), ko(no) mo(no) - , 1) - , 2) , . (8) šo banek-sa stːol-un kal-o. DIST+NA[S] =3SG=ST-PRS -GEN -NA . (9) šo-tː-in va mija bones-ijo. DIST-NO-ERG[A] :DAT PLOC =3SG=ST-PERF2 ( ) . (10) bütüm-tː-in šo-tː-o hörmättːun laχ-sa. -NO-ERG DIST-NO-DAT[O] =3PL -PRS ё( ) . (11) alik kːoj-ane tac-i. [S] -DAT=3SG -AOR . (12) alik-en šujene akː-i. -ERG[A] =3SG -AOR . (13) ʁe jan akː-i tejan alik-a. -AOR NEG=1PL -DAT[O] . - , , , 26 ... . , , , .: (14) išqːar čːer-i tanesa, tːetːejin. [S] -AOC =3SG=ST+PRS RDP:DLOC:ABL . (15) tːe išqːar-en p-ineki... DIST -ERG[A] -AOR=3SG=COMP Э ... (16) oša anekː-i šo-tː-in sa ǯäil =3SG=ST-AOR DIST-NO-ERG ?? išqːar / OK išqːar-a. [O] -DAT[O] . - ( , - ), ( - ): (17) eʁel qːärib jaqː-en tac-i azmišebak-sa. [S] -ERG -AO =3SG=LV-PRS . (18) eʁel-en tamam o-j-a käje. -ERG[A] -O-DAT +AOR=3SG ё . (19) hatːunqː-sa jöni sa eʁel. =3PL=LV-PRS [O] . (20) sak-i eʁel-a šIamjanne. -AO -DAT[O] =1PL=LV:PRS ( ) . , , , , - 27 . . . , , - ( , ) . . - 11. 11. A S O NOM DAT ( ) ERG NOM DAT ERG ABS , - , , . , , . , , - , . . , - . - pesun ‘ ’, - 8 , , . : (21) χe-n-en šurunne. -O-ERG[S] =3SG=LV:PRS . 8 - . [Harris 2002: 252—255]. 28 ... (22) χaI-j-en baIpene. -O-ERG[S] =3SG=LV:PRS . (23) bitov äjl-oʁ-on aχšIuntːunp-i. -PL-ERG[S] =3PL=LV-AOR . (24) levetː-en žIalene javaš~javaš. -ERG[S] =3SG=LV:PRS . (25) sa usenal eIšI-na χod-en šahatː =ADD -ATR -ERG[S] čːenep-i. =3SG=ST-AOR ( . ). [Dabakov 2007] , . - , , : , , , - ; - ; . - . « », , ( — ). , , ( ) - . - - , , ( 29 . . , , ) 9, . [Harris 2002: 257]: (26) met’in ek’a-t’u aba? .ERG .ABSL-INV3SG .PRES Ч ? (27) ɣar-en (sa) ẹk a-t’u-k’-e. -ERG 1-INV3SG- 2-AORII . (28) ɣar-en me ẹk bu-t’u-q’-sa. -ERG 1-INV3SG- 2-PRES . akːsun ‘ ’, ibaksun ‘ ’, čuresun ‘ , ’, avabaksun ‘ ’, - ( . [Ganenkov 2007]), , - , , - , - . , - : (29) bezi bava-n za atenekː-ijo. -ERG :DAT -NEG=3SG=ST-PERF2 . (30) iz cːi-j-a tezne, ič-in -O-DAT NEG=1SG= :PRS -ERG inebak-sa. =3SG=LV-PRS , . (31) neχe, vi vič-en va čurtenesa. :PRS=3SG -ERG :DAT =NEG=3SG=LV+PRS :« ». 9 . , XIX , , - [Harris 2002: 256]. 30 ... (32) oʁru-ʁo-n avatːunbak-saki... -PL-ERG =3PL=LV-PRS=COMP , ... 3.2. , « - » . : (33) zu en aχrɨmǯi kːož-in χüjärzu. -GEN =1SG ( . ). - ( . (25)): (34) tːe ʁi tːaji-n nävä-j niIšIane b-ej. DIST . -GEN -GEN =3SG -PERF=PST . , ( - aj): (35) aj qːonši, majanan taj-sa? VOC =2PL -PRS Э , , ? Э , - , ( , , , , - ): (35) oša čapaǯaʁ-en kːacː-pː-i šikːlam-a saal . . -ERG -LV-AOC -DAT =ADD püšnikː-ä me-n-enjan kːacː-e. -DAT -O-ERG=1PL -LV:PRS . 31 . . (36) pːi-j-en tor-p-i tːija hejanb-sa -O-ERG -LV-AOC DLOC =1PL= -PRS kːäš-in-en. -O-ERG , , . (37) aχɨri sa tähär-en me čuʁ-oχun hikːkːal äjit -ERG PROX -ABL haqː-es tez baj. -INF NEG=1SG +AOR , . (38) äjčː-in däri ʁar-e kːož gir-ec-i uže -GEN -GEN -LV-AOC gele-luʁ-en... -ABSTR-ERG ... (39) bava mo-tː-oʁ-on očIalaχtːunb-sa, beš ädät-en, PROX-NO-PL-ERG =3PL=LV-PRS -ERG jöni qːajd-in-en. -O-ERG , , . (40) očːIi-n-ä χari-n-enqːa žeqː-enjan häzir-b-sa. -O-DAT -O-ERG=& -ERG=1PL -LV-PRS . (41) tašer-i takːsi-n-en za civekː-i tːija. -AOC -O-ERG :DAT =3SG=ST-AOR DLOC . buj ‘ ’ - bujbes ‘ ’ bujbakes ‘ ’, - adesun ‘ ( )’: (42) al-ɨn otaχo ečer-i bütːüm-a -GEN +PL -AOC -DAT bujeb-sa mebel-en. =3SG=LV-PRS -ERG . 32 ... (43) äräqːi-n-en ad-eʁ-atːan, eχ-tː-i äsvab-a -O-ERG -LV-TEMP -LV-AOC -DAT qːurušmišjanb-sa. =1PL=LV-PRS ( - ,) , . , ( ) (‘ ’) : (44) eʁel qːärib jaqː-en tac-i azmišebak-sa. -ERG -AO =3SG=LV-PRS . (45) šuje-n-i iriz-en hartːun tːejn gänǯäli-joχ. -O-GEN -ERG +PERF=3PL DLOC:ABL -PL . (46) sa – pːaI saad-en tːe χaš ajesa. -ERG DIST =3SG=LV+PRS - . (47) soʁ-o vuIʁ ʁi-n-en pːapː-ala jaqː, tːe soʁ-o -NA -O-ERG -PART DIST -NA χib χaš-en. -ERG ( .) , — . [Dabakov 2007] 10 - tastːun ‘ ’: (48) me išqːar-en čoban-a p-ineki... PROX -ERG -DAT -AOR=3SG=COMP Э ... (49) me kala vič-en iz qːɨzɨl-χo tanestːa me PROX -ERG -PL =3SG=ST+PRS PROX 10 IN [ 1960/2006: 123; Schulze 2003: 24—36], , - . 33 . . micːikː vič-a. -DAT . - , : (50) čːer-i javaš~javaš tazc-i kːoj-a. -AOC =1SG=ST-AOR -DAT . (51) artːunc-on kːoj-a. =3PL=ST-POT -DAT ( ) . , - . . , , - ( - ) , - . . (52) (53), . (52) - kːacːkːal-e, kːackːal-a. (53), , - , . (52) me o bašqːalal kːacːkːal-ene lac-ijo. PROX =ADD -LOC=3SG -PERF2 Э . (53) kːackːal-a eIχ-tː-i, tašer-i bonestːa -DAT -LV-AOC -AOC =3SG=ST+PRS ( ) , . - : (54) χüjär-enal qːajimba-j kul-a mučene. -ERG=ADD -GEN -DAT =3SG=LV:PRS ( ) . 34 ... (55) isä ʁar-enal χüjär-i ki-j-e -ERG=ADD -GEN -O-LOC lavekː-sa, χüjär-enal ʁar-e ki-j-e. =3SG=ST-PRS -ERG=ADD -GEN -O-LOC ( ), — . (56) šo-tː-aj tur-e sa cace tːaIqː-eIc-i. DIST-NO-GEN -LOC =3SG -LV-AOR . [Dabakov 2007] (57) šo-tː-aj sa tur-atːun botː-e. DIST-NO-GEN -DAT=3PL -PERF . (58) bez ʁar niIžI-e / ajiz-e / šähär-ene bak-sa. -LOC -LOC -LOC=3SG -PRS / / . (59) jan niIžI-a / me ajiz-a / me šähär-ä akː-ejanij. -DAT PROX -DAT PROX -DAT -PERF=1PL=PST / / . , - -e, -a. , - ( ) . , - , - - , ё , , , . , šähär-ä [ -DAT] ‘ - ’, . (58)—(59). (60) šo-tː-in iz kːartːin-oʁ-o me šähär-ä peškːäšeb-i. DIST-NO-ERG -PL-DAT PROX -DAT =3SG=LV-AOR . 35 . . - 11 . , - 12 . . . : • (61) bava-j kul -GEN • (62) amdar-i kːož -GEN • (63) tːe išqːar-i bava DIST -GEN • (64) ʁoʁ-e äräqːi -GEN • (65) eʁel-i sürü -GEN 11 ( , ); . [ , . .]. 12 -na, . pup-na χod [ -ATR ]‘ ’. , , , , . 36 ... • (66) ereqː-ijal vaχtːej. -GEN=ADD =3SG=PST ( . . ). (67) udi-n muz -GEN , , boš ‘ ’, loχ(ol) ‘ ’, tːoIʁ(ol) ‘ , , ’, beIšI ‘ ’, oqːa ‘ ’, qoš ‘ ’: (68) mes-e boš -GEN / (69) taχtː-e oqːa -GEN / , - ( . ): (70) χačan-ijal sa eʁele bak-sa. -GEN=ADD =3SG -PRS . 13 . . , , (‘ ’) : (71) bačːIajna-n ič-ejnakː mese biqː-ej. -ERG -BEN =3SG -PERF=PST . 13 . [Schulze 2003: 46—48], -en / -in kːena (= kːinä) ‘ , ’. , , . 37 . . (72) hikːä čurunsa, up-a, va-jnakː b-az! :NA =2SG=LV+PRS -IMP -BEN -SUBJ=1SG Ч , , ! [Dabakov 2007] : (73) šikːlam-a čːäjn-i boš bap-i -DAT -GEN . -AOC čːIočːIajanb-sa, düz-s-ejnakː. =1PL=LV-PRS +LV-INF-BEN , , . (74) häjsä beš kːoji teno äräqːi ba-p-s-ejna. NEG=COP:3SG . -LV-INF-BEN , . - he ‘ , ’ šono, mono, kono: (75) he-tː-ajnakːen har-e memija? -NO-BEN=2SG -PERF RDP:PLOC ? , , - - ‘ ’, ‘ ’, ‘ ’: (76) ja-jnäkː, bito udi-ʁo-jnakː sa ǯür tːetːire lazum. -BEN -PL-BEN =3SG , , (= ). , , . , eštːun ‘ / - ’ ( bapsun ‘ ’), tastːun ‘ ’ - . (77) kːän čur-e-sa, isä zu va-jnakː eč-az? :NA=2SG -LV-PRS -BEN -SUBJ=1SG , ? 38 ... (78) mo-tː-in sa müšükː qːɨzɨl izi bava-jna PROX-NO-ERG -BEN banne. . =3SG=ST:PRS . : (79) zängezb-i tːe kakala-tː-oʁ-ojna, bütün-tː-ajna. =1SG=LV-AOR DIST -NO-PL-BEN -NO-BEN , . - : (80) lap buruʁ-oj döš-öjan tac-i boIqː-ejnakː. -GEN -DAT=1PL -AOR -BEN . (81) rostːom-a jaqːa-b-a tːija ušI-ejnakː. -DAT -LV-IMP DLOC -BEN . [Dabakov 2007] 3.3. 14 : — , . (82)—(84), - — / , . (85)—(86): (82) za-χun tac-i χüjar-moʁ-onal zual pːaI kärän -ABL -AOP -PL-ERG=ADD =ADD äčijanp-i. =1PL=LV-AOR , , . 14 ( ) . . - [Schulze 2003: 39—41]. 39 . . (83) ja-χun pːrakːtːikː-in-a bak-ala mälim-en p-ine... -ABL -O-DAT -PART -ERG -AOR=3SG , , ... (84) beš kalna hämišä ja-χun šahate b-e, ja-χun -ABL =3SG -PERF -ABL närdal äči-p-ene, äjl-oχun futbolal =ADD -LV-PERF=3SG -PL+ABL =ADD äči-p-ene. -LV-PERF=3SG , . (85) taš-a bos-a me χüjär-moʁ-o kːoj-aχun! -IMP -IMP PROX -PL-DAT -ABL ! (86) tːe hazir pːočːkː-in-aun eχ-tː-i ʁoʁ-a DIST -O-ABL -LV-AOC -DAT bajanne levetː-a. . =1PL=ST:PRS -DAT . - / sagala ‘ ’: (87) fikireb-i, iz joldaš-χo-χun sagala tanec-i. =3SG=LV-AOR -PL-ABL =3SG=ST-AOR . (88) vaIχun sagala zual muIq-bak-az. :ABL =ADD -LV-SUBJ=1SG - . , (89) qːɨsmat-aχun tːitː-es tene bak-o. -ABL -INF NEG=3SG -POT . [Dabakov 2007] (90) zu va-χun hikːal tez čur-e-sa. -ABL NEG=1SG -LV-PRS . [Dabakov 2007] 40 ... ( , .[ 2002: 42—43]) - ( ). , ‘ ’ (‘ - , ’) , . (44)—(45), (91). , ( .[ 2002: 39—42]). (91) šo näzik ǯɨʁɨr-ene tac-i. DIST+NA -ERG=3SG -AOR . (92) me durb-in-aχun χene cːoroj-e-sa. PROX -O-ABL =3SG -LV-PRS . (93) jan biIbiI-n-aχunjan čːovak-i. -O-ABL=1PL -AOR ( ) . (94) zu ʁar-a oq-aχun čːovak-esezd-i. -DAT -ABL -INF=1SG=CAUS-AOR . (95) zu qːal-in-aχun ǯup-i čːovazk-i. -O-ABL -AOC =1SG=ST-AOR . ‘ , - ’, ( . . ). - (- ): (96) čːäläj-e / *čːäläj-eχun taranne. -LOC -ABL =3SG=LV:PRS . , ‘ ’: 41 . . (97) ke-tär jöni amdar-χo pːur-i tːija MED-ADV -PL -AO DLOC očIalaχ-b-etːun bisi vaχtː-aχun. -LV-PERF=3PL -ABL , , . oša ‘ ’ - — - — ‘ ’( . [ , . .]), , - oša, ‘ ’: (98) χozamand-aun oša ja-stːa banek-sa micːikː nišIan. -ABL -AD =3SG=ST-PRS . (99) tːe levetːal eχ-tː-i tːoIχ lajanχ-sa, DIST =ADD -LV-AOC . =1PL=ST-PRS apː-i-tː-oχun oša. -AOP-NO-ABL , . (100) sa pːaI ʁi-n-aun oša va ajituz ukː-on. -O-ABL :DAT =1SG -POT Ч . , , - : - ‘( ) ’, ‘ - ’ . . (101) (102): (101) joldaš-χo-n eʁel-χo-χun eIχtːund-i sa pːaI-χib-o. -PL-ERG -PL-ABL =3PL=LV-AOR - -NA - ( ) . (102) ʁoʁ-aχunjan buχ-sa. -ABL=1PL -PRS ( ) . : 42 ... (103) bitüm boIqːal vuj hazar-aχun gelene. -ABL =3SG ( ) . (104) gele-tː-in urus-in muz-a jaχunal šaattːun -NO-ERG -GEN -DAT :ABL=ADD =3PL avaj. =PST . , (105), (106) (107): (105) ič-oχun haqː-i tatːunsa. -ABL -AOC =3PL=ST+PRS ( ) . (106) me čuʁ-oχun hikːkːal äjit haqː-es tez baj. PROX -ABL -INF NEG=1SG +AOR . (107) häjsäl udi-ʁ-oχun gele camtːunne, gele =ADD -PL-ABL =3PL=LV:PRS χavartːun haqː-sa. =3PL -PRS , , . , : (108) neχe, vallah otː-eχunuz har-i. :PRS=3SG . -ABL=1SG -AOR :« - , ». (109) ama qːiI-j-eχun hikːal b-es tene bak-saj. -O-ABL -INF NEG=3SG -PRS=PST . [Dabakov 2007] , , - mäšqːulbaksun ‘ ( )’, qːiIbsun ‘ ( )’, iräzi ‘ ( )’, ǯöj ‘ ( )’, beIχsun ‘ ( )’ ( . ): 43 . . (110) iz alver-aχun qːäti mäšqːultenebak-sa. -ABL =NEG=3SG=LV-PRS . (111) hikːal-aχun maqːiI-b-a. -ABL PROH= -LV-IMP . [Keçaari 2001: 134] , . . 15 - bu . - - , ( ), , , . . (112), va-stːa, - bu ne ( « - + 3SG» o, .[ , . .]): (112) tːe išqːar-en p-ineki va-stːa tːütːtːäj bune? DIST -ERG -AOR=3SG=COMP -AD COP=3SG Э :« ?». (113) za-stːa, - bu zaχ 16: 15 . . [ 1985: 45, 48], - -sː -tːʌ. . [ 1960/2006: 123]. 16 , ( ), - bu - . - , - - . , (113) tängäzaχ bu [tängäzaχpːu]. 44 ... (113) za-stːa tängäzaχ bu. -AD =1SG:POSS COP . 17 . 12. 12. 1SG 2SG 1PL 2PL 3SG 3PL -z || -ez || -zu -un || -nu -jan -vaIn -ne || -e -tːun -zaχ -vaχ -jaχ -vaIχ -tːuχ ( , , ) , - : (114) a. bez čurzaχ bu. =1SG:POSS COP b. bez čure bu. =3SG COP . « » : (115) ja-stːa uIʁ-sunal mäžbür tene. -AD -MSD=ADD NEG=3SG ( , ) . , . (ʁi ‘ ’, χaš ‘ ’, usen ‘ ’ — (116)) - ( , nišIan ‘ ’— (117)), , - 17 1- 2- 2 . 3- , , , - 2 - ( ) , . , 2 še(no) šetːuχ. 45 . . , , ( . (118)): (116) ʁi-mχo-j sa ʁi-n-ästːa beš qːonši октябрь χaš-astːa -PL-GEN -O-AD -AD tac-i qːonši-n rajon-aχun tːule eč-on. -AOC -GEN -ABL =3SG -POT ( . ) . (117) micːikː nišIan-astːa ʁar-a tetːun taštːa. -AD -DAT NEG=3PL +PRS . (118) pːaImǯi tːe ajaqː-astːa ʁar-e bava hajestːa. DIST -AD -GEN =3SG=LV+PRS ( . . ) . 18 . , , « » , . . — , . : 18 . [Harris 2003: 187] čː- ‘ ’, ( - . [ , . .]). , , , - , - ‘( ) ’. . . . . - [Diakonoff, Starostin 1986: 78—79] ( . [ 2003: 148—149]) -č’a- APUD -č’(u)- CONT . , - . *-k ( . [ 1985: 52—54], , , -k , , , , , , , -k- CONT. 46 ... (119) šIalakː-a aχa-p-i jaqː-ane baftː-i -DAT . . -LV-AOC -DAT=3SG -AOR kːož-ačː. [Keçaari 2001: 131] -ALL . (120) išqːar tanec-i sürü-n-äχun samal tːaʁaj =3SG=ST-AOR -O-ABL DLOC:LAT akː-eʁ-ala aruʁ-očː. [Dabakov 2007] . -LV-PART -ALL , . , , , : (121) za-čː ek-i! -ALL -IMP ! (122) šo tanesa kːoj-ačː. DIST+NA =3SG=ST+PRS -ALL . , - tːoʁI(ol) ‘ , , ’. 19 - cːiri(kː) ‘ , ’ 20 lari(kː) ‘ , , ’: (123) surukː-b-anan kändür-ä lap kur-e ošI-el cːiri. -LV-IMP-2PL -DAT -GEN -SUPER . [Dabakov 2007] 19 -lː SUPER . -tː-, . -l-, . -l-, . -l-, . -l-, , .[ 1985: 49—50; 1960/2006: 126]. 20 , « », - , , « ». 47 . . (124) va-l lari sa ergen ʁarej. -SUPER =3SG=PST . [Keçaari 2001: 15] - : (125) lajansa alloj χod-al figombal =1PL=ST+PRS -SUPER . tːul-e bačːIan-eχun. -GEN -ABL . (126) iIžI har-i barestːa diz-el tːejin. -AOC =3SG=LV+PRS -SUPER DLOC:ABL . (127) beIneIʁ-i tːija sa χüjäre arc-e, izi =3SG=ST-AOR DLOC =3SG -PERF kːaIkːaIpː-eIlal sa deve baskː-e. -SUPER=ADD =3SG -PERF , , . [Dabakov 2007] (128) latːunc-i lap buruʁ-oj qːur-el. =3PL=ST-AOR -GEN -SUPER . [Dabakov 2007] - b-el [ -SUPER], tur-el [ -SUPER], ki-j-el [ -O-SUPER]. C , , . : (129) muz-el cace tːaIqː-eIc-e. -SUPER =3SG -LV-PERF . , , - - al. 48 ... (130) zu χod-al laʁ-oz. -SUPER -FUT=1SG . (131) zu χod-al laʁ-oz. -DAT=ADD -FUT=1SG . 3.4. , 21 -lχun 2 22 -χ, , - , . , , , , - - : bel-χun, turel-χun, kijel-χun / - tːoIʁol ‘ ’, loχol ‘ ’( ). - : (132) išqːar-en kːotːman-i b-el-χun “hooj” b-i -ERG -GEN -SUPER-ABL INTJ -AOC hajestːa. =3SG=ST+PRS «Э !» . (133) sa ʁi šon-o ičal zoqːal-na χod-al-χun DIST-NA =ADD -ATR -SUPER-ABL binet-i. =3SG=ST-AOR . [Keçaari 2001: 134] 21 ( - ) -l -χun, . [Schulze 2003: 49]. , , , - « + ». 22 2 -λːw- APUD, .[ 1985: 52]. 49 . . , , . - 2. « » . , , , - 2. - , - , - ( - ) - . , 23 . - , 2 - , - , , 70- XX - ( ., , [ 1974: 257], , [ 1949: 9] , « 1- »). 23 - 2 , - 1( . *ja [ :DAT], *vaI [ :DAT], za [ :DAT], va [ :DAT]). 50 ... - IMP INF : INTJ + JUSS # LAT 1, 2, 3 LOC [A] LV [O] MSD [ S] NA ( ) NEG ABL NO ABSTR ( ) NOM AD O ADD ‘ , ’ ALL PART AOC PERF AOP PERF2 AOR PL APUD PLOC ATR -na BEN POSS COMP POST CONT POT COP - PROH DAT PROX DIST PRS DLOC PST SG ELAT ST ERG ESS SUPER FUT TEMP ó GEN VOC 51 . . . . - - . . . ., 1985. . . - - - . . ., 2003. . . // . . 75- . . - . .; ., 1960. [ : . .( .) ... : 100- . . ё . ., 2006.] . . : - // . .( .) . . 2: . ., 2002. . . - - . , 1974. . . : . . . , 1971. [ . .] . . // . ., 1970. . . . ., 2002. . . . ., 2003. . ., . . . . . ., 1988. . . - ? // . . . . ( ) // . . . . . . ... . . . , 1949. . . . , 1974. [ . .] Dabakov V. V. Udiǧoy folklor. Naǧılxo. Legendoox. , 2007. Diakonoff I. M., Starostin S. A. Hurro-Urartian as an East Caucasian language. München: R. Kitzinger, 1986. Dixon R. M. W. Ergativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Ganenkov D. S. Experiencer coding in Nakh-Daghestanian // Kulikov L., Mal- chukov A. and de Swart P. (eds.) Case, valency and transitivity. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2006. 52 ... Harris A. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Harris A. The prehistory of Udi locative cases and locative preverbs // Holisky D. A., Tuite K. (eds) Current trends in Caucasian, East European and Inner Asian linguistics. Papers in honor of Howard I. Aronson. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2003. Keçaari Ҝ. Orayin. Bakı, 2001. Schulze W. From case to case in Udi // . . ( .) - . . 2. , 2003. Schulze W. A Functional Grammar of Udi. To appear, 2009. Schulze-Fürhoff W. The Udi Language. A grammatical sketch // The indigenous languages of the Caucasus, vol. IV. Delmar, N.Y.: Caravan, 1994. 53 Ю. А. Лан р , ɉɊɂɑȺɋɌɇɕȿ ɄɈɇɋɌɊɍɄɐɂɂ ɂɅɂ ɇȿɄȺɌȿȽɈɊɂȺɅɖɇɈȿ ɉɈȾɑɂɇȿɇɂȿ? 1. ȼɜɟɞɟɧɢɟ* , - / - ( . . , ) - 1 ( ., , [Keenan 1985: 160]). - * , I - ( , 2007 .). - , - . . . . 2002— 2006 . , . . . . . - . , . . . - . . 1 . . 5.3 , - , , . 54 ? , [плывущие по небу] облака 2 - плывущие. , , « » [Lehmann 1984: 156] — , - плывущие , - , , - , . , - , , « - ». - : , - - , , - 3 , . - [ 1999] , [Kalinina, Sumbatova 2007] — , [Creissels 2006] — , . , , - , . 2 - . ( , - 2 ( ) , . 3 « » [ - 2001]. , - ( . [Authier, forthc. 2] )— , . 55 . . ) : , - ( - 3), , - ( 4), , ( 5). 6 - , - . - , 7 , - . 2. Ɉɬɧɨɫɢɬɟɥɶɧɚɹ ɩɪɟɞɢɤɚɰɢɹ vs. ɧɟɡɚɜɢɫɢɦɨɟ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɟɧɢɟ 2.1. «ɉɪɢɱɚɫɬɧɚɹ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹ» - , - , . (1): - ‘ , ’ ‘ - , 2400—2500 ’ 4. (1) [ [niIžI-e bak-ala] očIal-a pːaI hazar bipː bačI — -DAT -ala 5 -DAT pːaI hazar qo bačI usen mo-tː-oχun beIšI bak-i] PROX-NO-ABL -i jalojlu-täpä cːila gano - . =COP:3SG - , - — - . 4 . 5 -i, -al -ala - - . 56 ? - « » : (i) ( - očIal-a ‘ ’ ga ‘ ’) - , - ; [Keenan 1985] « »; (ii) - 6 ( ); (iii) - , . , - - , - . , - : , - ; , - ; - ; , ; - - , . 2.2. ɉɨɪɹɞɨɤ ɫɥɨɜ ɜ ɪɟɥɹɬɢɜɧɵɯ ɩɪɟɞɢɤɚɰɢɹɯ , : 6 - ( , - , .) , , « ». 57 . . . - — . . : (2) [ za-χun tac-i] χüjär-moʁ-onal zual pːaI kärän -ABL -i -PL-ERG=ADD =ADD äčijanp-i =1PL=LV-i , , . (3) va jaqːa-b-es banek-o ko-tː-oχun :DAT -LV-INF =3SG=ST-POT MED-NO-PL+ABL . (2) (‘ ’), , , (3) (‘ ’), , . 2.3. ɇɚɥɢɱɢɟ/ɨɬɫɭɬɫɬɜɢɟ ɥɢɱɧɵɯ ɩɨɤɚɡɚɬɟɥɟɣ , ( - , - ). . (4) - (5), е : 7 (4) [ kiravabad-aχun har-i] joldaš-χo-nal -ABL -i -PL-ERG=ADD , ... (5) tːaji-n äjl-uχ äskːärluʁ-aχune har-e . -GEN -PL -ABL=3SG -PERF . 7 3 - . 58 ? , ( . [Harris 2000; 2002]) — , (5) - . , , - ( . . 4.2). 2.4. ȼɵɪɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɫɟɦɚɧɬɢɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɚɤɬɚɧɬɨɜ ( ) — , , - , . - , (6) ( - ; . [Keenan 1985: 152—153]): (6) *[zu amdar-a tängä tad-i] dostː -DAT -i ( , ( ) ) , - , . , , - , , - , - « » - . - , [Comrie, Polinsky 1998] « » : , . (7), , - . (7) [ bava-n ukː-ala] χüjär-al haqː-etːun -ERG -ala -DAT+ADD -PERF=3PL … , . 59 . . , , , , , ( - - ). , - , - ; (8) boš ‘ ’: (8) [ zu iz boš arc-i] aftːobus -i , , - , : . . ‘ ’ : (9) niIžI hamal χib χalg-e [jäšäjnš-ala] ajiz-moʁ-oχun =ADD -GEN +LV-ala -PL-ABL soʁ-one. -NA=3SG — , . [Lander, in prep.], , , , . 2.5. ȼɵɪɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɨɬɪɢɰɚɧɢɹ - te ( - ). - — nu. . - (10) (11): (10) bezi bava-n za atenekː-ijo -ERG :DAT =NEG=3SG=ST-PERF2 . 60 ? (11) [šo-tː-in nuakː-i] qːonaχ DIST-NO-ERG NEG= -i , 2.6. Ƚɥɚɝɨɥɶɧɨɟ ɫɥɨɜɨɢɡɦɟɧɟɧɢɟ C - 8 - , - ; . (12): (12) « » — - (-i) (-e) (-i) II (-ijo) (-sa) I (-al) (-al(a)) II (-ala) (-o) : -i ( ) -al(a) ( ) 9; . (13)—(14). 8 « - » - , , . 9 [ 1971] - ( -al) ( -al-a). , - , - - . , , , -i -al(a) ( ), - / ( , - , ). 61 . . (13) tːe vaχtː beIšI udi-n muz-in cam-uruχal DIST -GEN -INS -PL=ADD bak-ene, [bipːimǯi — qomǯi bačIusen-astːa fikir-b-i] -PERF=3SG -AD -LV-i cam-uruχ. -PL , IV—V . (14) … näl [tːe jaqː čːovak-ala] sun-tː-u =ADD DIST -ala -NO-DAT tajanstːa =1PL=ST+PRS … - , , . -al - , ( . še-tː-in b-al / b-ala aš [ -NO-ERG -al / -ala ] ‘ , ’ [ 1971: 306]). , -al - , ( . (18) ). -i -al(a) (13)— (14) . , — , - , - - . -i -al(a), ( . 15 16), ( 17 18). : (15) … me macːi gözäl χüjär-al PROX -DAT+ADD ... . 62 ? (16) mija hälä [uk-ala] šejo PLOC -ala =COP:3SG ( . , ). : (17) kala-tː-oʁ-oj tːoIoIχ pːapːurucː tene zapː-e -NO-PL-GEN NEG=3SG -LV:PRS . (18) bak-al-tː-uχun ujank-sa, uIjanʁ-sa -al-NO-ABL =1PL=ST-PRS =1PL=ST-PRS ( . , ) , . . - - , (19), , - , (20): (19) tːe pːoIʁ-o ögäne bak-sa DIST -NA =3SG -PRS ( ). (20) gele iräzizu va-χun =1SG -ABL . -i, -al -ala - ( -i -ala - ; . 3.3 3.4): . (21) šähär-e cir-iz -DAT -i=1SG ( ). (22) p-ine, taʁ-alnu, akː-alnu -i=3SG -al=2SG -al=2SG :« — !» (23) šo-tː-oʁ-o bütüm ǯoj-b-alajanne DIST-NO-PL-DAT -LV-ala=1PL= . 63 . . , - « », ( . 12): -i (21) — , -al (22) — I( - ), -ala (23) — II, 10 . . . 3. Ɉɦɨɧɢɦɢɹ ɩɪɢɱɚɫɬɢɣ ɢ ɛɚɡɨɜɵɯ ɮɨɪɦ? 3.1. ɋɟɦɚɧɬɢɱɟɫɤɨɟ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɨɩɨɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɢɟ - ( ., , [Harris 2002; , . . 1]): , 11 . , « » - : -i -ala - , . (24), kːal-p-es ‘ ’ , - -i, - , : (24) kalna-j viči-muχal bune, šo-tː-oʁ-onal -GEN -PL=ADD COP=3SG DIST-NO-PL-ERG=ADD 10 I II ., , [ , . . 2]. 11 « » , - . 64 ? kːal-p-etːun, [kːal-p-i] amdar-χotːun -LV-PERF=3PL -LV-i -PL=3PL , , ( . ) . (25), -ala / , - ( , , ): (25) šo-tː-ajna [här ǯürä beš ükː-e bak-ala] DIST-NO-BEN -DAT -ala he-tː-u arzujanb-sa -NO-DAT =1PL=LV-PRS , . 12 , -i -ala , - . 3.2. ɋɢɧɬɚɤɫɢɱɟɫɤɚɹ ɞɢɫɬɪɢɛɭɰɢɹ , , , - . ó , — - -i -ala . , - . , - - . , , 12 he-tː-u - , - . . [Ganenkov et al., forthc.]. 65 . . , . , - , , , , - -ala -i - ; . 6. , - , - . , , . . , - , , - . - — , -ala -i bak-es ‘ , ’, -ala nu, - . . 3.3. Ʉɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɹ -ala + ɛɵɬɢɣɧɵɣ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ -ala bak-es ‘ , ’ : (26) banditː biqː-s-ejnakː har-i pːaI tan üše -INF-BEN -i sun-tː-aj kːoj-a mand-alane bak-i -NO-GEN -DAT -ala=3SG -i ( ). [Keçaari 2001: 132] (27) me birinӡ-e, dümäli, sa ʁi mo-tː-o PROX -DAT PROX-NO-DAT tad-alatːun bak-sa -ala=3PL -PRS , , . 66 ? (28) ägär me äš düz-bak-ala bak-ajin PROX -LV-ala -COND=2/3SG χüjär-i bava-n neχeki flan ʁi-n-e -GEN -ERG :PRS=3SG=COMP -O-DAT beš kːoj-a ej-es banank-o -DAT -INF =2PL=ST-POT , , , - - . — - (26)—(27). , (28). , bak-es ‘ ’ - , (19). , - ( - ) , . , - , , - . , , : (29) mo-tː-o tad-alatːun bak-sa PROX-NO-DAT -ala=3PL -PRS ( ). , -ala (29) . mo-tː-o ta-d-ala ‘ ( ) ’, - ‘( ) ( ) ’, . . , - ( , , (29), , ). , , - : (i) - 67 . . , ‘ ’, (ii) ( . . -ala) - , . . - , , . , (30) , - , : (30) χaI-j-en qːejraz amdar-a akː-ala bak-ajin -O-ERG -DAT -ala -COND=2/3SG baIp-kː-ale -LV-al=3SG , . - , - . , ( , , ; . 2.3). . (31), : (31) zual случайно bäkü-n-az taʁ-ala baj =ADD -O-DAT=1SG -ala +i . , -ala - , , [Harris 2002], ( - ‘ ’) , ; . (28), : (32) za kːal-kː-ala bak-ajn, up-aki :DAT -LV-ala -COND=2/3SG -IMP=COMP kːoj-a tene -DAT NEG=3SG : , , ( ) . 68 ? -ala — - -ala - . , , -ala, - , . . , - « » - « ». , , . -ala ( - - ), ( - ). , -ala - , , , , . - — — / . - , - . 3.4. Ɋɟɡɭɥɶɬɚɬɢɜɧɚɹ ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɹ -i + ɛɵɬɢɣɧɵɣ ɝɥɚɝɨɥ -i bak-es — — ; , 13 . , : 13 , , - (33), ʁačI ‘ ’: čur χod-aχun ʁačːIe bak-sa [ -ABL - =3SG -PRS]. 69 . . (33) čur χod-aχun ʁačːI-ec-ine bak-sa -ABL . -LV-i=3SG -PRS . , - . , . . , , - , - , . , - , - , -i (34a), , -i (34b): (34) a. čur χod-aχune ʁačːI-ec-i bak-sa -ABL=3SG . -LV-i -PRS b. čur ʁačːI-ec-ine bak-sa χod-aχun . -LV-i=3SG -PRS -ABL . , -i . 14 , . 14 uIʁ-i ‘ ’, [ -i]: (i) sa amdar jaqː-en tanesa, -ERG =3SG=ST+PRS šon-o banek-sa uIʁi DIST-NA =3SG=ST-PRS , . , (i) - , , , , - ( uIʁ-es ‘ ’ - , , (i) ). , uIʁi : - . , - 70 ? , - . , - - , . , - ; . (35) : (35) [ 2004: 89] nekː uχ-u-na-a -PRF-CONV- .( .: , .) . 6.3 , -i - . , , , - , - , . 3.5. Ɍɢɩ ɨɬɪɢɰɚɧɢɹ -ala « » te (36), nu, , , , (37) 15: ; , ‘ ’: (ii) šon-o hämišä uIʁine DIST-NA =3SG . - , uIʁi - ‘ ’, ‘ ’. 15 [Harris 2000: 606; 2002: 96—97], , -al. 71 . . (36) va kul-amcːi bar-kː-ala tezu :DAT - -LV-ala NEG=1SG .[ 1996: 69] (37) bava kːoj-a nutaʁ-alane -DAT NEG= -ala=3SG (= ) . (37), , — , « » - (36). , - , - , ( ): ?? (38) a. dostː-a zu tängäz nutad-ala -DAT =1SG NEG= -ala b. dostː-a zu tängä nutad-alaz -DAT NEG= -ala=1SG . , , - , . , - , , , . - , , , - : (39) dostː-a zu nutad-alaz tängä -DAT NEG= -ala=1SG . ( ) : (40) bul-a iz kːonǯIuʁ-on nueIχ-tː-alane. -DAT -ERG NEG= -LV-ala=3SG Х . , , . - 72 ? , , ( ) . , . nu - -ala , , . , nu - , ( .[ , ]). 3.6. ɇɟɤɨɬɨɪɵɟ ɜɵɜɨɞɵ , , « » « - » , . , - — . , - , , . , , -i -ala - , - . « »( ) - , , - , . . 4. ɉɪɢɱɚɫɬɢɹ ɜ ɧɟɡɚɜɢɫɢɦɵɯ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɟɧɢɹɯ? 4.1. ɋɩɨɫɨɛɧɵ ɥɢ ɩɪɢɱɚɫɬɢɹ ɛɵɬɶ ɫɤɚɡɭɟɦɵɦɢ - ( ) , -i 73 . . -ala, , - . , , , , - . - . , , [ , ( .) 1999] ( . [Kalinina, Sumbatova 2007])], - , - , , . - ( - - , - , - ). . , — aliwχin - , ɢaǯɨjn - ( ): (41) [ , 1999: 123] aIlī ɢaǯ-ɨ-jn [či-l uʁa šit’ IV. -PRF-ATR: IV .O:N-SUP .III aliwχ-in] ganz III= .PRF-ATR:IV . .IV , . , - . 4.2. Ɏɢɧɢɬɧɵɟ ɮɨɪɦɵ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɧɵɟ ɨɬ ɩɪɢɱɚɫɬɢɣ? - . . , I -al [Schiefner 1863: 27; 1903: 59]. . [1948; 1974] . [1974], - -i. 74 ? -i -al 16 . - . , - ; . . 2.3, (42), : (42) sa čovale har-i =3SG -i . , , - . , , - - . 4.3. ɋɟɦɚɧɬɢɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɨɪɟɱɢɹ , , - - ( - : -i - , -al -ala ). , - ( ) , , / : ( ., , [ 1999; 2001; , 1999; Kazenin 2002; Kalinina, Sumba- tova 2007]). , - [Schachter 1975]. 16 - , -ala, -al. 75 . . , , - , - ( , - II - ). , - -i, -al -ala , . 4.4. ɉɪɟɞɢɤɚɰɢɢ ɫ «ɩɪɢɱɚɫɬɢɹɦɢ» — ɧɟ ɷɤɜɚɬɢɜɧɵɟ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɟɧɢɹ -i, -ala -al — - , . . , , - , - , ( ) . , (42) ‘ - ’. - - . - . , - -i, -al -ala, - « » , - , , . : (43) vnukːov ajrapːortː-a, -i, - . (43) cir-iz vnukːov ajrapːortː-a -i=1SG -DAT . - , « - »— -i, -al -ala. — [Harris 2002] — , 76 ? I -al (44), (45)— (46) , , - -i -ala, : (44) čːajin-eal dukän-äχun haqː-alnu -DAT=ADD -ABL -al=2SG . (45) lap buruʁ-oj döš-öjan tac-i boIqː-ejnakː -GEN -DAT=1PL -i -BEN . (46) dostː-a zu tängäz nutad-ala -DAT =1SG NEG= -ala . - . , . -i, -al -ala, - ; . (40), : (47) čoban-en tːütːtːäj-ä farep-i, tːe išqːar-en -ERG -DAT =3SG=LV-i DIST -ERG bureq-i äči-p-s-a =3SG=ST-i -LV-INF-DAT , . (48) za šuje-nʁo-n uk-ale :DAT -PL-ERG -al =3SG . , , - 17 , . 17 , - ( . [Harris 2002; - , . . 2]). 77 . . 5. ɇɟɤɚɬɟɝɨɪɢɚɥɶɧɨɟ ɩɨɞɱɢɧɟɧɢɟ? 5.1. Ȼɚɡɨɜɵɟ ɮɨɪɦɵ ɜ ɨɬɧɨɫɢɬɟɥɶɧɵɯ ɩɪɟɞɢɤɚɰɢɹɯ? , , - , - . - : -i -ala - - , ? - ? 5.2. ɇɟɣɬɪɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɹ ɜɢɞɨ-ɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɵɯ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɨɩɨɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɢɣ - . , , - , - ( . [Lehmann 1984; Keenan 1985: 160; Cristofaro 2003]): ( ) - - . - , - , - - . -i , -ala — , - . , , - , - . , [Schulze 1982: 186; Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 481], , ( - 78 ? -o) ( -e); . arc-e adamar [ -PERF ]‘ ’. , - , , - , . , - , - . , , « » - - -ala, . , , . 5.3. Ɇɚɪɤɢɪɨɜɚɧɢɟ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɢ ɨɬɧɨɫɢɬɟɥɶɧɵɯ ɩɪɟɞɢɤɚɰɢɣ – — . , - , , - , - . - / . - ( - ), , ( . . 2.3, 4.2). - , ( ., , [Bisang 2001; 2001: 26ff]). , - ( - ), - , . - . - 79 . . . , . . - , , — , (49) (50): (49) me [har-i] martː-e χaše bak-on PROX -i -GEN =3SG -POT ( . ) . (50) samǯi [zu akː-i] amdar bezi čalχale kːabal-in-aχun -i =3SG -O-ABL , , - . , - , . - , , . : (51) pːožkː-in-a gir-b-i qːonši-n-en unekː-oki... -O-DAT -LV-i -O-ERG =3SG=ST-POT=COMP a. , ... b. ... . 3.2, « » , - . (51) — , - . 5.4. Ʉɚɬɟɝɨɪɢɚɥɶɧɚɹ ɧɟɦɨɬɢɜɢɪɨɜɚɧɧɨɫɬɶ , - , . . ( ) . , - - 80 ? ( , - , / — . .). , , - - , -i -ala, . 6. ɇɟɤɚɬɟɝɨɪɢɚɥɶɧɨɟ ɩɨɞɱɢɧɟɧɢɟ ɜɧɟ ɨɬɧɨɫɢɬɟɥɶɧɵɯ ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɣ , - - — . - , , . 6.1. Ʉɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɹ -ala / -i + ‘ɤɚɤ’ , - , kːinä ‘ ’, — - , , ‘ ’: (52) bez ʁar-en zu äjelluʁ-astːa cam-kː-ala kːinäne -ERG -AD -LV-ala =3SG cam-e -LV:PRS , . (53) hun ko čur-ec-i šo-tː-in kːinä b-alnu MED+NA DIST-NO-ERG -LV-i -al=2SG , . (54) za akː-ala kːinä čːapːebak-i :DAT -ala =3SG=LV-i ( ) , . 81 . . , -i -ala 18 — , - . - . kːinä — , , , , : (55) taʁ-en, arc-en istːol-in bel, amdar kːinä -HORT -HORT -GEN šIum uk-en -HORT , - ( . - ). , , kːinä . , , ( ), , , , , : (56) tevär-in kːinä burtːunq-sa jöni -GEN =3PL=ST-PRS jäšäjnš-s-a. +LV-INF-DAT , , . , , - - 19 : 18 (‘ ’), - , -ala. 19 , , - , : zu ukː-ala kːinä bak-ale [ - -ala -al=3SG]. 82 ? (57) bez ukː-ala kːinä bak-ale -ala -al=3SG , . . 2, - . (57) , , , kːinä, - — - . , kimi ( - ) - ; . 20: (58) [ .( .) 1971: 166] mǝn o-nun sǝs-in-i eşid-ǝn kimi tez DIST-GEN -3SG-ACC -PTCP yer-im-dǝn çıx-dı-m -1SG-ABL -PST-1SG , . , , kːinä - , - , . 6.2. Ʉɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɹ ɫ ɬɟɦɩɨɪɚɥɶɧɵɦɢ ɚɞɜɟɪɛɢɚɥɚɦɢ , , - , - oša ‘ ’ beIšI ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ‘ ’. , , - - , . [1948: 17; 1974: 208, 268], - , : 20 - . 83 . . (59) boqːoj aj-ec-i-tː-uχun oša tac-i tärängi -LV-i-NO-ABL -i ejanštːa =1PL=ST+PRS , , . (60) iǯaza tamatːa-j nubak-i-tː-uχun oša (...) -GEN NEG= -i-NO-ABL šukːkːal-en diristːuʁ tenne -ERG NEG=2/3SG= :PRS , (...) . (61) mo-tː-oʁ-on istːol-a šIum eč-al-tː-uχun beIšI PROX-NO-PL-ERG -DAT -al-NO-ABL fijan uIʁ-sa =1PL -PRS , , . , (59)—(61) - ; . , 21 : (62) šo-tː-in äjäqː-i kːampːotː-a [šIum eč-al-tː-aj] DIST-NO-ERG -GEN -DAT -al-NO-GEN beIšIe laχ-i =3SG . -i , . , -i -ala kːinä, , - ; .: (63) [ . ( .) 1971: 161] konsert qurtar-an-dan sonra qız-lar çay iç-ib -PTCP-ABL -PL -CNV 21 , (62), (61), - , - beIšI ‘ ’, . 84 ? çörәk ye-di-lәr, yenә dә iş-ә başla-dı-lar -PST-PL ADD -DAT -PST-PL , . , (59)—(61) -i -ala , , . , , - . - (64), , : (64) me niIšIan-aχun oša ja-stːa bak-ene parča PROX -ABL -AD -PERF=3SG bostːun +MSD . , (59)—(61) . , , - , - ; . - ( - , ; e.g., qaj-i [ -PRF] ‘ ’): (65) [ 2004: 141] za-s ʜa-a ge qaj-i-f -DAT -PRS DIST -PRF-NA , . . , , (65), - ki (66a)—(66b), , (59)—(61), (66c)—(66d): (66) a. avazuki šo eʁ-ale =1SG=COMP DIST+NA -al=3SG 85 . . b. avazuki šo eʁ-alane =1SG=COMP DIST+NA -ala=3SG c. * avazu šo eʁ-al-tː-u =1SG=COMP DIST+NA -al-NO-DAT d. * avazu šo eʁ-al-o =1SG=COMP DIST+NA -al-NO-DAT , . , , , - — , - 22 . , - , , (59)—(61), . , , ( , , - ), - , 23 . 6.3. «Ⱦɟɟɩɪɢɱɚɫɬɧɵɟ» ɤɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɢ -i, « » , - : (67) gir-ec-i čoval-a šäpːtːunc-i -LV-i -DAT =3PL=LV-i , . 22 . , - i, . 6.4. 23 , - , - , ; . hajsä-tː-in [ -NO-GEN] ‘ - ’. , , - . 86 ? (68) ši-n čuresa buj-b-ine uIʁ-sa -ERG =3SG=LV+PRS -LV-i=3SG -PRS , . (69) čur-a tašer-i bazar-e, -DAT -i -DAT zu gär-b-ez naχɨr-a -LV-PERF=1SG -DAT ,( ) . - . - , : ?? (70) kːoj-a tac-ene äči-p-i -DAT -PERF=3SG -LV-i ( ) , . , (67)—(69), - : , - ( , (68), - , ). , (69), , . , - , , . ( . [ 1971: 300]). , , - , ; .: (71) jan mija käj uIʁ-ejan PLOC +i -PERF=1PL - . 87 . . (72) me išqːar hajzer-i qaj-baj PROX -i -LV+i tanesa iz kːoj-a =3SG=ST+PRS -DAT ( . , ) . [ , . .1] « » - . , -i . , « » - , ( , - ). , « » , - , ( . . 6.4). , , -i . 6.4. Ʉɨɧɫɬɪɭɤɰɢɹ -i + ‘ɡɚɤɚɧɱɢɜɚɬɶ’ , -i, ‘ ’: (73) düze, zu uže kːal-p-i čäressaj =3SG -LV-i =1SG=ST+PRS=PST , . (74) šIar-p-i butːjankː-sa, oša boqːojal -LV-i =1PL=LV-PRS =ADD ajesa =3SG=LV+PRS , . , « - » , . , , , , ; .: 88 ? (75) [Authier, forthc. 1] č’in v-ar-ǯi azar hi-ǯib (F) F- -CNV -AOR:H:PL . (76) [ . ( .) 1971: 166] mәn kitab-ı yaz-ıb qurtar-dı-m -ACC -CNV -PST-1SG ( ) . , : (77) zu čäressaj kːal-p-i =1SG=ST+PRS=PST -LV-i . , , - . , , - ( ) . 7. Ɂɚɤɥɸɱɟɧɢɟ - - . , , - - / - . -i -ala . 89 . . , , - - - , — , « » , , - . , , , ; , , . « » -i -ala - - , - , ( !) - . — , - . , - ( . 6). - . , - , - , - - . - - - , , « » -i -ala ( .[ , . . 1; . . 2]). - , , , - . . ( ) 90 ? , - . , - , — . - , . - , , - , , — - . , - . , . , , - « » -i, ( ) [Harris 2002: 207]. - -i ( - ) . , , ( , ) - - - ; .: (78) ( ) adamar šu-χotːe zu äšzu aqː-e -ABL=COMP =1SG -PERF , — - , - , . 91 . . , : (79) [ . 2008: 283] a. kodomo ga niwa de ason-da NOM INS -PST . b. kodomo ga ason-da niwa NOM -PST , . , - , - - ( .[ 2005]) — : (80) a. se wǝne-r s-λeʁwǝ-ʁe -ABS 1SG- -PST . b. [se s-λeʁwǝ-ʁe] wǝne-r 1SG- -PST -ABS , , - , , - , - , - . , ( ) . - , . , , 92 ? . . , - , - . Ɉɛɨɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɹ - IMP INF INS : LV + MED 1, 2, 3 MSD ABL N ABS NA ACC ( ) AD NEG ADD ‘ , ’ NO ( AOR ) ATR NOM BEN O CNV PERF COMP PERF2 II COND PL COP PRS DAT PST DIST PTCP ERG SG F ST GEN H SUP HORT 93 . . Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ . ., . ., . . . . 2. ., 2008. . . // . . - - . , 1974. . . 1971. . . . .[ . . . .] , 1971. . . . , 1903. . . // . ., - . . ( .) : . 60- . . . ., 1999. . . . ., 2001. . ., . . // , ( .) 1999. . 377—419. .( .) . , , . , 1996. . ., . . ( .) - . ., 1999. . . « » -re: // - : - . , 21—28 2005 . . ., 2005. . . ( ) // . . 1. . . // . . 2. . . - ( ) // . . ( .) - . . . . . . ( ). ., 2004 . . . . . ... . . . : , 1948. . . .[ . . - . .] , 1974. . . .( .) ( - , ). , 1971. 94 ? Authier G. Elements de grammaire kryz (langue caucasique d’Azerbaïdjan, dialecte d’Alik). Paris. Forthc.1. Authier G. Finite and non-finite: the verb stems of Budugh // Bril I. (ed.) Clause Hierarchy and Clause-linking. Amsterdam, Philadelphia. Forthc.2. Bisang W. 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А. , ( ) - . - ( - , - ). , , - ‘ , ’ ( — bak-es 1), , , - (« »), - . , - 1 - -es, -(e)sun ( . bak-sun ‘ , ’), - , . . - . , - , ( . 7). 96 , , , . - , [ 1904; 1971; 1974; Schulze 1982], . [Schulze, to appear]; - [ , 1967; 1974 ; 2000; 2001; , - 2005; Schulze-Fürhoff 1994; Schulze 2001], [Harris 2002: ch. 2, ch. 9]. , - , : ) - - ; ) , - ( ) ; ) - - ; ) . - . . [ 1974] - , [ 1996; Keçaari 2001], - , 2002—2006 . . - . . - , . , , - . . . . , . . , . , . . . - , . ( - 1), ( 2). - — — - 97 . . 3. 4 « » - , , - 5— . - ( - ) 6. 7 , - — , . . , - . 8 - , . 1. 1.1. - : ; . bak-es ‘ , ’, bak-sa ‘ , ’, bak-e ‘ , ’, bak-a ‘ , ’ bak- ‘ , ’. , , — , - . VC(C) CVC(C), .: • VC: akː-es ‘ ’, ef-es ‘ ’, uIʁ-es ‘ ’, uk-es ‘ ’ .; • CVC: bak-es ‘ , ’, beIʁ-es ‘ ’, biqː-es ‘ , ’, boχ-es ‘ ’, botː-es ‘ ’, bokː-es ‘ 2 ’, duʁ-es ‘ ’, sak-es ‘ ’ .; 2 b- - , , - ( - ). 98 • VCC: arc-es ‘ ’, uskː-es ‘ ’ .; • CVCC: baskː-es ‘ , ’, berχ-es ‘ ’, burq-es ‘ ’, bašqː-es ‘ ’, mand-es ‘ ’, čalχ-es ‘ - ’ . VC(C) CVC(C), /h/: . aqː-es || haqː-es ‘ ’, ajz-es || hajz-es ‘ ’( - ). b-es ‘ ’ p-es ‘ ’ - ( ‘ ’ up-, . ). bi-es ‘ ’ CV, , , bij- CVC. CV bu ‘ , ’. , - , - : . čːovak-es ‘ ’ ( , *čːe-bak-es čːe- ‘ ’), čːovak- - . : . uk- ‘ ’, boχ- ‘ ’, arc- ‘ ’, burq- ‘ ’, čːovak- ‘ ’, ( . 4 ). b- ‘ ’ p- ‘ ’, - , bi- ‘ ’ bu ‘ , ’, CV, . 1.2. :« + ». 3 3 « »( . . light verb, .« ») - , . . , 99 . . — bak-es ‘ , ’( - kala-bak-es ‘ , - ’), b-es ‘ ’ ( muIq-b-es ‘ ’) p-es ‘ ’. - ‘ ’ ‘ ’ - - . , - ( , - [ 1974]). p-es ‘ - ’ , , ( . qoIq-p-es ‘ ’, maIʁ-p-es ‘ ’, aχšIum-p-es ‘ ’, cam-p-es ‘ ’) , , ( . tara-p-es ‘ - ; ’, čur-p-es ‘ , ’ .). , ec-, — , - ( . ). - akː-ec-es ‘ ’, boχ-ec-es ‘ ’, gir-ec-es ‘ - ’. - d- ( . gal-d-es ‘ , ’, žIal-d-es ‘ ’ .), - ( . 6.2) , , - . , « » , . kː-, q-, qː-, tː-, χ- - — - , ; . [Harris 2002: 64ff, 200ff; « »( . . auxiliary verb) — - . 100 Schulze, to appear: 3.4.2.2]. (C)VCC, - ( 1.1). , , -kː- - bat-kː-es ‘ , ( ), ’ , bat- - bat- ‘ ’. , -kː- butː-kː-es ‘ ’ ocː-kː-es ‘ , ’ , - butː ‘ ’ ocː ‘ ’, . . . , - -kː- (C)VCC -kː- ( baskː-es ‘ , ’, uskː-es ‘ ’ . .). - -evkː-, ( . ecː-es ‘ ’ ~ ecː-evkː-es ‘ ’, tːitː-es ‘ ’ ~ tːitː- evkː-es ‘ ; ’, hajz-es ‘ ’ ~ hajz-evkː-es ‘ - , ’); . . - . -vkː- - ( . ), , *evkː-es - . — - - — , . . -kː- ( . hajzevekː-i ‘ ’), - -kː- « ». - -tː- eIχ-tː-es ‘ ’, laf(tː)-tː-es ‘ ’, tːukː-tː-es ‘ ’ ., , -tː- - ( . 7). - d-, , - - ; . eIχed-i ‘ ’, 101 . . laftːed-i ‘ ’ . d- - d-, , ( - ). - . - , - « - » : . kalanebak-i ‘ - , ’, muIqeb-i ‘ ’, čurep-i ‘ ’ . 3- . . ne || e. - , , « », — , - , « » . , , - . , , gured-i ‘ ’~ gurec-i ‘ ’ , -d- gur-d-es ‘ ’ ( *gurdec-i ‘ ’). , taned-i ‘ ’ -d-, , : . - tadec-i ‘ ’( tad-es ‘ ’ - ). , ( ) , , , : . jaqːa-beIʁ-es ‘ ’ (< « »), χavar-(h)aqː-es ‘ ’ (< « »), äfči-duʁ-es ‘ ’ (< « ») . . , - — , - , . 102 « », - bak-, b-, p-, « » ec- « » d-, - , , . . ( . 1). - « » - ; ., , čur- - čur-p-es ‘ , ’, čur-d-es ‘ ’, čur- ec-es ‘ , ; ’. - - -miš (> -jnš) -lamiš (> -lajnš), . amiš-bak-es ‘ - ’, jašajnš-(b-)es ‘ ’, iräzilajnš-bak-es ‘ ’ . , , , - bak- ‘ ; ’ ec- ( ,‘ ’), p- ‘ - ’. , bak- b- ‘ ’ ( . χoχ-bak-es ‘ - , ’ ~ χoχ-b-es ‘ , ’); p- ec- - , ( . čur-p-es ‘ - ’ ~ čur-d-es ‘ ’). -ec-es, , -ec- || -e- - « » 4. , , , , ( . boχ-ec-e ‘ ’, boχ-e ‘ ’ boχ- ‘ ’), - ( . toj-d-es ‘ ’ ~ toj-ec-es ‘ , - ’ toj ‘ ’). , - -ec- || -e- 4 , . . , « - »[ 1974 : 283]. . [Harris 2002: 265—267]. 103 . . « », . 1. χoχ ‘ , bak- ‘ ’ χoχ-bak-es ‘ , ’ ’ b- ‘ ’ χoχ-b-es ‘ , ’ čːIočːIa ‘ , bak- ‘ ’ čːIočːIa-bak-es ‘ ’ ’ b- ‘ ’ čːIočːIa-b-es ‘ , ’ gam ‘ , bak- ‘ ’ gam-bak-es ‘ , ’ ’ d- ( ) gam-d-es ‘ , ’ ec- ( ) gam-ec-es ‘ , ’ χe ‘ ’ bak- ‘ ’ χe-bak-es ‘ , ’ b- ‘ ’ χe-b-es ‘ , ’ lašIkːoj ‘ ’ bak- ‘ ’ lašIkːoj-bak-es ‘ ’ b- ‘ ’ lašIkːoj-b-es ‘ ’ ala ‘ , bak- ‘ ’ ala-bak-es ‘ , ’ b- ‘ ’ ’ ala-b-es ‘ ’ apː-aχ 5 ‘ ’ bak- ‘ ’ apːaχ-bak-es ‘ , ’ (< apː ‘ ’) b- ‘ ’ apːaχ-b-es ‘ , ’ očIal-aχ ‘ ’ b- ‘ ’ očIalaχ-b-es ‘ , ’ (< očIal ‘ ’) 1.3. , la- ‘ ’, ci- ‘ ’, ba- ‘ ’, čːe- ‘ ’ . 5 -aχ - , - ; -a ( .[ , . .]). 104 , - ( . 2); . e-j-es ‘ ’~ ta-j-es ‘ ’ ~ la-j-es ‘ ’ ~ ci-j-es ‘ ’ ~ ba-j-es ‘ ’ ~ čːe-j-es ‘ ’ . , , . . , , ( . . - ). p-, d- bak-, - ( . ). , , « » la-, ba-, ci- . ., - . . - ala-bak-es ‘ ’ ala-b-es ‘ ’ ( ala ‘ - ’), oqːa-bak-es ‘ ’ oqːa-b-es ‘ , ’ ( oqːa ‘ ’). , - , - , - . - , , - tadec-i ‘ ’( - tad- ‘ ’, *ta-d- ta- ‘ ’), , ( . čːovanek-i ‘ ’, *čːe-bak- čːe- ‘ ’). 1.4. - ( . 3); - , - - . 105 . . - - , , , . ( , , - ma ) - , ( , , - j) ; . - 4. - - , ( 2- . . ). - « » - - . , . , , ( ). - « » . — . . « », . . « » - ,— [Harris 2002] ; . [ 2003; Schulze 2002; 2004; Rice 2004]. -e, , : bak-ene -PERF=3SG ‘( ) / ’ banek-e =3SG=ST-PERF ‘( ) / ’ tene bak-e NEG=3SG -PERF ‘( ) / ’ batenek-e =NEG=3SG=ST-PERF ‘( ) / ’ bak-eqːan -PERF=JUSS=3SG ‘ / ’ maqːan bak-e PROH=JUSS=3SG -PERF ‘ / ’ χoχ-bak-ene -LV-PERF=3SG ‘( ) ’ χoχebak-e =3SG=LV-PERF ‘( ) ’ χoχtenebak-e =NEG=3SG=LV-PERF ‘( ) ’ χoχmaqːanbak-e =PROH=JUSS=3SG=LV-PERF ‘ ’ 106 2. . - , , ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ‘ ’, . , ta- ‘ ’, ba- ‘ ’, čːe- ‘ ’, la- ‘ ’ . ( . ). - : ( ), - ( ), ; . 2. ( - ‘ - ’). , - , : . tamak-i ‘ ’. , , , /j/ /k/ > /j/ ( . 7.2) 6. - - -es -sa, , - : . taj-es ‘ ’, taj-sa ‘ ’, tanesa ‘ ’, tatːunsa ‘ ’. , - , , tanesa ‘ ’ ( . tane∅-sa, *tanej-sa). 6 . , ej- eʁ- ( ), , [Harris 2002: 223—224]. ej- eʁ- - . , . [Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 474]. 107 . . , -ʁ-, : . taneʁ-o ‘ ’. : -c-, -r-, . - -c- - , . tanec-i ‘ ’, tatːunc-i ‘ ’. , -r- || -er- ( -er- ). - -č- || -š- ‘ , ’, - 7 , ‘ ’ ‘ - ’. , -r- ‘ ’. -r- || -er- , . - , . eneč-er-i ‘ ’, hajez-er-i ‘ ’, tːinetː-er-i ‘ ’ . . , , -r-, , ( - , . har-ene ‘ ’, pːur-ene ‘ ’). käj- ‘ ’— -c- -r- , , - /k/, uk-es. , « » - ‘ ’. ukː- , p- up-: p- , up- 7 čič-es, , čːe- ‘ ’ ( /č/ ?), , , . lajč-es ‘ ’, bajč-es ‘ ’, , . [Harris 2002: 68—69]. 108 , (p- , , , up- ). , -sa — neχ, - ; , , - ne. ukː-, . unekː-o ‘ ’. , ; . 2. 2. . . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 1 . ‘ ’ tac-i ta(j)-es tak-i taʁ-al ‘ ’ bac-i ba(j)-es bak-i baʁ-al ‘ ’ lac-i la(j)-es lak-i laʁ-al 1 . ‘ ’ har-i e(j)-es ek-i eʁ-al ‘ ’ čːer-i čːe(j)-es čːek-i čːeʁ-al ‘ ’ cir-i ci(j)-es cik-i ciʁ-al 2. ‘ ’ tašer-i taš-es taš-a taš-al ‘ ’ ečer-i eč-es eč-a eč-al ‘ ’ čičer-i čič-es čič-a čič-al ‘ ’ hajzer-i hajz-es hajz-a hajz-al ‘ ’ tːitːer-i tːitː-es tːitː-a tːitː-al ‘ ’ pːur-i bi(j)-es bij-a bij-al 4. ‘ ’ käj-i uk-es uk-a uk-al 5. ‘ ’ p-i (u)p-es up-a ukː-al , bu ‘ , ’, 109 . . . , bu buj, ( . 4.1). - , , bak-es ‘ , ’ 8. 3. . . . . . . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) 1. -ec- ‘ ’ tac-i taj-es taj-sa tak-i taʁ-al ‘ ’ čur-ec-i čur-ec-es čur-e-sa čur-ek-i čur-eʁ-al ‘ ’ gam-ec-i gam-ec-es gam-e-sa gam-ek-i gam-eʁ-al 2. -p- ‘ ’ p-i p-es neχ || ne up-a ukː-al ‘ ’ oIneI-p-i oIneI-p-es oIneI-ne oIneI-p-a oIneI-kː-al ‘ ’ kːal-p-i kːal-p-es kːal-e kːal-p-a kːal-kː-al ‘ ’ bar-t-i bar-t-es bar-e bar-t-a bar-kː-al , - ; . 3( ‘ ’ ‘ ’). — -ec- || -e-, , : , -c-, -k- -ʁ-. - , - -c-, - , : . boχ-ec-es ‘ ’ boχ-e-sun ( *boχ-ec-esun) boχ-e-sa ‘ ’ ( *boχ-ec-esa). , 8 ava ‘ ’, - ‘ ’, , - ( , - , bu). 110 - boχ-es ‘ ’; . - , -e- - ( . boχ-e-sun ‘ ’, boχ-sun ‘ - ’). - , - - : , - ( . boneχ-sa ‘ ’), - — ( . boχeØ-sa ‘ ’). — -p- ‘ ’, — - , , , - u- ( . up-a > -p-a, ukː-al > -kː-al). , - -ne ( ), -e ( - ): . cam-p-es ‘ ’ ~ camene ‘ ’ ~ tene cam-e ‘ ’. bar-t-es ‘ , ’, - bar- p-, p- , - -t-. , , . - , , p- ec- . 3. , , . - 111 . . : ( ) , - , . — - — , - ( )/ , , - , 9 . 3.1. : • / , -i; • , -i; • , -e; • ( ) , -ijo; • ( ), -iji. -i ( , ), ( - ), . - žIaldi χe ‘ ’, kːalpi amdar ‘ ’, kːalpi qːonaʁ ‘ ’, bašqːi eIšI ‘ - ’, : (1) kalna-n äjl-uʁ-o kːal-p-i p-ine: (...) -ERG -PL-DAT -LV-AOC -AOR=3SG : (...). [Keçaari 2001: 123] 9 . . . , . - . . , , - , , , , , — ; . [Harris 2002: 41—43]. 112 (2) ič-oʁ-oj paj-a eIχ-tː-i čːer-i -PL-GEN -DAT -LV-AOC -AOC tatːunc-i. =3PL=ST-AOR ( . , , ). , -i - ; . 4. ( . / - [ , . .].) / , , - - ( . p-ine ‘ ’ tatːunc-i ‘ ’ ). , , - — . « », « » ., — . , - — -e — , . bak-ene ‘ , ’, har-ene ‘ ’ . . - , . - -e, - ; . hartːun ‘ ’, čːertːun ‘ - ’, pːurtːun ‘ ’ 10 . ( . (28)) . -r, . , , « » 10 3- . . hare [ :PERF=3SG] , . har-e [ -PERF]; - , . 113 . . - -e — , . . , , , . , , « » , . -i — - , , -o ( . .) 11. , . - baskː-i-jo ‘ ’ basekː-ijo ‘ , ’ . -iji, - j || ij ( . 4.1), - , . čur-p-ijinij ‘ ’, ava-bak-ijinij ‘ ’ . . - -iji -i-, . p-ijinij ~ p-inij ‘ ’. -iji - gi ( . bak-ijinij < *bak-i ginij). , ( . 3.4) 12. , -un, ; . . 11 , , - -io, — , . . ,— , - i ( . mija ‘ ’, bijamun ‘ ’ . .). 12 « + gi» - -iji- - . , - ; .[ 1974: 165]. , . , - gi i-, . [Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 478]. 114 3.2. : • , -(e)s; : • ( ), -(e)sun; • , -(e)sa; • , -(e)saχ; , , • « » ( ), -un. -s ; (« ») , - *-s [ 1985: 45, 100]. -(e)sun - . , , : . bak-s-a, bak-s-ejna(kː), bak-sun-en, - bak-sun-a ( bak-es ‘ , ’). , , - ( ). ‘ / ’, . - -(e)saχ, « » . ( . [ , . .].) /e/ -es, -esun, -esa -esaχ - , , , - ( . - 115 . . p-es-a ‘ ’, p-esun ‘ ’ .). -ec- || -e-, . uk-sa ‘ ’, uk-e-sa ‘ ( ) ’. « » ( ) -un, . , - , , . ig-an ‘ ’( ‘ ’), aχ-un ‘ ’( ‘ ’) . , - , ( . [ 1985: 110; - 2000: 128 ., 269—270]). -un -(e)sun, . , - , - , . - , , .: • bitː-un ‘ ; ’ (< bitː-es ‘ , ’), bokː-un ‘ ’ (< bokː-es ‘ ’), eIb-un ‘ , ’ (< eIb-es ‘ ’), ned-un ‘ ’ (< ned-es ‘ ’), ocːkː-un ‘ ’ (< ocːkː-es ‘ , ’); • bav-un ‘ ’ (< bav-es ‘ ’), čišpː-un ‘ - ’ (< čiš-p-es ‘ ’), čap-un ‘ ’ (< čap-es ‘ ’), čːIup-un ‘ ’ (< čːIup-es ‘ ’), fup-un ‘ ’ (< fup-es ‘ , ’); • uk-un ‘ , ’ (< uk-es ‘ , - ’). « » - , , uk-un uk-es ‘ , ’ ( käj-). « » « » , - -un ( - ). , - 116 « » , . 3.3. (2- . . ), -a , - . , ec-, -i. , ( -a). , , - . - , ‘ ’( - ), ec- p-. - , . - , - 2- . ( . bak-a ‘ , !’ ~ bak-an ‘ ( / ) ’). , - , , - ( . . -j- -k- -ʁ-). - , , - / : , , ( . p-es ‘ ’ up-a ‘ !’ ukː-ale ‘ ’). 3.4. ; : • , -al ( -al, - ); • , -ala ( , - , - - ); 117 . . • , -o -on; • , -a; • , -aji; • , -en; : • , -al; • , -ala || -al-; • , -a; • / (‘ ’), -atːan; • (‘ ’), -amin || -amun. , - -a, , , - ( -i / ). . 3.4.1. . -al, , , , ‘ , / , ’. , «nomina agentis» -al , . — , . , izakː ukal ‘ ’ ( . « ») 13, , « - . . , , , : 13 ; . : « ? , , - , , , — - , »[ 1904: vi-vii]. 118 »[ 1904: vii]. , . . 1974 - -al c ; , : • , : aš-b-al ‘ , ’, ašI-kː-al ‘ , ’, bašqː-al ‘ ’, bele-beIʁ-al ‘ ’ (< bele beIʁ-es ‘ ’), boIqː-beIʁ-al ‘ ’ (< boIqː beIʁ-es ‘ ’), eχ-b-al ‘ ’, ocap-kː-al ‘ ’, χel-b-al ‘ ’, cam-kː-al ‘ ’ .; • : amdar-uk-al ‘ - , ’ (< amdar uk-es ‘ ’), aχšIum-d-al ‘ , ’ (< aχšIum-d-es ‘ ’), äš-gärgür-b-al ‘ , - ’ (< äš gärgür-b-es ‘ ’), oIneI-kː-al ‘ , - ’, čalχ-al ‘ ; , ’, tːɨrɨ-kː-al ‘ ’ .; • : pːi-cːum-kː-al ‘ ’ (< pːi cːum-p-es ‘ ’), cːicːik-cːum-kː-al ‘ ’ (< cːicːik cːum-p-es ‘ ’), χod-tːapː-kː-al ‘ ’ (< χod tːapː-(p-)es ‘ ’), cːil-d-al ‘ ’ (< cːil-d-es ‘ , ’) .; • : ǯürǯür-kː-al ‘ ’( ǯürǯür + p-es ‘ ’), fi-gom-b-al ‘ ’ (< fi-gom-b-es ‘ ’), buj-kː-al ‘ ’ (< buj-p-es ‘ ’), cːan-čːeftː-al ‘ ’ (< cːan čːeftː-es ‘ - ’), kːaram-kː-al ‘ ’ (< kːaram- p-es ‘ ’) . , . camkːal ‘ ’, camkːal-en, camkːal-a, camkːal-χo . . ( cam-p-es ‘ ’). -al , , - , , ( . - uʁal ‘ ’ uʁ- ‘ ( , )’ it’ul ‘ ’ it’- ‘ ’); . [ 1985: 119 . . 108—109; 2000: 126 ., 270—271] — - . , - , , ( . ). ( « - ») -ala. - , . . , , -al- ( . 4). - , - , - — - - , : (3) buχari-n beIšI bokː-ala püsüs-ä oqːaneb-i. [ -GEN -PART] -DAT =3SG=LV-AOR ( ) , . [Keçaari 2001: 133] (4) äfči ukː-al-tː-aj pulqːan čːer-i. [ -PART]-NO-GEN =JUSS=3SG -AOR , , ! [Keçaari 2001: 107] (5) tːe aIχil ölk-in-ä bak-ala sa naχɨrči-n [DIST -O-DAT -PART] -GEN ʁar-en vi paččaʁluʁ-a eIχ-tː-ale. -ERG -DAT -LV-FUT=3SG , , - . [Keçaari 2001: 115] - — , , - , , . . , eʁ-ala ‘ ’ , , 120 , ( ): (6) äjčːä mija eʁ-ala amdar-χo-n hikːal [ PLOC -PART] -PL-ERG akː-ala tetːun. -DEB NEG=3PL , , . , « » ( , , , .[ - , . .]). , . . -al -al-o ( . .); , - , . . , - , - , .: • ava-bak-al-o ‘ , ’, aIk-tː-al-o ‘ , , - ’, aIl-d-al-o ‘ ’, äči-kː-al-o ‘ ’, bad-al-o ‘ - ( , , ); ; , ’, ez-b-al-o ‘ ’ .; • bat-kː-al-o ‘ , ’, eʁ-al-o ‘ , - ’, karχ-al-o ‘ ’, pur-kː-al-o ‘ ’, tɨšIɨ-kː-al-o ‘ ’ . . , -al - . , -al , - , - . ., , gena maIʁ-kː-ale ‘ — ’ maIʁ-kː-al-o genane ‘ , , ’( maIʁ-p-es ‘ ’). 121 . . , cːildal ‘ ’ (< cːil-d-es ‘ , ’) bujkːal ‘ ’ (< buj-p-es ‘ ’) - , cːildal-o ‘ , ’ bujkːal-o ‘ , ’ - . 4. ( ) , , . . . . bak-i-jo bak-i-jo-roχ bak-i-tː-in bak-i-tː-oʁ-on bak-i-tː-aj bak-i-tː-oʁ-oj bak-i-tː-u bak-i-tː-oʁ-o bak-i-tː-uχun bak-i-tː-oʁ-oχun , , . . . . bak-al-o(o) bak-al-o(o)-roχ bak-al-tː-in bak-al-tː-oʁ-on bak-al-tː-aj bak-al-tː-oʁ-oj bak-al-tː-u bak-al-tː-oʁ-o bak-al-tː-uχun bak-al-tː-oʁ-oχun , -al - -al- , - , . , -al - — . vaIn furukːal ganu ‘ , ( ) ’ . [ 1904: 72]. , - - -al — , - . , , - -ala, -al . , - -ala. , 122 -al, -a - ( , , - , ). , -ala - -al - -la, - ‘ - ’: . bɨʁ ‘ ’ ~ bɨʁ-la ‘ ’, jeqː ‘ ’ ~ jeqː-la ‘ ’, muš ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ~ muš-la ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . . , , - -ala . 3.4.2. . , - , , , - ( . eʁ-ale ‘ ’, ukː-ale ‘ ’). , - . ( , - ), , - . - « - - » , - . , - , -o ( . eʁ-o ‘ ’, ukː-o ‘ ’). — -o ( ; . 4). , - — , *eʁ-a-o ‘ ’ - -a; eʁ-a-o > eʁ-o 123 . . . - - — , « » ,— , eʁ-o , - , ( , eʁ-al ej-sa). - -on, -o ( . banek-o || banek-on ‘ , ’, ‘ ’). , , . - , , -n - , . . -n - . . , - -ala, - . - (‘ , ’), - - -ala, - . , , — , , ( . . , - , ). . - [ , . .]. 3.4.3. . , , - 124 , , , . . . - -a , , .: χor-p-es ‘ ’ χor-kː-a ‘ ’ tara-p-es ‘ ’ tara-kː-a, tara-kː-a – tara-kː-a ‘ , ’ oIneI-p-es ‘ ’ oIneI-kː-a – oIneI-kː-a ‘ , ’ tːutːu-p-es ‘ ’ tːutːu-kː-a – tːutːu-kː-a ‘ , ’ tːitː-es ‘ ’ tːitː-a – ha – tːitː-a ‘ , ’ tːitː-es ‘ ’, , , p-es ‘ - ’ ( . ukː-a ‘ ’) p- ‘ ’( -kː-). - , - , . išqːaren aχšIum-kː-a pine ‘ , - , ’, uluχχo kːaram-kː-a ǯoʁabe tadi ‘ ( . ), ’, turmuʁo suna tːapː-kː-a pine ‘ , ’, išqːarenal aj ǯan ukː-a äčIinepi ‘ , « », ’, oIne-kː-a hari pːanepːi kːoja ‘ ’ .( [Keçaari 2001]). , , , -a ( ). - , , . -i , - . / , , -dan (> -tːan), - 14 . - , ; , - 14 . boš-tːan ‘ ’, qoš-tːan ‘ ’ . 125 . . , (‘ , - / ’), .: (7) žIal-kː-atːan äräqːi bureq-sa cːoroj-e-s-a. -LV-TEMP =3SG=ST-PRS -LV-INF-DAT süftːä χe cːoroj-eʁ-atːan jan tːe qːädär šo -LV-TEMP DIST DIST+NA beItejanʁ-sa... =NEG=1PL=ST-PRS К ( ), . , , ... - , (‘ ’), . . . : boš-amin ‘ ’ (< boš-es ‘ ’), bi-amun ‘ , ’ (< bi-es ‘ - ’), pulqːičːkː-amun ‘ , ’ (< pul qːičː-pː-es ‘ ’). -amin || -amun -am. -amin || -amun ama || hama , — - , , . bez hama ‘ , ’, äjl-in hama ‘ ’ . , -ala kːinä ‘ ’. « - » , (‘ ’) 15, .: 15 suman fuj ‘ ’ , , , : . agu-suman ‘ , ’[ 1993: 157]. , - ‘ ’ ‘ , ’, .: bitüm gala bak-ala kːinä, beš udiʁostːaal... ‘ , ’( .« , ...»). 126 (8) bezi säs-ä i-bak-ala kːinä arχ-a -DAT -LV-PART -DAT čːovak-anan. -IMP=2PL К , . [Keçaari 2001: 127] 3.4.4. , - . -a — - - . , , - , - , . , ( [ , . .]). , 1- . . , . uk-en ‘ ’ < ?*uk-ajn < *uk-ajan ‘ ’, . [ 1974: 171], [Schulze 1982: 163; Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 478]. 1- . . - (‘ ’, ‘ - ’), , 1- . . uk-ajan - uken, - . , - ( , ). . , -aji- -a- -ji-, . , , , - ( « - ») — , 127 . . j, - - j, .: (9) ajizlu-n-en tene avaj hikä b-anej. -O-ERG NEG=3SG =PST :NA -SUBJ=3SG=PST , ( ) . [Keçaari 2001: 113] , , - -aji- -aj, ; .[ 1985: 99], , , , . , , -aji- gi ( . . bak-ajin ‘ ’ < *bak-a gine), 3.1 . , « » « »( . . ) — . ( , - ), — - ( , ). 4. « » , , , . - [Harris 2002], - ( - ). (« ») j, qːa, al ( ), « » . , , - gi, - 128 ; . [Schulze-Fürhoff 1994: 478—479]. - , , - (-iji- < -i + gi) , , (-aji- < -a + gi), . 4.1. j j || ij ( , ) « » , . . , - - ; . 5. , - ( . banek-saj ‘ , ’) - - ( . bak-alej ‘ , ’); ( . tenej ‘ ’). 5. j banek-sa banek-saj bak-ine ( 2) bak-inej bak-ene bak-enej . bak-ijone — bak-ale bak-alej . bak-alane . bak-alanej . banek-o(n) . banek-oj bak-an(e) bak-anej bak-ajin — — bak-ijinij j, , - ( . bak-ene ‘ , ’ ~ bak-enej ‘ - , ’). bak-inej - ; , 129 . . - , . [Harris 2002: 27]. bak-ijonej , , - - ( . cam-p-ijonej ‘ , / , ’). « » 5 - — j, - « » . - « » ( - ), , , j. j - , ( - — « »), 16 « », . . . j , , -j ( -ir) , « - », « », . рахазва ‘ ’ ~ рахазва-й ‘ ’ . . [Haspelmath 1993: 127—128; , 1997: 49—51]. j, -j, - [ 1985: 97—98]. - , — ., - , meʜemed müʕelim e ‘ ( )’ vs. meʜemed müʕelim ij ‘ ’ ( ). , . ; - 16 . [ 2001], - ( , - , ). 130 j , - , .: (10) šair tezu. alimzu. NEG=1SG =1SG . .[ 1996: 5] (11) bezijal tüfäng bunej, ǯäjilzuj... =ADD COP=3SG=PST =1SG=PST , ... 4.2. qːa qːa, - , ( ) . - ; ( . (12)), — ( . ): (12) bez čuʁ-o ukː-oz boχ-eqːan. -DAT -FUT=1SG -PERF=JUSS=3SG { ,} , - ( ). ma, «ma + qːa + - ». , , ( . (13)), - ( . (14)): (13) ...ki tːejn hava bona maqːan bac-i, COMP DLOC:ABL PROH=JUSS=3SG -AOR iz adal čöle maqːan čːer-i. =ADD PROH=JUSS=3SG -AOR { - ,} х х . 131 . . (14) up-a, za galmaqːand-i. -IMP :DAT =PROH=JUSS=3SG=LV-AOR , ! 4.3. al ‘ , ’ ‘ , ’, - , - - . , - ; . al , . al , - - : , (15), « » , (16), - , . (17): (15) äjl-uʁ-onal χuri däs haalqː-ajitːun, ama -PL-ERG=ADD =ADD=ST-COND=3PL udi-n muz-in cam-p-es... äjit-p-sunal -GEN -INS -LV-INF -LV-MSD=ADD čätine ič-oʁ-ojnakː. =3SG -PL-BEN ,х , , . (16) šeir camalkː-ajiz, šukːal-a neχ tezu. =ADD=LV-COND=1SG -DAT :PRS NEG=1SG Х , ( ) . (17) hun bezi qːohum nual bak-ajin, zu va NOT=ADD -COND=2/3SG :DAT kömäj-b-oz. -LV-FUT=1SG Х , . 132 nual, . - banualk-ajin ‘ ’, (17). al - , ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ‘ ’: . camalp-ine ‘ ; ’ ( ), camalkː-ale ‘ ; ’( ) . . , , al . 5. , - , , , . — , - ,— . , - , - , - . , , , - ; .[ , ]. 5.1. te , , te 17, - - ( . tez ‘NEG=1SG’, ten ‘NEG=2SG’, tene 17 -tː-, - [ 1985: 100—101]. 133 . . ‘NEG=3SG’ . .). « + - » - ( ) , .: (18) udi-n tːetːir butene, älifba. -GEN COP=NEG=3SG , . (19) uk-es tezbak-sa. -INF NEG=1SG= -PRS .[ 1974: 212] , - ; , - 18 , . beItejanʁ-sa ‘ ’ (7) , (21): (20) jan hikːkːal ǯöjtejanb-e, jan sun-aχun =NEG=1PL=LV-PERF . -ABL jönijan. =1PL , . (21) ke därg-in-en va biteneqː-sa. MED -O-ERG :DAT =NEG=3SG=ST-PRS Э ( . ). [ 1974: 82] 5.2. ma ma - , , ( 1- . .) 19. 18 . bak-es ‘ ’ ‘ , ’ (batenek-o ‘ =NEG=3SG=ST-POT’), . . 19 *ma , ( 134 ma , . tak-i ‘ ’ ~ matak-i ‘ ’. - ma: — . . , . . tamak-i ‘ ’, umap-a ‘ ’, umak-a ‘ ’, veImabak-a ‘ ’, qːiImab-a ‘ ’, davamab-anan ‘ ’ ., . (29). - : . mauk-en ~ umak-en ‘ ’, mauIʁ-en ~ uImaʁ-en ‘ ’, - 1- . . maukː-az ~ umakː-az ‘ ’, makːal-kː-az ~ kːalmakː-a-z ‘ ’ . . , ma - «ma + qːa ( ) + - », . 5.3. nu nu : , - , al ‘ , ’, (17) . nu , . nu - . , - , : ), - [ 1985: 100]; - , - [Nikolayev, Starostin 1994: 797]. 135 . . , , , - , .: (22) zu χib ʁi hikːal nuuk-es bazk-o. NOT= -INF =1SG=ST-POT . (23) kːal nuava-bak-ala amdar kːači kːinäne. NOT= -LV-PART =3SG (= ) - . [Aydınov, Keçaari 1996: 51] (24) äjl-oʁ-o nuakː-i, mälim tːoIʁoIl-χun -PL-DAT NOT= -AOC -ABL čːovanek-i. =3SG=ST-AOR , . : . , äšpːal ‘ , ; ’ (< äš ‘ ’ + b-es ‘ ’): (25) java tänbäle bej, nuäšpːale =3SG +PERF=PST NOT= =3SG bej... +PERF=PST , ... , nu, , . - , : — , — - , : (26) zu nueʁ-ajiz, za-suz tak-inan. NOT= -COND=1SG - -IMP=2PL Е , . (27) bava-n čuresa ki zu äskärluʁ-a -ERG =3SG=LV+PRS COMP -DAT 136 nutaʁ-az. NOT= -SUBJ=1SG , х ( ) . , nu - -ala, - , ( .[ , . .]). , , , -ala, - ,— , - , - : . nueIχ-tː-alane ‘ ’=‘ [ [ ]]’. , nu , . - , , « - » - . - , . nu, , - -nutː ‘ ’( - -suz ‘ ’). , - ‘ , ’: . amdar-nutː gala ‘ ’ (< amdar ‘ ’), bul-nutː amdar ‘ - ’ (< bul ‘ ’), aχɨr-nutː jaqː ‘ ’ (< aχɨr ‘ ’) . nutː : , nutː , . nutː čːapːbak-al arʁon ‘ ’ ( ), lasIkːonun partal nutː lap-i ‘ ’( ), bütün nutː tambak-ama ‘ ё - ’( ) . [ 1902]. . , nu - ; nutː, , 137 . . nu- -tː, /tː/ - [Harris 2002: 268]. , , - , - . ar, ver ( - ) , - nu ( ) ; - u- u-...-el [Vogt 1971: 197—198, 218—220; Aronson 1990: 145, 308—309]. , « » nu - « » nu, - : . , -nutː, : , . p-i-nutː ‘ ’, cam-p-i-nutː ‘ ’, akː-i-nutː ‘ ’ .: (28) hikːal p-i-nutː, ʁar äjel tːitːer-i -AOC- -AOC čːere otaʁ-in boštːan. +PERF=3SG -GEN , . (29) täzä maIʁ cam-p-i-nutː, emak-i! -LV-AOC- =PROH=ST-IMP ( ) ! « » - nu. , (24) nuakː-i ‘ ’ akː-i-nutː . , — - (28) (29) nup-i nucam-p-i . 138 6. 6.1. 1.2, ec-, ( ). ec-, , , - : . gir-b-es ‘ - ’ ~ gir-ec-es ‘ ’, cam-p-es ‘ ’ ~ cam-ec-es ‘ ’, gam-d-es ‘ ’ ~ gam-ec-es ‘ - ’ . . - « », . , : ec- - ; . 3- : akː-ene ‘ ’ ~ akː-ec-ene ‘ - , ’, biqː-ene ‘ , ’ ~ biqː-ec-ene ‘ - , ’, burq-ene ‘ ’ ~ burq-ec-ene ‘ ’ . ec- ( ) , - . , . : (30) ʁe beš joldaš-χo-n samǯi demištːun akː-sa -PL-ERG =3PL -PRS beš ajiz-a. -DAT . (31) mejin šahatːe akː-e-sa beš ajiz. PLOC:ABL =3SG . -LV-PRS . (32) näjni pišikː-en beš mučːIanaqː-a uIʁ-ine. -ERG -DAT -AOR=3SG 139 . . . (33) bütüm äräqːi sa saad-en uIʁ-ec-ine. -ERG . -LV-AOR=3SG . : , haqː-es ‘ , , - ’ , ‘ ’, ‘ , ’: . kalna-n χavare haqː-i ‘ - ’ ( . « ») ~ kalna haqː-ec-i maned-i ‘ ’ ( . « - 20 ») . bak-es ‘ , ’, bokː-es ‘ ’, arc-es ‘ ’, baskː-es ‘ , - ’, mand-es ‘ ’ . . . , ec- : - , ec- , , - , - ( . 2 ). ec- - , ,— ec- , - ( . cam-p-ene ‘ ’ ~ cam-ec- ene ‘ ’, *cam-p-ec-ene ‘ ’). , , 1.2 - . 20 . zapː-ec-es ‘ , ’, zapː-, za(pː)-p-es ‘ ’. 140 ec- , - . , , - burq-ene ‘ ’ ~ burq-ec-ene ‘ ’ čalχ-ene ‘ - ’ ~ čalχ-ec-ene ‘ , ’ , -q- burq- ‘ ’ , , -χ- čalχ- ‘ ’ , ( , ). , tad-ene ‘ ’ ~ tad-ec-ene ‘ ’, -d- - , , -d- tad-es ‘ ’ ,— , , toj-d-es ‘ ’, - , -d-, . toj-d-ene ‘ ’ ~ toj-ec-ene ‘ ’ ( toj ‘ ’). 6.2. d- ( / s/ /d / > /tː/, . 7.7). - d- « - »; . : (3 . . .) akː-es akːes-tː-es akːesed-i ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ b-es bes-tː-es besed-i ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ boχ-es boχes-tː-es boχesed-i ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ef-es efes-tː-es efesed-i ‘ , ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ , , - d-, .: 141 . . äš ‘ ’ + -b-es äš-bes ‘ ’ äš-bes-tː-es ‘ ’ eχ ‘ ’ + -b-es eχ-bes ‘ , ’ eχ-bes-tː-es ‘ , ’ cam ‘ ’ + -p-es cam-pes ‘ ’ cam-pes-tː-es ‘ ’ baIp ‘ ’ + -p-es baI(p)-pes ‘ ’ baI(p)-pes-tː-es ‘ ’ aIl ‘ ’ + -d-es aIl-des ‘ , , aIl-des-tː-es ‘ ’ , , ’ - , ( ), . : (34) χüjär-en sijoʁe boχ-i. -ERG =3SG -AOR . (35) nana-n χüjär-ä sijoʁe boχ-es-tː-i. -ERG -DAT =3SG -INF-CAUS-AOR . d- , - ( ‘ ’). d-, gal-d-es ‘ , ’, aIl-d-es ‘ , , ’( . 1.2), -d- tad-es ‘ ’, bad-es ‘ ’ . .( . ). d-, — b-es ‘ ’; - - « ». - d-, - 142 , . ačIes-b-es ‘ - ’ (< ačI-es ‘ ’), apːes-b-es ‘ ’ (apː-es ‘ , - ’), bes-b-es ‘ ’ (< bi-es ‘ ’), bokːos-b-es ‘ ’ (bokː-es ‘ ’), pːapːes-b-es ‘ ’ (< pːapː-es ‘ , ’). , - d-, . - b-es ‘ ’ , . : (36) beš čur ačI-ene. -PERF=3SG . (37) ʁar-en papaqː-a ačI-es-b-ene. -ERG -DAT -INF-CAUS-PERF=3SG . 7. - ( . . - ) . - , - , « », - ( , , - ). , ( ), . - , - ; , - , - . 143 . . 7.1. bakes ‘ , ’ — bak-es ‘ , ’— - , -i - , baj-i baj ( bak-i), baj-o ( bak-ijo), bej-e be-e ( bak-e), be-j ( bak-ej). , - ( . banek-e ‘ , ’), - - , . : • : (38) hajzer-i qaj-baj tanesa iz -AOC -LV+AOC =3SG=ST+PRS kːoj-a. -DAT (= , ) . • : (39) durutː-aun häzir-baj sa hene... -ABL -LV+AOP =3SG Э , ... • ( , ): (40) χüjär iräzi-baj-tː-oχun oša... -LV+AOP-NO-ABL , ( )... • ( ): (41) beš cam-uruχ baj-i tene... -PL -AOR NEG=3SG ... • ( ): (42) конечно, gele muIqezbaj. =1SG=LV+AOR 144 , . • ( ): (43) ...ki aʁu maqːan baj. COMP PROH=JUSS=3SG +AOR ( ,) . • : (44) beš ajiz-e gele äš-ürχ-oχunjan mäšqːul-bajo. -DAT -PL-ABL=1PL -LV+PERF2 ( ) . • : (45) me χalg här-sa ga-l-a bejne. PROX - -O-DAT +PERF=PST=3SG Э . • ( ): (46) ...za-jnakːal tːul bej-eqːan. -BEN=ADD -PERF=JUSS=3SG ( ,) . , bak-es , /k/ /j/ ( . bak-i > baj-i > baj, bak-ijo > baj-ijo > bajo . .). , - , . , : . gogin ~ . göjin ‘ , ’, čːäläg ~ čːäläj ‘ ’, dälläg ~ dälläj ‘ ’ . [ 1974: 42, 253; 1980: 185—186]. 7.2. - /k/ /j/ . , ( - ) -k, -i. , - - 145 . . /ki/ /j /, . taj ‘ ’ (< tak-i), ej ‘ - ’ (< ek-i), baj ‘ ’ (< bak-i), laj ‘ ’ (< lak-i) . . 21 - ec-, .: (47) aj udi-joχ, gir-ejnan vaIn! VOC -PL -LV+IMP=2PL Э , , ![ ] , - ; . tamajnan ‘ ’ (< ma + tak-inan). 7.3. bu ‘ , ’ 3- . . bu ‘ , ’( j) 3- . ., . , - 3- e ne - , bu, : ...e bu > ...o, ...ne bu > ...no. . : (48) beš ajiz-e gele oǯaχ-χono. -DAT -PL=3SG+COP (« »). (49) vi χüjäro, bezial ʁaro... =3SG+COP =ADD =3SG+COP , .{ .} (50) beš kːoj-a hikːkːal teno. -DAT NEG=3SG+COP 21 , - ,— - , /k/ /j/ . 146 . (51) sa adresoj... =3SG+COP=PST ( , ) . , . ( . (50) beš kːoja hikːkːal tene bu ‘ - ’ . .). 7.4. 1- . . - , . . - - , - . : -al 1- . . - , -alzu -oz || -ooz ( - -oo). - . , , - 1- . . -alzu. - , bak-alzu ‘ ’ , bak-o(o)z. -alzu - -al , . cam-kː-alzu ‘ ’ / *‘ ’. - , - zu > z ( ) -l — , bak-alzu > bak-alz > bak-awz > bak-ooz > bak-oz. - -o : - - , - 147 . . ( . bazk-o), - 22 . , : . bak-alzuj ‘ ’, uk-alzuj ‘ ’, eʁ-alzuj ‘ ’ . . 7.5. b- ‘ ’ d- -es /e/ - , , b- ‘ ’ - /bs/, , , /b/ - : /bs/ > /pːs/. b- ‘ ’ , . eχlätepː-sa ‘ ’ (< eχläteb-esa), äšepː-sa ‘ ’ (< äšeb-esa) . , - ‘ ’ , /bs/ (« » b-esa ). , , b- , , ( -miš). . jäšäjnš-sa ‘( ) ’, jäšäjnš-anan ‘ ’ (< jäšäjnš-b-es ‘ ’), qːoriš-a ‘ ’ (< qːoriš-b-es ‘ ’), ez-sun-un därden ‘ ’ (< ez-b-es ‘ ’), qːiIssa ‘ ’ (< qːiIzb-sa, qːIi-b-es ‘ ’) . . -pː- /m/ /n/, - . . pa(j)jamsa ‘ ’, χejamsa ‘ - ’ ., , - 22 . kareχ-o ~ karχ-one ( karχ-es ‘ ’) . . [ - 1974: 166]. - ( karχ-one) . 148 ( , χejamsa < χejampː-sa < χejanb-sa). - -d- ( -tː-), « » -tː. - « » , « » - : . urtː-es (< urtː-tː-es) ‘ ’ 3- . . urtːed-i ‘ , ’, laftː-es (< laftː-tː-es) ‘ ’, . laftːed-i ‘ ’. 7.6. p- ‘ ’ , ‘ ’ - -ne, neχ. , , - ‘ ’, .: (52) ko beš muz-in afartːun ne. MED+NA -INS =3PL :PRS Э . (53) iz cːi-j-a tezne, ič-in -O-DAT NEG=1SG= :PRS -ERG inebak-sa. =3SG=LV-PRS { } , . p-, « » -p -pː, . . baI(p)-p-es ‘ ’, -p « », bap-i ‘ ’ (< baIp-p-i), 3- baIpep-i ‘ ’. , -pː p-, . za(pː)-p-es ‘ ’, zap- , , zap-sun, zap-a, zap-i, « » zapː- 149 . . zapː-kː-al , . zapːep-i ‘ ’, zapːtːunp-i ‘ ’ . ǯu(pː)-p-es ‘ ’, . ǯup-sun - ǯup-i -pː, - ǯupːǯupː-kː-al ‘ ’ - -pː. /p/ > /pː/ , - p- ‘ ’. , « » . - « » p- ( , - ), . , , - /s/ ( , ); . : ~ ~ elas-p-sun elas-pː-i ‘ ’~ elas-pː-a ‘ ’~ ‘ ’ elasep-i ‘ ’ elasmap-a ‘ ’ kːacː-p-sun kːacː-pː-i ‘ ’~ kːacː-pː-a ‘ ’~ ‘ ’ kːacːep-i ‘ ’ kːacːmap-a ‘ ’ qːučː-p-sun qːučː-pː-i ‘ ’~ qːučː-pː-a ‘ ’~ ‘ ’ qːučːep-i ‘ ’ qːučːmap-a ‘ ’ maIʁ-p-sun maIʁ-pː-i ‘ ’~ maIʁ-pː-a ‘ ’~ ‘ ’ maIʁep-i ‘ ’ maIʁmap-a ‘ ’ 7.7. /b/ , , /v/. , - bak-es ‘ , ’ bu ‘ , ’ , - . ., , p-ineki kːä-vak-e ‘ , , ?’ ( kːää bak-e) mija šuavu ‘ ?’ ( šua bu). , bu > vu - tenebu teno (< tenew < tenevu), 150 7.3. /b/ /v/ , . , aba ~ ava ‘ ’, abuz ~ avuz ‘ , ’, baba ~ bava ‘ ’ . . [ 1974: 42, 253; 1980: 181—182]. tezava ‘ ’( - ava ‘ ’), - /hezava/ /heza/. - /t/ /h/ - ; - , /t/ /h/, ( . aqː-es || haqː-es ‘ ’, ajz-es || hajz-es ‘ ’ .). 7.8. -stː-, -štː- . -stː- -štː- , - -es, -sun - -sa. ; . 6. 1) : -s-d- > -s-tː-. /štː/ , /d/ ( - ) -tː- / s/ ( ); . 6.2. 2) : -d-s- || -t-s- || -tː-s- > -stː-. , /stː/, /d-s/. , d- ( ) -sa, -sun - ( , -s-a). ( ) -t, -tː . - . , /stː/, - -es-d- ( . ), - 151 . . -sun -sa, -s /stːs/ - : . arcestːun ‘ ’ < arc-estː-(e)sun < arc-es-d-esun. 3) : -s-s- || -z-s- || -c-s- > -stː-, -č-s- || -š-s- > -štː-. /stː/ /s/, /z/ /c/ /s/ - . . - /č/ /š/ /s/ /štː/. 6. -stː-, -štː- 1. -stː- bes-tː-es b-es-d-es ‘ ’ -stː- akːesestːa akː-esed-(e)sa ‘ ’ 2. -stː- ta-stːun ta-d-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- žIal-stːun žIal-d-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- nestːun ned-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- bar-stːun bar-t-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- eIχstːun eIχ-tː-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- manestːa maned-(e)sa ‘ ’ -stː- tːinestːa tːinetː-(e)sa ‘ ’ -stː- bostːun botː-(e)sun ‘ ’ 3. -stː- bostːun bos-(e)sun ‘ ’ 23 -stː- hajstːun hajz-(e)sun ‘ ’ -stː- artːunstːa artːunc-(e)sa ‘ ’ -štː- taštːun taš-(e)sun ‘ ’ -štː- eneštːa eneč-(e)sa ‘ ’ 8. 7 bak-es ‘ , ’, - . - 23 , - bos-es ‘ ’ botː-es ‘ ’ . 152 3- . .( , , ). - 2- . ., 1- . . - , ( ,« », - -un -a). 7. bak-es ‘ , ’ bak-i nubak-i bak-i nubak-i, bak-i-nutː bak-ine bak-i tene ( 2) bak-inej bak-i tenej bak-iqːan maqːan bak-i bak-ene bak-e tene bak-enej bak-e tenej bak-eqːan maqːan bak-e bak-ijone bak-ijo tene bak-ijinij nubak-ijinij bak-es nubak-es bak-sun nubak-sun banek-sa tene bak-sa banek-saj tene bak-saj bak-al nubak-al bak-ala nubak-ala bak-alane bak-ala tene, nubak-alane bak-alanej bak-ala tenej, nubak-alanej bak-ale bak-al tene bak-alej bak-al tenej 153 . . banek-o || batenek-o || banek-on batenek-on banek-oj batenek-oj bak-an(e), nubak-an(e), bak-az mabak-az bak-anej nubak-anej bak-ajin nubak-ajin bak-atːan nubak-atːan bak-amin || nubak-amin || bak-amun nubak-amun bak-en mabak-en bak-a mabak-a П 24 , - , , 50 ( - « » ). - , , - ‘ ’( - . 2). ( 2 5 ), 24 - . [Harris 2002: 68—71, 222—225], [Harris 2003a; 2003b], - , - . - [Schulze, to appear]. 154 . , 2 6 , - , . , 8: • -∅- / -j- ‘ ’, ( . 2); • -č- / -š- ‘ , ’, ( . 2); čič-es ‘ ’ - ; • -d-, , , , ; , - ( . 1.2 6.2); • -p-, ‘ ’, - ‘ , ’( , ); • -ftː-, , - ‘ - ’; • -vkː-, , - - -evkː- ( . 1.2). -p- ‘ ’/‘ , ’ - . , - , -ne, . lanne ‘ ’ ( n < ne). , , laj-, -e, . tene laj-e ‘ ’ 25. 25 taj-es ‘ ’, laj-es ‘ ’ ., ta- || taj-, la- || laj- ( . 2). 155 . . , , : • ba-qː-es ( ) || pːa-qː-es ‘ ’, čːe-qː-es ‘ , ’ ( , aqː-es || haqː-es ‘ ’, ‘ ’ - ‘ , ’); • ba-čːur-p-es ‘ ’, la-čːur-d-es ‘ ’ ( . čːur-p-es ‘ ’); • ba-sak-es ‘ ’, la-sak-es ‘ ( ., ); ( )’ ( . sak-es ‘ , ’); • la-mand-es ‘ , ’ ( . mand-es ‘ ’); • laI-ʁaIl-d-es ‘ ( , )’ ( . ʁaIl-d-es ‘ , ’); • la-čːevkː-es ‘ ; ’ ( . čːevkː-es ‘ ’, čːe-); • la-pː-es ‘ ’— , ba-pː-es ( ) || pːa-pː-es ‘ ’, ba- ‘ ’( . apː-es ‘ - , ’, ‘ , ’); • la-χ-es ‘ ’— , ba-χ-es ‘futuere’; • lä-čäqː-ec-es ‘ , ’, lä-čäqː-d-es ‘ - , ’; • čː-irapː-ec-es ‘ ( )’ ( . irapː-p-es ‘ ’); • čːe-bak-es ( ) || čːovak-es ‘ ( ), ’ ( bak-es ‘ , ’). , : e- || a- ‘ ’, ta- ‘ ’, la- ‘ - ’, ci- ‘ ’, ba- ‘ ’, čːe- ‘ ’. - , , , . la- ‘ ’ looχ ‘ ’, ala ‘ ’, alin ‘ ’; ci- ‘ ’ cina ‘ ’; čːe- ‘ - ’ čːoš ‘ ’; ba- ‘ ’ boš ‘ ’, bona ‘ ’. - 156 e-, , , ; , ej- / ar- / -eʁ- / ek- ‘ ’ - e- [Harris 2002: 223]. - ta-; , . . . . taj-es ‘ ’ - atun ‘ ’ [Nikolayev, Starostin 1994: 423]. qaj- ‘ , ’, ( . qoš ‘ ’), , , . « - » qaj-ec-es ‘ ; - ’, qaj-d-es ‘ ’, qaj-p-es ‘ ’, qaj-bak-es ‘ ’; . qaj ‘ ’ ‘ ’, . . . , ‘ ’, eIq- eIq- ec-es ‘ , ’, eIq-evkː-es ‘ ’ 26, - aj- — aj-ec-es ‘ ( )’ ‘ - ’, aj-za(pː)-p-es ‘ ( )’ aj-z-es || haj-z-es ‘ ’. 26 , eIq- eIχ-tː-es ‘ ’— , *eIq-d-es /q/ > /χ/ - /d/ > /tː/ ( , - /q/ > /χ/ , , burq-es || burχ-es ‘ ’). eIχ-tː-es ‘ ’ ‘ ( , )’, . 157 8. -j- -č- / -š- -d- -p- -ftː- -vkː- ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ≈‘ ’ ≈‘ ’ ≈‘ ’ ≈‘ ’ ‘ ’ e-j-es e-č-es ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ta-j-es ta-š-es ta-d-es ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ la-j-es laj-č-es la-d-es la-p-es la-ftː-es la-vkː-es ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ , ‘ ( ) ’ ( )’ ‘ ’ ci-j-es ci-d-es ci-p-es ci-ftː-es ci-vkː-es ‘ ’ ‘ , - ‘ ; ‘ ‘ , ( )’ 27 ’ ( )’ ’ ‘ ’ ba-j-es baj-č-es ba-d-es ba-p-es ba-ftː-es ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ; ‘ ’ ‘ ; ( ) ’ ’ ‘ ’ čːe-j-es [či-č-es čːi-d-es čːe-p-es čːe-ftː-es čːe-vkː-es ‘ ’ ‘ , ‘ ( - ‘ ( ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ’] ), , )’ ( )’ 27 . . « , », ; . 1 « - », cid-es [ 1974: 224, 233]. 158 - LV MED : MSD + NA 1, 2, 3 ( ) ABL NEG « » ADD ‘ , ’ NO ( AOC ) AOP NOT « » AOR O BEN CAUS PART COMP PERF COND PERF2 COP PL DAT PLOC DEB DIST POT DLOC PROH PRS ERG PST FUT SG GEN ST IMP INF SUBJ INS TEMP ó JUSS VOC . . - - . . . ., 1985. . ., . . . ., 1997. . , , // - . . XXX. , 1902. 159 . . . . // . . . . - - . , 1974. . . // . . - - . , 1974 . . . : . . . , 1971. [ . .] . . // : . ., 2001. . // . . XXXIII. , 1904. .( .) . , 1996. . . - ? // . . . . .: A. Harris. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax // . 2003. № 3. . . // . . . . - ( ) // . . ( .) - . . ., . . . . , 1974. [ . .] . ., . . // . . IV. - . ., 1967. . . : // . . ( .) . . 1. - . ., 2001. . . - - . , 1993. . . - . , 2000. . . . ., 1980. . ., . . // : . . 3. ., 2005. . . // . .— , 2000. Aronson H. I. Georgian: A reading grammar. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers, 1990. Aydınov Y. A., Keçaari J. A. Əlifba (TIetıir). Bəkü, 1996. 160 Harris A. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2002. Harris A. The prehistory of Udi locative cases and locative preverbs // Holi- sky D. A., Tuite K. (eds) Current trends in Caucasian, East European and In- ner Asian linguistics. Papers in honor of Howard I. Aronson. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2003a. Harris A. Preverbs and their origins in Georgian and Udi // Booij G. E., van Marle J. (eds) Yearbook of morphology 2003. Dordrecht: Springer, 2003b. Haspelmath M. A grammar of Lezgian. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1993. Keçaari Ҝ. Orayin. Bakı, 2001. Nikolayev S. L., Starostin S. A. A North Caucasian etymological dictionary. Moscow, 1994. Rice K. Rev.: A. Harris. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax // Lin- guistic Typology 8:2, 2004. Schulze W. Die Sprache der Uden in Nordazerbajdžan. Studien zur Synchronie und Diachronie einer süd-ostkaukasischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrasso- witz, 1982. Schulze W. An Udi online grammar. Electronic version, 2001. (http://www.lrz-muenchen.de/~wschulze/Uog.html) Schulze W. Rev.: A. Harris. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax // LINGUIST List 13.2994 Mon Nov 18 2002 (http://www.linguistlist.org/issues/13/13-2994.html) Schulze W. Rev.: A. Harris. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax // Studies in Language 28:2, 2004. Schulze W. A functional grammar of Udi. To appear, 2009. Schulze-Fürhoff W. The Udi language. A grammatical sketch // The indigenous languages of the Caucasus, vol. IV. Delmar, N.Y.: Caravan, 1994. Vogt H. Grammaire de la langue géorgienne. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1971. 161 . . , … Щ Щ « »— — - , , , ‘ , ’, . ( ), ( ) ( ). - « » - . - , ( ), - — , - . , , (« »), , « » . 162 … , - ( ) 1 1. - ( ) ( , ), « - » . — , 2002— 2006 . . . , 1990— 2000- . ( , - . . ). - - , . 1. bak-es ej-es p-es ‘ , ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ banek-sa enesa neχe banek-saj enesaj neχej banek-o eneʁ-o unekː-o banek-oj eneʁ-oj unekː-oj bak-ale eʁ-ale ukː-ale bak-alej eʁ-alej ukː-alej bak-alane eʁ-alane ukː-alane bak-alanej eʁ-alanej ukː-alanej bak-an(e) eʁ-an(e) ukː-an(e) bak-anej eʁ-anej ukː-anej 1 (« - ») , - . 3- . ., . 163 . . - [ , . .]. - , . , , - - , - « » ( - ) , - , . « » ( - ) « », . . . - — , . . . , . . , . . , . . , . , . . . - . 1. -sa — « » 1.1. -sa ( ) , : - - , , . . (1), - ‘ ( )’, - , (2), ‘ ’, - , - 164 … ( - ): (1) beIʁ-a, he ostːahar iIžIe ej-sa mähäl-e. -IMP =3SG -PRS -DAT - , ! (2) ʁe beš qːonši-ʁo-n diristː ʁi ič-oʁ-oj -PL-ERG -PL-GEN čur-atːun qaIv-eI-sa. -DAT=3PL -LV-PRS . ; . čuresa ‘ ’ (84) : (3) jan sa kala ajiz-ejan bak-sa. -DAT=1PL -PRS . [Aydınov, Keçaari 1996: 26] (4) zu va čuruzsa. :DAT =1SG=LV+PRS . : (5) - ‘ ’, (6) (‘ ’). (5) bez viči har ʁi centːɨr-a kːartː äči-p-s-ane -DAT -LV-INF-DAT=3SG taj-sa. -PRS х . (6) bez χunč-en ul-urχo-χun qːiIneb-sa. -ERG -PL-ABL =3SG=LV-PRS . - , , .: 165 . . (7) äjčːä zu moskːv-in-az taj-sa. -O-DAT=1SG -PRS . (8) eʁ-ala samǯi ʁi jan äštejanpː-sa. -PART =NEG=1PL=LV-PRS . « », , .: (9) , , . šuje-nχo enesa, ič-u diristː -PL =3SG=ST+PRS -DAT utːunk-sa, izi uIqːen-χo manestːa =3PL=ST-PRS -PL =3SG=ST+PRS tːetːija. oša iz bava sa šamatː-aχun oša RDP:DLOC -ABL enesa. beIneʁ-sa, iz χüjär-i =3SG=ST+PRS =3SG=ST-PRS -GEN uIqːen-χo bar-ene tːetːija. -PL -PERF=3SG RDP:DLOC П х , , . х . - — .[ ] , - , .: (10) banek-sa, tene bak-sa sa nana, sa bava, =3SG=ST-PRS NEG=3SG -PRS sal χib dänä ič-oʁ-oj χüjäre bak-sa. =ADD -PL-GEN =3SG -PRS - (= , ) , , (= ) .[ ] 166 … , ( + ). - , , , - ( , , ), - . 1.2. , , — . . , - , — : (11) näjni jan kːoj-aχun čːeʁ-atːan, käjebak-saj. -ABL -TEMP =LV=3SG-PRS=PST ,( ) . (12) , - . brigadir har bijäs-in gimg-in-äne bak-saj. -ERG -O-DAT=3SG -PRS=PST kečial šo-tː-aj bačːIan-eχun tanesaj =ADD DIST-NO-GEN -ABL =3SG=ST+PRS=PST gimg-in-ä. -O-DAT . - х . [Keçaari 2001: 125] - , ; . (12), : (13) sa ʁi šähär-ejan taj-saj. -DAT=1PL -PRS=PST - х .{ - 167 . . .} [Aydınov, Keçaari 1996: 54] (14) amdar-χo-n kala sa händ-n-u očIaltːun -PL-ERG -O-DAT =3PL ez-b-saj. -LV-PRS=PST х .{ - .} [Keçaari 2001: 133] 1.3. « » , - , - , , . -saχ, -sa, , - , -saχ « » ( . ). « » ( - - ), . - , , « - », « », « ё » . ., . . , , .: (15) χašIoj apː-saχe. -PRS(DAT2)=3SG . (16) nana-n boqːoj šIar-p-saχe. -ERG -LV-PRS(DAT2)=3SG , . (17) lašIkːoj burq-ene, far-p-saχtːun -PERF=3SG -LV-PRS(DAT2)=3PL 168 … ustː-oʁ-on. -PL-ERG , . , -saχ : - ( . *šIarep- saχ, *anepː-saχ . .), , - ( . ?nana-n boqːoje šIar-p-saχ ‘ ’). 1.4. -sa « », , , « » — , , ,— ( ). , -sa - , - . - , - -sa , , - . ( , ), -sa - -a ; . - unek-sa || uk-sane ‘ / *uk-es-a ’ COPne, COP - . , - -a - , . *uk-es-a COP:PSTne 2. 2 , , ( , 169 . . , - — - ( , p-es ‘ ’, , . 1). - -a - , burq-es ‘ ’, . (5) (54), : (18) bez viči-muχ mälim-i tːoIʁ zom-bak-s-atːun -PL -GEN -LV-INF-DAT=3PL tac-e... -PERF (, - ). [ ] (19) burjanq-sa gärgür-b-s-a aruʁ-o =1PL=ST-PRS -LV-INF-DAT -DAT laχ-i. . -AOC ( ё ,) - , .[ ] , -a — - — - ( . kːoj-a ‘ ; ’, šähär-e ‘ ; ’ . .). , -a - 3 , . - - ). bu ‘ , ’, .[ , . .]; - , , « - » j || ij. 3 , . . ё , ( , ) « , - »[ ё 2006 (1960): 123]; . [Schulze 1982: 250, 255]. .[ , . .]. 170 … , , - , . . — . , *uk-es-a COPne, ‘ / ’. , , -saχ. — - « » -aχ ( . uk-saχ ‘ , ’ < uk-es-aχ); ‘ ’, -sa, - p-es. -saχ ( , « » , - , ‘ ’, . [ 1985: 52]). , - « » -sa, . ‘ ’ - . - - , , ( ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ‘ ’), ( ‘ ’, ‘ ’) ., . [Bybee et al. 1994: 129—133], - [Heine, Kuteva 2002: 178—179, 202—203]. , , - - - ( « », « » . .). , - 171 . . , . . - — . « » jаз-маг-да-jам ‘ ( , )’, - ( . jаз-маг-да иди-м ‘ ’) [ - , ( .) 1971: 134—135, 137]. -магда - -да -мак, . . -sa 4. , , - , — , . - bä- mi- ( . bä-bâftän || mi-bâftän ‘ ), , ’); [ 1963: 68—69; , 1982: 274—275]. , , bä- bä, - . 4 , « , — - »[ 1975: 90—91], . [ , - 1979: 169]. , - , - ( XI .); , - « - », V—VI .[ 1973: 3—11]. , , - , . 172 … 2. -o — « » -o || -on 5 : — ( , , ), — - . 2.1. ( . ), - - , , .: (20) , , - . , , , : χe-n-aχun čːer-i-tː-uχun oša pːurun -O-ABL -AOP-NO-ABL orojanbak-o. =1PL=LV-POT , , . [Keçaari 2001: 137] (21) , , - , . : pːoj bezi kːož ala čurekː-o? =3SG=LV-POT 5 [ , . .], -on - . ( - , - , , .) - -o . 173 . . - (~ )? [Keçaari 2001: 130] (22) , , . :— . hun hoo p-i-tː-uχun oša zu ǯoj sa -AOP-NO-ABL äjituz ukː-o? =1SG -POT , , (~ - ) - ? [Keçaari 2001: 52] . - : - , ( , - , ). (23) , . :— . . oq-n-uχun sa gamat χe eč-alzu 6. -O-ABL -FUT=1SG šo-tː-oal qaIv-ec-i baIʁaIjuzb-o. DIST-NO-DAT=ADD -LV-AOC =1SG=LV-POT . ( . . ) , , . [Keçaari 2001: 124] - 1- 2- , - ( ) . - : - , - , .: (24) — : ! 6 , - 1- . . -alzu -ooz; . [ , . .]. 174 … neχe, tez baskː-o! :PRS=3SG NEG=1SG -POT :« !» (25) , : va neχzu, čurenkː-o! :DAT :PRS=1SG =2SG=LV-POT , ! 2.2. ‘ ’ ‘ ’ bak-es ‘ , ’ - ( - ). , - ‘ ’ , , - ; . uk-es tezbak-sa ‘ - ’ [ 1974: 212]. — - — bak-es , - . . , « - » ( ) - , , « », - : (26) me čur-en kːä b-esa bak-on? PROX -ERG :NA -INF=3SG:Q -POT { :} ?[ ] (27) χod-al laj-es ten bak-o. -SUPER -INF NEG=3SG -POT . 175 . . (28) lap tːe soʁ-o tːul-uruχal banek-o DIST -NA -PL=ADD =3SG=ST-POT haIvqː-es... -INF { « »} ( . . , ). [ ] (29) nepːaχ amdar-i loχol-χun läIng-b-i čːovak-es -GEN -ABL -LV-AOC -INF tene bak-o. NEG=3SG -POT { .} . [Ke- çaari 2001: 110] 3- . . banek-o ( banoko) banek-on, - , , .: (30) , 80 . banek-on, eʁ-ala usen jubilej b-ajan. =3SG=ST-POT -PART -SUBJ=1PL , . [ ] , banek-o - ‘ , ’, - , , .: (31) ; : banek-o, čur tːaʁaje tac-e. =3SG=ST-POT DIST:LAT=3SG -PERF , . [Keçaari 2001: 129] (32) banek-o, vaInal hekjät-ä kːal-p-i =3SG=ST-POT =ADD -DAT -LV-AOC 176 … čärkː-atːan aχšIum-kː-alnan. -TEMP -LV-FUT=2PL , , . [Ke- çaari 2001: 126] — - 2- . .— p-es ‘ ’. unkː-o ( . ‘ , ’) ‘ - ’, ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . : (33) unkː-o hun za-χun gelen ava. =2SG=ST-POT -ABL =2SG , ! (34) χavar-nutː mand-i-jo unkː-o sa zuzu. - -AOP-NA =2SG=ST-POT =1SG { !} , , - . [Keçaari 2001: 52] (35) , , . unkː-o sal bak-i tenej. =2SG=ST-POT =ADD -AOR NEG=3SG=PST К . [Keçaari 2001: 120] 2.3. : ‘ , ’ ‘ - ’. . , - , - , : (36) , . , - , . : ä... ä, üIʁ-ül mozine bak-o? -SUPER =3SG -POT 177 . . Э … (~ )? [Ke- çaari 2001: 136] (37) , - . . :— ! elem elem-a tene tara-kː-o. -DAT NEG=3SG -LV-POT (~ ). [Keçaari 2001: 134] (38) p-ijan ki kär šej batenek-o. -AOR=1PL COMP MED+ADV =NEG=3SG=ST-POT , (~ ). [ ] — - , (39), (‘ - , ’), (40): (39) . . : amdar-nutː ga-l-a dadal-en tene el-kː-o. - -O-DAT -ERG NEG=3SG -LV-POT (~ , ). [Keçaari 2001: 117] (40) amdar-i pːaI pule bak-o. -GEN =3SG -POT (~ ) . , , . , , «Orayin» [Keçaari 2001: 106—107], (18 35) ( . . 12 — ), .: (41) taj-nutː χod-en χoži tene sak-o. - -ERG NEG=3SG -POT . [Keçaari 2001: 106] 178 … (42) äjit-en tapan tene boš-o. -ERG NEG=3SG -POT . [Keçaari 2001: 106] , - (‘ / ’): [Keçaari 2001: 109—111] - , - — 47 58, .: (43) göjün χazal-a aruʁ-o tetːun bos-o. -DAT -DAT NEG=3PL -POT . [Keçaari 2001: 110] (44) šamatː ʁi-n-e bijäs-in čIo tetːun χam-kː-o. -O-DAT -ERG NEG=3PL -LV-POT . [Keçaari 2001: 110] 2.4. , - — — . , - , . , - , . : (45) sa läzgi-n kːoj-a qːonaʁ-χotːun eʁ-o. -GEN -DAT -PL=3PL -POT artːunc-on kːoj-a. oša äjl-ä =3PL=ST-POT -DAT -DAT utːunkː-onki (...) ajel čːoš čːeneʁ-on, =3PL=ST=POT=COMP =3SG=ST-POT sejvan-in tːe suraj-n-a tːajaχ-baj määr -GEN DIST -O-DAT -LV+AOC PROX+ADV čurekː-on, beIneʁ-on, =3SG=LV-POT =3SG=ST-POT 179 . . eteneʁ-on. =NEG=3SG=ST-POT х . . ... (« , »). х , , . ; . , - . , . ( ) 1989 : (46) pačaʁ aqːneʁ-o, šel beIneʁ-o =3SG=LV-POT =3SG=ST-POT čubʁ-o laχo, čaltːuχ-o. -DAT =3SG:DAT=ST-POT muqːnebak-o. =3SG=LV-POT , . . 2.5. , — , - , .: (47) . ši-na ukː-oj tːe dadal-en gešluʁ-a -ERG=3SG:Q -POT=PST DIST -ERG -DAT bak-ala amdar-χo-j b-el kala sa äš -PART -PL-GEN -SUPER eč-ale. hikːä b-esa bak-oj. -FUT=3SG :NA -INF=3SG:Q -POT=PST , ? - ? [Keçaari 2001: 117] 180 … bak-oj (‘ , ’); banek-o ‘ ’ - , .: (48) , . gešluʁ-a sa hema bačI amdare bak-oj. -DAT =3SG -POT=PST , , . [Keçaari 2001: 117] (49) - , . tːilinkːäš-in-äχun malmul kalane bak-oj. -O-ABL =3SG -POT=PST , , . [Keçaari 2001: 122] bak-oj , - , - / ‘ , ’ « ». . , bak-oj ( (48)—(49), bak-oj - ): (50) . sa šamatːe čːovak-i bak-oj, joχsa =3SG -AOC -POT=PST vicː ʁine čːovak-i bak-oj. =3SG -AOC -POT=PST - , . , - , - , , : (51) . 181 . . za sa ʁaral tad-ijinij, lap iräziz :DAT =ADD -CTRF=2/3SG=PST =1SG bak-oj. -POT=PST , .[ 1996: 13] (52) ava-bak-ijinij, tene eʁ-oj. -LV-CTRF=2/3SG=PST NEG=3SG -POT=PST , . 2.6. , , -o, - , - . - , , - bak-es ‘ ’( . . ). , -o « »— - « ». - , -o — « », . - , - , « ». , - , , . , - , - ,— - . , , - 182 … , - . - ( — -o)? , -o - ( ), - . , ,— -sa, — - ( - - ) . - , , ,« » . - ‘ ’/‘ ’ ‘ - ’/‘ ’/‘ ’ . , - , [Bybee et al. 1994: 277]. « » . , , - ( ) [Haspelmath 1998: 32]. - , - , - . - , - . . ( ): , - , . , - [ 2004; Tatevosov 2005]: 183 . . (53) > > > > > > / : - - , , ( , , ‘ - ’ ‘ ’). , , , - ( . ‘ ’ > ‘ , ’). - , - , . . , ( .‘ ’). - , (53): , ( - ) -o , - bak-es - . - , , « ». - « »— , - ,— , - , . -o, - -o, - 184 … 7 , . , - -o, - : . busa-o ‘ , ; ’( busa ‘ ’), bašqː-i-o ‘ - , ’ ( bašqː-es ‘ ’) avabak-al-o ‘ , ’( avabak-es ‘ ’). - , « » - -ijo, . [ , . .]. , -o - , - ukː-o ‘ , ’( - ‘ ’) ( ‘ , ; ’). , , *ukː-a-o, . . -a — , -a 8 . /ao/ > /oo/ > /o/, - - ( . kal-o || kal-oo ‘ ; , ’ < kala-o, kala ‘ ’). , - -a , - 7 , . - - , -o, - [Schulze, to appear: 3.4.4.1, § 15]. 8 -a , , - , - -i. 185 . . -ala || -al. , , - , -al . , - , , , -al — — , -a. , ukː-o ‘ ’ (< ?*ukː-a-o) *ukː-a . « + »— . . *mono ukː-a-one ‘ - - ’. - , - - . , aʁa-f-e ‘ ’ - aʁa-f - e‘ , - ’ , [ , 2003]. « + » , - , ( . haʔa-d i ‘ ’), ( . kurac’-i ja ‘ ’); . [ 2001; Authier, to ap- pear], [Maisak, to appear]. - босуле-б б-уго ‘ ’( б- — ) - , « » - - [ 1998: 120—121]. -o, , - - , . - - , , - ; , — - . -o - 186 … -al -sa , « » -o - . - , « - », - ( ). -o - -al, - . 3. -al — , , ( - ). - , - , - . , . 3.1. , (54)—(55), , , (56): (54) , : čːäläj-e tärängü gir-b-s-a taʁ-aljan. -DAT -LV-INF-DAT -FUT=1PL ( ) . [Keçaari 2001: 122] (55) , . - : 187 . . tašer-i ǯoj sa ga-l-a biqː-alzu. -AOC -O-DAT -FUT=1PL ( ) . [Keçaari 2001: 130] (56) . : tːe äIχil ölk-in-ä bak-ala sa naχɨrči-n ʁar-en DIST -O-DAT -PART -GEN -ERG vi paččaʁluʁ-a eIχ-tː-ale. -DAT -LV-FUT=3SG , , - х . [Keçaari 2001: 115] - , , - , , , .: (57) , . : täk baʁ-ajijan, χe-n-en jaχ taš-ale. . -COND=1PL -O-ERG :DAT -FUT=3SG , . [Keçaari 2001: 137] (58) el-a tetːun car-kː-o. šon-o car-eʁ-atːan -DAT NEG=3PL -LV-POT DIST-NA -LV-TEMP neχtːun kːoj-a dava bit-ale. :PRS=3PL -DAT -FUT=3SG { .} (= ). , , . [Keçaari 2001: 111] , . - banek-o ‘ ’( . ): (59) , :— , . banek-o, tːütːäj-äl far-p-es-tː-alzu. =3SG=ST-POT -DAT=ADD -LV-INF-CAUS-FUT=1SG 188 … , ( ) .{ , .} [Keçaari 2001: 127] : ( . ), - , .: (60) äjčːä jan kːoj-aχun čːeʁ-atːan, hälä -ABL -TEMP käj-bak-ale. -LV-FUT=3SG , - . (61) me iIžIena gele iIžI eʁ-ale. PROX -FUT=3SG Э . , - . 3.2. « » « ». , , : (62) — ? ! šo häjsä baskː-alej. DIST+NA -FUT=3SG=PST — . (63) zu va-jnakː näjni zeng-b-alzuj. -BEN -LV-FUT=1SG=PST . , , « » ( ), - 189 . . - : (64) čur-p-ijinij, avuzin eχlät gele -LV-CTRF=2/3SG=PST bak-alej. -FUT=3SG=PST { , .} , - . [Keçaari 2001: 47] (65) , , , . , , : sa käränäl döIp-tː-ijivaχij, lap bušal =ADD -LV-CTRF=2SG:DAT=PST =ADD bak-alej. -FUT=3SG=PST , . [Keçaari 2001: 136] - - ; , . 3.3. (« ») . - banek-o ‘ , ’, , , , , , . bak-ale ‘ , - ’. ( - te , . tene bak-o ‘ , 190 … ’, tene bak-al ‘ , ’ 9.) , - - -al. [ , . .] , , . , - , - , , - -ala -al- 10 , -al, -ala. . : ašb-al adamar ‘ ’ (working man), girb-al ganu ‘ , ’ (gathering place) boχ-ala kːokːocː ‘ , ’ (to-be-boiled chicken) [Harris 2002: 276]. . - , -al « », - , , - - *kːokːocː boχ-al COPne, . ‘ - - ’. - - , . kːokːocː boχ-alle ‘( - ) ’. 9 . , - ( . . tene bak-al) [Harris 2002: 116—118], . [Harris, . .]. ; , , : , zu taj-es batezk-al ‘ ’, tez - bak-al. 10 , , — — , - , — ; . : eχbal-en ‘ , ’ vs. eχbal-tː-in ‘ , , ’( eχ-b-es ‘ , ’), . [ , . .]. 191 . . - , ( ) , ; - , - [Harris 2002: 277]. , , . - . , -al. , boχ-al kːokːocː ‘ , - ’, . : - -al - , , , - -ala. ( . , , -ala, .) , , -al. , , -al-a , - . , - , ( boχ-al-o ‘ , / ’) « » boχ-ijo ‘ ’ (< *boχi-o COPne ‘ ’), . 2.6 . , boχ-ale ‘ ’ - boχ-al ‘ , ’, , - , - (-al vs. -ala) . - 192 … , - - . - , , , - , , , ‘ , ’— , , - . ( , , ), - , - , . « + - », , - ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . .— . mono eIbale ‘ ’ ( eIb-es ‘ ’) ~ . . ‘ , , ’ . . - — , . . — , - - ( *-učy), , ( -er). - ,« ... , , » [ 2005: 114 .], . [ 2008] 11. 11 « , “ - ” , - , , . - : (...) - 193 . . - , - , . - « » « » - — - . - , - , ,— , ( , , ), « - » , bak-ale. ,« »— ,« - » 12 — -al « ». , ( - > > - - > ) - - -al , - . , - , -al ( , - - -al, . . ), « ». , , - - , - »[ 2005: 120]. 12 , - - — , , , - « » , . 194 … , « - » ( . - , - ). , - , , , . , -al « » - , « » , . 4. -ala — « »? -ala - . -ala. , , - , ( -al). - , - — - , . 4.1. -ala — - : - , ( ) - , .: (66) :— , . 195 . . nananu, hunal vi äjit-ä ukː-alanu. =2SG =ADD -DAT -DEB=2SG , . [Keçaari 2001: 52] (67) ( .) , . birinʒ uže beIjanʁ-sa, čːevkː-alane, =1PL=ST-PRS -DEB=3SG čːevjankː-sa... =1PL=ST-PRS , , ... , « » - , , - -o ( ). - , - , , . (69): (68) ( .) . kːoj-a bak-ala amdar-χo tur-el hajz-alatːun, -DAT -PART -PL -SUPER -DEB=3PL nepːaχ amdar bune, muʁur-b-i hajzevkː-alatːun. COP=3SG -LV-AOC -DEB=3PL , , . [Keçaari 2001: 111] (69) äjl-in 40 čːeʁ-amun šo-tː-o har ʁi -GEN 40 -TERM DIST-NO-DAT ocːkːaltːund-o. siftːin 7 ʁi šo-tː-o kalna-n, =3PL=LV-POT 7 DIST-NO-DAT -ERG kalna nubak-ajin, dädä-n ocːkːal-d-alane. NOT= -COND=2/3SG -ERG -LV-DEB=3SG 40 , (~ ). 7 , , ( ). [Keçaari 2001: 111] 196 … - nu, - / ( . [ , . .]). . , : , - : (70) bul-a iz kːonǯIuʁ-on nueIχ-tː-alane 13. -DAT -ERG NOT= -LV-DEB=3SG ( ) . 4.2. -ala -ala . , , - te, .: (71) , . : ene sürü-n-ä ereqːluʁ-a akː-ala tenu. -O-DAT . -DAT -DEB NEG=2SG ! [Keçaari 2001: 127] (72) : kalna, zu saal čːäläj-e taʁ-ala tezu. =ADD -DAT -DEB NEG=1SG , . [Keçaari 2001: 123] (73) , : 13 , (70) - — « - »— . - ( . kːonǯIuʁ-on ‘ -ERG’); , *iz kːonǯIuʁ bul-a nueIχ-tː-alane . . -ala [ , . .]. 197 . . ustːa, bari mökkäme? car-ec-i bar-ala =3SG -LV-AOC -DEB tene? NEG=3SG , ? ? [Keçaari 2001: 134] , - ( - « » ). -al -ala - : , , -ala - , ,— - -al ( . eʁ-ala tene, tene eʁ-al ?? ‘ ’, eʁ-al tene ??tene eʁ-ala). 4.3. -ala « » — - , , .: (74) kːodoʁ-o hikːä cam-ec-ene, šon-oal -DAT :NA . -LV-PERF=3SG DIST-NA=ADD bak-alanej. -DEB=3SG=PST , . [Ke- çaari 2001: 117] (75) mo nubak-alanej, ama banek-i. PROX+NA NOT= -DEB=3SG=PST =3SG=ST-AOR Э , . (76) zarafat tene, sacːcːe tan dav-in-a NEG=3SG -O-DAT taʁ-alanej. -DEB=3PL=PST 198 … Э , 11 - .[ 1996: 65] , , , , : (77) zu tːija nubak-ijizuj, šo-tː-in mo DLOC NOT= -CTRF=1SG=PST DIST-NO-ERG PROX+NA ukː-ala tenej. -DEB NEG=3SG=PST , . bak-es ‘ , ’ - . -ala bak-es ( - )— - , .: (78) . sa ʁi sun-aχun χavar-nutː šäki-n-ä bazar-e . -ABL - -O-DAT -DAT taʁ-alatːun bak-i. -DEB=3PL -AOR , , , . [Keçaari 2001: 137] (79) , . kːaman-en täzä čːeqː-i torokːal-pːatːpːal-a -ERG -AOC - -DAT tara-d-i lakː-alane bak-i. -LV-AOC -DEB=3SG -AOR .[ 1996: 13] - bak-es — (80) , (81) : 199 . . (80) ägär me äš düz-bak-ala bak-ajin, -LV-PART -COND=2/3SG χüjär-i bava-n neχeki flan ʁi-n-e -GEN -ERG :PRS=3SG=COMP -O-DAT beš kːoj-a ej-es banank-o. -DAT -INF =2PL=ST-POT { .} , , , - . (81) taʁ-ala bak-ijinij, har-i jaχ -DEB -CTRF=3SG=PST -AOC :DAT unekː-oj. =3SG=ST-POT=PST х , . -ala, ́ . 4.4. , , - , ( ) - — - -al, -ala. ,- - - *mono ukː-ala COPne ‘ - - ’. , - , « », - - ( ) , - -o ukː-al-o ‘ , ’. - , - -ala, , . 200 … , , , . - - - — , « » , , . . - , - ( . (70) ). « » , , - ( . . « - - », « - - - ») 14. - , - - , 14 « » « » - , -al. - te, ( XIX .) « » nutː. nutː nu ; , te ( ). - - nutː te - , .: tːe šägird nutː bi-alle ‘ ’( . 21: 23) šotːux ukalo bi-altene ‘ ’( . 6: 50) [ 1902]. nutː . - , nutː [ 1904: 75—76], . [Har- ris 2002: 118, 123]. 201 . . ( , habēre ), . - [Bybee et al. 1994: 258—264]. , - ( . ‘ ’>‘ ’>‘ ’). , , , ; - -ala. , : - , -al, — - . , / , « » ( . . *mono ukː-ala COPne ‘ - - ’, ‘ - - ’). - , ; . - [ , . .]. , , , . . - ( . - , . .). , , - : , - tene - -al, -ala. ( « » 202 … , . ) - . , — , « » ,— -al ( , [Harris 2002]). . - - — ( ), - , « » . , -al, - te ( nu ), — — . 5. -a — -a ( , , « ») - . , - , ( . . ‘ ’ ‘ ’) , - , , . - , - , . , - , — , , - , , . 203 . . , -a - . - , , , . 5.1. - ‘ ’, ‘ ’, ‘ - ’, ‘ ’, ‘ ’ .— , - . , ki ( ), .: (82) , : čurnansa za hajzevkː-anan, bezi ga-l-a =2PL=LV+PRS :DAT -SUBJ=2PL -O-DAT baskː-anan? -SUBJ=2PL , ? [Keçaari 2001: 133] (83) :— . kːoj-a bine buqː-o, aIm-aI eIχ-tː-ane. -DAT =3SG -POT -DAT -LV-SUBJ=3SG , . [Keçaari 2001: 53] , , , - ( . (82)—(83) ), , .: (84) bava-n čuresa ki zu institut-a -ERG =3SG=LV+PRS COMP -DAT baʁ-az. -SUBJ=1SG , . 204 … (85) tez bar-kː-o bez viči bij-ane! NEG=1SG -LV-POT -SUBJ=3SG , ![ 1996: 15] , - ( ), nu, te, .: (86) banek-o (ki) nueʁ-az. =3SG=ST-POT COMP NOT= -SUBJ=1SG , . (87) qːiIzab-sa (ki) nana za veInubak-ane. =1SG=LV-PRS COMP :DAT =NOT=LV-SUBJ=3SG , . , , .: (88) ( .) , - , : za tär-b-a ki, zu qːoIdi bak-az... :DAT -LV-IMP COMP -SUBJ=1SG , { - }. (89) hikːal čːapː šej butene ki, oša šo COP=NEG=3SG COMP DIST+NA nuqaj-eʁ-ane. NOT= -LV-SUBJ=3SG , . 5.2. 1- — - « », ( ) , , .: 205 . . (90) ek-i 15, zu va kömäj-b-az! -IMP :DAT -LV-SUBJ=1SG ! (91) aj buχaǯIuχ, vi beIšI bij-az 16. VOC -SUBJ=1SG { .} , , ! (92) :— ?— , . eʁ-atːan hikä ukː-az? -TEMP :NA -SUBJ=1SG , ( ) ? (~ , )? [Aydınov, Keçaari 1996: 39] (93) , , . : mamačin-a taʁ-az, eč-az. -DAT -SUBJ=1SG -SUBJ=1SG П - (~ ) . [ 1996: 13] - ma, nu, .: (94) ek-i, zu ʁe mataʁ-az, äjčːä -IMP PROH= -SUBJ=1SG sagala taʁ-en. -HORT , ! - . , , - 1- - 15 ‘ ’ - ( . ). 16 . bij-az vajna (vaIjna), .« ( )», ( « »/ « »). 206 … -en, , , ( . taʁ-en ‘ ’ < ?*taʁ-ajan). , 1- . . , - (1- . .), (2- ) (3- ). 5.3. « » , , .: (95) ajizlu-n-en tene avaj hikːä b-anej. -O-ERG NEG=3SG =PST :NA -SUBJ=3SG=PST , . [Keçaari 2001: 113] (96) . tülki-n-en häräkäteb-saj šo-tː-oʁ-o -O-ERG =3SG=LV-PRS=PST DIST-NO-PL-DAT biqː-anej. -SUBJ=3SG=PST , ( ). [Aydınov, Keçaari 1996: 39] , , : . , - , j: (97) čurjanc-i tašer-i bazar-e toj-d-ajan. =1PL=LV-AOR -AOC -DAT -LV-SUBJ=1PL { .} . (98) čːovak-al-tː-oʁ-on čurtːunc-i šo-tː-o -PART-NO-PL-ERG =3PL-LV-AOR DIST-NO-DAT χe-n-e boštːan čːevkː-i kːoj-a taš-atːun. -O-DAT -AOC -DAT -SUBJ=3PL { , } . [Keçaari 2001: 133] 207 . . . 5.4. , , « », - . , , . - , - , , ( - ) - -a. - , - , - - ( j), — , ( ). ( ) , . , -a, - , - , , , 17 . , - , - 17 -a -i ( / ); , . . [ 1985: 85—87; Nikolayev, Starostin 1994: 166—169, 173—178], — , , - , . 208 … . - , , . . - — - ‘ - ’, ‘ ’ . . - nu ( - ), 18 . , , . , , - , ( ), — , bak-es ‘ ’ ( . 1.4), čur-es ‘ ’— , .: (99) kːoj-a taj-suntːun čur-ec-i. -DAT -MSD=3PL -LV-AOR . [Keçaari 2001: 123] , , , , - ( , , ). , , 18 « » - — ., , . . , « » ( - ) - [ 1978: 275]. , - , . [ 2002: 147—154]. 209 . . — - , ‘ ’, - , ( 19 ) , . : (100) . (DAT) . (INF) (PRS) .[ 2001: 159] (101) . (DAT) . (PF) (PRS) , .[ 2001: 16] , « » - ( , , ). - , , - - , . , - , - « ». , , - - , . *mono ukː-a COPne ‘ - - ’. ( - , j.) - — - , , 19 . . , , , , , ‘ ’ , — - , —« », - —« »[ 2003: 500 .]. 210 … - ; - . , , [Maisak, to appear]. , — , , ,— . « - » —‘ - ’, — ( - , , ), . , (53) 2.6, -a — , , . -a - , , , ( ) . , « » - : , [Bybee et al. 1994: 230—236], , / 20 [Haspelmath 1998: 41—45] . , - - - — , - 20 , . ., , - : - - . - ( ) , « » - — ,« ». 211 . . ( , - ). - , - — , - . « » , , , — - , , . . ., , , , : (102) šāyad dir kon-am. (IPF)-1SG , .[ 2001: 250] (103) dar-rā bāz kon-am? -DO:DEF (IPF)-1SG ?[ 2001: 250] , - - , . - : , , « », , -a || -ә ( - - ), .[ , ( .) 1971: 117—119]. - , , , : - nu, - 212 … — ma, - . - - / . , , - , - te. - , [Harris 2002: 274— 275]. , -a qːa, - . . -ai- || -aji- ( ) 21: *bak-i qːane > *bak-i qːan > *bak-i an > *bak-i-an > bak-a-in ‘ ’. , /qː/ - /ia/ > /ai/. bak-a-in bak-an — -i- - , ( . bak-anej). , , - ; - . . , ( , , ) - , , *bak-i qːane . , - ‘ ’ *p-ain *p-an ( *p-i-qːan), ukː-ajin ukː-an. , , -i ( , , 21 , ; .[ , . .]. 213 . . ) j ( - , , ). -i « » — - -a, « » - . , qːa ( - ) , . - , , - -a. , , qːa — . . , « - 22 », — , . 6. :« » - , , « », « » j. , . . « », « », . - ( - , , « - » ) 22 , qːan buqː-es ‘ , ’, . *buqː-ane [ -SUBJ=3SG] > qːan. ( - ) , — ‘ ’ ‘ ’( . ). 214 … -sa. , , — , , - , . . - ( ‘ ’). - -saχ - , . , « » - -o, — ,— - , . , « »— , . -o, « », , . - -al — , ,— , - , « », - ( -al - « » , -o). , - , - ,— - , . , - « », . - ( , « » nu), - « » , . 215 . . , , - - . - , — , - ,— , - . , ; , ( - , ) 23 . , , - , - ; , , . . . , - : • - , , « » ( . , ); • - , , ( - , ) « », . . - - ( . - , ). 23 , — . . , ,— -a ( . bak-a ‘ ’ ~ bak-an ‘ ’ , bak-anan ‘ ’/‘ ’ 2- ). 216 … , - , ,— , - . , - , - , - , , . ( ., , , -da, - ; « - », . [Haspelmath 1998: 38—39; Maisak, to appear].) - « » , . , — - ,— - , « », - - [ , 2003]. « - » , — , - . , « » . - - , — , , ,— -r - ( ), - , [ - , ( .) 1971: 137—138; ( .) 1988: 399— 409; Haspelmath 1998: 39]. « - » , , - , [Haspelmath 1998: 43—45]. 217 . . , , « - » , . — , ( - ). , « », - . « » mi- - - , - , - « » [Haspelmath 1998: 55]. , - — , ( . 1.4 ). , - . , - : , , « » , - , , , . - - ( ) - ( ). , boχ-ine ‘ ’, , boχ-ane ‘ - ’, - ( , *boχ-i COPne ‘ ’, *boχ-a COPne ‘ ’). - 24 . , . 24 , -i « », - -e -ijo, « - »; .[ , . .]. 218 … , , , - — . *boχ-i-o COPne ‘ ’ (« ») *boχ(-a)-o COPne ‘ - ’( ). - , , . , - - , - , « ». , « »— , - - . - ( - XIX ) . , - , VIII . . [Gippert et al., to appear], - . - AOR BEN : CAUS + COMP 1, 2, 3 COND ABL COP ADD ‘ , ’ CTRF ADV DAT AOC DAT2 AOP DEB 219 . . DIST O DLOC PART DO:DEF PERF ( .) PERF2 ERG PF FUT ( .) GEN PL HORT PLOC IMP INF POT INS PROH IPF PROX ( .) PRS JUSS PST LAT Q LV RDP MED SG MSD ST NA ( ) SUBJ NEG « » SUPER - NO TEMP ó ( ) TERM NOT « » VOC . . - - . . . ., 1985. . . // . . . , , // - . . XXX. , 1902. ё . . // : . 75- . . - 220 … . .; ., 1960. [ : . . ( .) ... : 100- . . ё . ., 2006.] . . . - . ., 1975. . . // . . . . . ., 1963. . ., . . // - . . 3: : , . ., 1982. . . . - . ... . . . , 1973. . . - - . , 1974. . // . . XXXIII. , 1904. .( .) . , 1996. . . . ., 2003. . . - ? // . . . . // - - . . XX. , 1978. . . ( ) // . . . ., . . - // . 2003. № 6. . - . , 1998. . . . ., 2001. . . . , 2002. . . - . ., 2001. . . — — : // . ., . ., . .( .) . . 3. . ., 2004. . . ( .) - . . ., 1988. . ., . . - - . , 1979. . ., . . ( .) - . , 1971. 221 . . . . : - . . ... . . . ., 2005. . . : - // . ., . .( .) - . .: , 2008. Authier G. Éléments de grammaire Kryz (dialecte d’Alik). To appear, 2009. Aydınov Y. A., Keçaari J. A. Əlifba (TIetıir). Bəkü, 1996. Bybee J. L., Perkins R., Pagliuca W. The evolution of grammar: Tense, aspect and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. Gippert J., Schulze W., Aleksidze Z., Mahé J.-P. The Caucasian Albanian pal- impsest from Mt. Sinai. Edition and interpretation. Turnhout: Brepols. To ap- pear, 2009. Harris A. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2002. Harris A. Placement of person markers in Udi: Supplementary material // . . Haspelmath M. The semantic development of old presents: New futures and sub- junctives without grammaticalization // Diachronica 15.1, 1998. Heine B., Kuteva T. World lexicon of grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 2002. Keçaari Ҝ. Orayin. Bakı, 2001. Maisak . The Present and the Future within the Lezgic tense and aspect sys- tems // Authier G., Maisak . (eds) Tense, aspect, mood & finiteness in Da- ghestanian languages. To appear, 2009. Nikolayev S. L., Starostin S. A. A North Caucasian etymological dictionary. Moscow, 1994. Schulze W. Die Sprache der Uden in Nordazerbajdžan. Studien zur Synchronie und Diachronie einer süd-ostkaukasischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrasso- witz, 1982. Schulze W. A functional grammar of Udi. To appear, 2009. Tatevosov S. From habituals to futures: discerning the path of diachronic devel- opment // Verkuyl H., De Swart H., Van Hout A. (eds) Perspectives on as- pect. Dordrecht: Springer, 2005. 222 Alice C. Harris SUNY Stony Brook PLACEMENT OF PERSON MARKERS IN UDI: SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL In chapter 6 of my book Endoclitics and the Origins of Udi Morpho- syntax, 2002, I present seven the rules that describe the distribution of person markers in Udi, together with examples of their application.* In his review of the book, Wolfgang Schulze (2004: 425) suggests that these rules of placement are mere preferences or tendencies. In the present pa- per I show that these rules, although they are violable, as shown in Harris (2002), are inflexible for many speakers, including my main informants. In a violable set of rules, some rules take precedence over others; one rule is violated in order that another may be observed. Violable rules do not merely express tendencies or preferences, but rather a complex set of or- dered principles. As noted in Harris (2002, note 2 on page 117), in order to present a large number of examples to show the complex way in which the rules * The research reported here was supported in part by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. SRB-9710085 and by the International Research and Exchanges Board under the ACLS-Academy of Sciences Exchange with the Soviet Union (1989). I am grateful for the support of both organizations. My research on Udi is entirely dependent upon the help of my consultants, especially Luiza Nešumašvili, Dodo Misk’ališvili, Nana Agasišvili, and Caco Čik’vaiʒe, to whom I am very grateful. 223 Alice C. Harris interact, I did not provide the ungrammatical examples that would have established that the rules are inflexible, not mere preferences. In the pre- sent paper, in addition to grammatical examples, I supply examples that my informants refused to accept, which serve to show in the standard way that the rules are not mere preferences. 1. Which Udi is Described? As stated in Endoclitics and the Origins of Udi Morphosyntax, the dialect I describe there is the Vartašen dialect as spoken in the village of Okt’omber. I made the decision to describe this dialect on the grounds that it would be too confusing to try to describe both dialects, and I had much better access to speakers of this dialect. As I have shown in subse- quent work (Harris 2005), the differences between the Vartašen and Nij dialects with regard to clitics, though appearing to be substantial because of morphophonological processes, are not great. The grammar of Nij speakers has much the same rules of clitic placement as the grammar of Vartašen speakers. Although I used published texts to learn the main principles of Udi grammar, the synchronic analysis presented in Endoclitics and the Origins of Udi Morphosyntax is based on my fieldwork, not on texts. In particular, the positions in which the clitics occur under various conditions could not have been worked out if I had not had the opportunity to present to con- sultants sentences in which the clitics were in unacceptable positions. Only in this way can it be ascertained that the position of the clitics is strictly determined, not merely a tendency or a preference. After I had identified the principles that determine the positioning of clitics, I turned again to published texts to ascertain whether clitics are obligatory in the texts and whether the same principles predict the posi- tions of clitics there — in essence, to determine whether they represent the same dialect and style. In general, I found that use of the clitics is obligatory in all texts, and the same principles govern their positioning. However, I found that in the texts an alternative position, enclitic to the verb (“permissive placement”), was allowed under certain circumstances (see Harris 2002: 136—138). I then went back to my primary consultants 224 Placement of Person Markers in Udi and discovered that they would acknowledge the use of examples with permissive placement but would not produce them. I also found two in- stances on tape where one consultant had produced examples of permis- sive placement, then changed them. Throughout Endoclitics and the Origins of Udi Morphosyntax, I cited some examples from published texts as an external, objective confirmation of my results. I felt that this was especially important in this work for several reasons. First, I was claiming that endocliticization, a phenomenon previously claimed not to exist, does in fact exist. Second, the language had been described in eight grammars, the first written some 150 years earlier; yet no one had ever recognized that these particles were endoclitics nor accurately described their placement. Third, in order for the results of a study to be credible, they must be verifiable. Yet it is not easy for the linguist reading Endoclitics in Western Europe or America to find a native speaker of Udi with whom to verify the data. In addition, many linguists do not speak a language that could be used to obtain Udi data — Russian, Georgian, Azerbaijani, or Armenian. Under these cir- cumstances, a critical reader needs to have evidence of the accuracy of the data, in order to verify the claims of the author. It is true that the reader must accept the author’s glosses (and thus to some extent the analysis), but these glosses can at least be checked for consistency with presentations of morphemes made in the book, and the examples themselves can, in princi- ple, be checked with the published texts. Thus, while inclusion of exam- ples from texts is not a perfect solution to the problem of easy reproduci- bility, it is the best available. It is for this reason that text examples are in- cluded at every stage possible (see also Harris 2002: 11). Texts published by Schiefner, like all other published texts, essentially follow the principles I state in Harris (2002: 116—134, 136—138). These texts also provide examples of two interesting phenomena not used or recognized by my consultants. One of these is the compound verb, which provides a grammatical environment not found in the verb forms used to- day; it is because of this environment that they are of some interest (see Harris 2002: 138). Compound verbs are attested also in later texts (such as those in Dirr 1904 and 1928, Jeiranišvili 1971); the second phenome- non of interest, an additional endoclitic al ‘and’, is found as an endoclitic only in Schiefner’s texts. I describe it in my book because it raises inter- esting problems regarding the ordering of endoclitics in clusters (Harris 225 Alice C. Harris 2002: 134—136, 146, 158—162); yet, like compound verbs, this clitic is entirely consistent with other aspects of the grammar. It is easy to account for both of these phenomena under the assumption that they were simply lost — the additional endoclitic in the second half of the nineteenth cen- tury, and compound verb forms more recently. Thus, while the exemplifi- cation of the same basic principles of grammar in Schiefner’s texts shows that they are genuine examples of Udi, two small differences are of some theoretical interest and are included in my book for this reason. In contrast to this, the translation of the Gospels into Udi (Bežanov and Bežanov 1902, Schulze 2001) presents some problems, since some verb forms in it violate principles not elsewhere violated, either by speakers or in texts. Take as an example the form benesa ‘she does’ (Matthew 26:10). Here b(e)- ‘do, make’ is the verb stem, -ne- is the endoclitic agreement marker (person-number marker, PM) of third person singular subjects, and -(e)sa is the present tense formant. In other texts and in my fieldnotes, there are no other forms in which these three morphemes occur in this or- der; this order violates the applicable descriptive principle, my rule 6, which specifies that with verb stems consisting of a single consonant or a CV sequence, “PMs are enclitic to the entire verb form” (Harris 2002: 127). (There are verbs that superficially appear to behave like b(e)- here, but b(e)- does not have the characteristics of those verbs (see Harris 2002: 127, 130).) More generally, the PM never occurs immediately before the tense—aspect—mood suffix. Forms such as be-ne-sa are not acceptable to my consultants, and they raise the issue of the status of the lect in which these texts are written. This is particularly so since neither the texts that come before them (Schiefner’s 1863 texts) nor those that come after (Bouda 1939, Dirr 1904, 1928, Jeiranišvili 1971, etc.) attest this pattern. Because this phenomenon violates the rules that are established on the ba- sis of consultants and other texts, yet is not of particular interest, in order to restrict my description to a single consistent variant, I considered it best not to use these texts. 2. The Rules of PM Placement in Udi The rules that place the person-number clitics (PMs) of Udi are viola- ble in the sense that some rules take precedence over others. For example, 226 Placement of Person Markers in Udi if the conditions for both rules 1 and 2 are met in a given clause, rule 1 always takes precedence; rule 2 cannot apply. The rules are inflexible in the sense that there are no alternatives, no choices. It is true that, as shown in some texts, some speakers allow what I have called “permissive placement”, which I have described separately (Harris 2002: 136—138). But my informants did not allow this; they permitted only one placement of the PMs in any given sentence. Consequently, it is not described here. The rules are numbered here and in chapter 6, such that a lower numbered rule always takes precedence over a higher numbered one. Some addi- tional grammatical examples and some ungrammatical examples are pre- sented briefly here. In all instances these data are intended only to be supplemental to the book, where the facts are discussed at greater length; the description in the present paper is not meant to stand alone. The rules are summarized below. Rule 1. PMs are final in the Vx if the verb is in the future II, the sub- junctive I, the subjunctive II, or the imperative. Rule 2. PMs occur enclitic to a focused constituent. a — PMs occur enclitic to a negative particle. b — PMs occur enclitic to a questioned constituent. c — PMs occur enclitic to other focused constituents. Rule 3. In clauses with zero copulas, PMs are enclitic to predicate nomi- nals. Rule 4. PMs are endoclitic in a complex verbstem, occurring between the IncE and the light verb or verb root. a — In a productive causative, PMs occur between the infinitive (in -es) and the light verb. In an archaic causative, PMs occur between the -ev affix and the light verb. b — PMs occur between the IncE (noun, adjective, adverb, simplex verbstem, borrowed verb, unidentified element, or locative pre- verb) and the light verb or verb root. Rule 5. For verbstems of class M, in the intransitive, PMs are endoclitic, occurring between the verbstem and the present tense marker. Rule 6. With verb forms of category A and category B, PMs are enclitic to the entire verb form. 227 Alice C. Harris a — Category A consists of verb forms with a stem (or an allomorph of a stem) consisting entirely of a single consonant or a CV sequence. b — Category B consists of irregular forms of other verbs: aba-za ‘I know’, ex-ne ‘she says’, p’ur-e-ne ‘he died’, č’e-re-ne ‘she went out’, a-re-ne ‘she came’, ci-re-ne ‘she went down’. Rule 7. PMs are endocliticized immediately before the final consonant in monomorphemic verb roots. Ungrammatical sentences establish that the rules are inflexible. Rule 1 is inviolable, since no other rule takes precedence over it. The asterisk here indicates that consultants judged the sentence to be ungrammatical; in most instances they corrected the ungrammatical sentence. For exam- ple, ungrammatical (*2) was corrected to (1). Rule 1. PMs are final in the Vx if the verb is in the future II, the sub- junctive I, the subjunctive II, or the imperative. The future II is marked with -al, the subjunctive I with -a, the subjunc- tive II with -a...-i, and the imperative with -a. (1) vič-en äyel-ax sak-al-le kura-boš1 brother-ERG child-DAT push-FUTII-3SG hole-in Brother will push the child into a hole. 1 Abbreviations used in glossing examples include the following ABL ablative, ABSL absolutive, AOR aorist, DAT dative, ERG ergative, GEN genitive, FUT future, INF infinitive, INV inversion set of agreement markers, LV light verb, NEG negative, OBL oblique formant, PL plural, PRES present, Q question marker, REL relative clause marker, SG singular, SUBJV subjunctive. In other contexts, PM is a person marker, a clitic person-number agreement marker, and an IncE in the rules is an incorporated element, one of the initial elements in complex verb forms. Light verbs whose lexical meaning can be discerned are glossed with it; others are glossed ‘LV’. The initial morpheme in a complex verb is often glossed with the meaning of the whole, either to make interpretation easier, or because the meaning of this morpheme is not known independently. Subscripts are used to unify glosses on morphemes that are split by PMs. “Taral” and “Recipes” are unpublished texts; all examples are from the authors field notes. Udi does not have gender; neutral third person arguments are translated in this paper with masculine or feminine pronouns. 228 Placement of Person Markers in Udi (2) *vič-en äyel-ne sak-al kura-boš brother-ERG child.ABSL-3SG push-FUTII hole-in Brother will push A CHILD into a hole. (3) vič-en äyel-ne sak-e kura-boš brother-ERG child.ABSL-3SG pushBAORII hold-in The brother pushed A CHILD into a hole. Grammatical sentence (1) illustrates the placement of the PM according to rule 1 with the verb form in the future II. (3) shows that the PM can be enclitic to a focused constituent in the aorist II, but (*2) shows that this position is not possible in the future II. The enclitic position illustrated in (1) is not a preference or a tendency; it is the only position permitted in the tense forms named in the rule. Rule 2. PMs occur enclitic to a focused constituent. a — PMs occur enclitic to a negative particle. b — PMs occur enclitic to a questioned constituent. c — PMs occur enclitic to other focused constituents. (4) q’ačaɣ-ɣ-on bez tänginax te-q’un bašq’-e thief-PL-ERG my money.OBL.DAT NEG-3PL steal-AORII Thieves did NOT steal my money. (5) *q’ačaɣ-ɣ-on bez tänginax te baš-q’un-q’-e thief-PL-ERG my money.OBL.DAT NEG steal1-3PL-steal2-AORII Thieves did NOT steal my money. (6) q’ačaɣ-ɣ-on bez tänginax baš-q’un-q’-e thief-PL-ERG my money.OBL.DAT steal1-3PL-steal2-AORII Thieves stole my money. (4) illustrates the application of rule 2a. Without negation, (*5) would be grammatical, as shown by the grammaticality of (6). Thus, rule 2a forces the PM to occur enclitic to the negative. Rule 1 takes precedence over rule 2a. (7) baba-n eʕš nut eč-al-le k’wa father-ERG apple.ABSL NEG bring-FUTII-3SG house.DAT Father will not bring apples to the house. (= (6) in Harris 2002: 118) 229 Alice C. Harris (8) * baba-n eʕ š te-ne / nut-te eč-al k’wa father-ERG apple.ABSL NEG-3SG NEG-3SG bring-FUTII house.DAT Father will not bring apples to the house. (9) irähät-en cil te-ne bit’-e epsen peasant-ERG seed.ABSL NEG-3SG sow-AORII this.year The peasant did not sow seed(s) this year. (10)*irähät-en cil te-ne bit’-al(-le) epsen peasant-ERG seed.ABSL NEG-3SG sow-FUTII(-3SG) this.year The peasant will not sow seed(s) this year. (11) irähät-en cil te-ne bist’a epsen peasant-ERG seed.ABSL NEG-3SG sow.PRES this.year The peasant is not sowing seed(s) this year. (12) mayhlina xod nut’ boš-t’-al-le yard.OBL.DAT tree.ABSL NEG plant-LV-FUTII-3SG He will not plant a tree in the yard. (= (i) in Harris 2002: n. 7, p. 123) (13)*mayhlina xod te-ne / nut’-t’e boš-t’-al yard.OBL.DAT tree.ABSL NEG-3SG NEG-3SG plant-LV-FUTII He will not plant a tree in the yard. (14) mayhlina xod te-ne boš-t’-esa yard.OBL.DAT tree.ABSL NEG-3SG plant-LV-PRES He is not planting a tree in the yard. In (7—*8), (*10), and (12—*13), the conditions for both rules 1 and 2a are met. In (7) and (12), rule 1 has applied, producing grammatical sen- tences; in (*8) and (*10), rule 2a has applied. Thus, when a sentence meets the conditions of both rule 1 and rule 2a, rule 1 always wins out. In (9), (11), and (14), the condition for rule 1 is not met, and rule 2a applies. Sentences (9), (11), and (14) thus show that sentences with the PM en- clitic to the negative are grammatical, as long as the verb is not in one of the tense named in rule 1. The ungrammaticality of (*8) and (*10) shows that the speaker has no choice in the placement of the PM. Rule 2b is illustrated in (15). (15) fi-n-ax ma-n buʕɣa-b-e? wine-OBL-DAT where-2SG find-DO-AORII WHERE did you get the wine? 230 Placement of Person Markers in Udi (16)*ma-n fi-n-ax buʕɣa-b-e? where-2SG wine.ABSL find-DO-AORII WHERE did you get the wine? or Where did you get the WINE? Rule 1 has precedence over rule 2b. In (17—*20) the conditions for both rule 1 and rule 2b are met, but the speaker has no choice in which rule to apply; as shown by the ungrammaticality of (*18) and (*20), he must ap- ply rule 1, not 2b. (17) ek’alu eɣ-al-a vi viči? 2 why come-FUTII-Q your brother Why won’t your brother come? (cf. (14) in Harris 2002: 119) (18)*ek’alu-a eɣ-al vi viči? why-Q come-FUTII your brother Why won’t your brother come? (19) ek’a b-al-lu? what do-futII-2sg What will you do? (20)*ek’a-n b-al? what-2SG do-FUTII What will you do? (21) ek’a-n b-esa what-2SG do-PRES What are you doing? In (17—20), the conditions for both rule 1 and rule 2b are met. In (17) and (19), rule 1 has applied; and in (*18) and (*20), rule 2b has applied. Thus, when the conditions on rules1 and 2b are both met, 1 wins out; the speaker has no choices. In (21), the condition on rule 1 is not met, since the present is not one of the tenses listed there; rule 2b applies correctly. Again, these examples show that the rules are not preferences or ten- dencies. If a sentence contains a question word, it will be ungram- matical if it does not follow rule 2b, unless the conditions for rule 1 or rule 2a are also met. In the latter case, the sentence will only be gram- 2 The clitic -a is used only when there is a question word and a third person sin- gular subject. Its placement is described by rules 1—7, just as that of the PMs is. 231 Alice C. Harris matical if it follows the higher ranked (lower numbered) rule. There is no variation in this regard. Rule 2a takes precedence over 2b. In these examples I have only translation data, and thus no ungrammatical examples. Nevertheless I am confident that no other order is possible, because of the consistency of many examples at different times, with different speakers, confirmed by evidence from texts. (22) šu te-a a-r-e who.ABSL NEG-Q hither-R-AORII Who did not come? Rule 2c is illustrated below. (23) äyel-en p’aʕ eʕš-ne aq’-e child-ERG two apple.ABSL-3SG take-AORII The child took TWO APPLES. (= (17) in Harris 2002: 119) (24) äyel-en p’aʕ eʕš-n-ux a-ne-q’-e child-ERG two apple-OBL-DAT take1-3SG-take2-AORII The child took the two apples. (25) äyel-en k’uč’an-ne beʕɣ-sa child-ERG puppy-3SG watch-PRES The child is watching A PUPPY. (= (19) in Harris 2002: 120) (26) äyel-en beʕ-ne-ɣ-sa k’uč’an-n-ax child-ERG watch1-3SG-watch2-PRES puppy-OBL-DAT The child is watching the puppy. (27) šuxo-n ait-exa? who.ABL-2SG word-SAY.PRES WHO are you talking to? (28) bez vič-exo-z ait-exa. my brother-ABL-1SG word-SAY.PRES I am talking TO MY BROTHER.. (29) šux-nu peškaš-b-e me k’inig-in-a? who-2SG lend-DO-AORII this book-OBL-DAT TO WHOM did you lend this book? 232 Placement of Person Markers in Udi (30) bez vič-ex-zu peškaš-b-e me k’inigi-n-a my brotherBDAT-1SG lend-DO-AORII this book-OBL-DAT I lent it to MY BROTHER. Sentences (23), (25), (28), and (30) illustrate the application of rule 2c; (24) and (26) show that if the PM is not placed according to rule 2c, ar- gument focus is not expressed (see Harris 2002: 54—55, following Lam- brecht 1994 on this terminology). The question-answer pairs in (27)/(28) and (29)/(30) help to show that this is really focus, since answers to con- tent questions focus on the filler of the gap represented in the question by the question word. Rule 1 takes precedence over rule 2c. See in addition (1) and (*2). (31) nana-n buʕɣa-b-al-le p’aʕ ačik’alšey mother-ERG find-do-FUTII-3SG two toy.ABSL Mother will find two toys. (cf. (5), (35), (37) in Harris 2002) (32)*nana-n ačik’alšey-ne buʕɣa-b-al mother-ERG toy.ABSL-3SG find-do-FUTII Mother will find A TOY. (*32) shows that the PM cannot be enclitic to a focused constituent in one of the tenses listed in rule 1; instead, rule 1 must apply if the conditions on it are met. This is not a preference; it is an inflexible rule. Rule 2a wins out over 2c. (33) k’iniga-x te-z bes-e book-DAT NEG-1SG borrow-AORII I did NOT borrow the book. (34)*k’iniga-z te bes-e book.ABSL-1SG NEG borrow-AORII I did not borrow A BOOK. In (33) and (*34) the conditions for both rules 2a and 2c are met. (33) shows that under these conditions, rule 2a wins out, with the consequence that no focus (other than the negative) is indicated. In (*34), rule 2c has applied instead. Thus, the rules are violable, but they are not the expres- sion of tendencies or preferences. 233 Alice C. Harris Rule 3. In clauses with zero copulas, PMs are enclitic to predicate nominals. (35) nana šel-le mother.ABSL well-3SG Mother is well. (36) hava etär-a weather.ABSL how-Q HOW is the weather? (37) hava šel-le weather.ABSL well-3SG The weather is good. In the tenses other than the present, an overt copular is usual. My only examples of the zero copula in one of the tenses listed in rule 1 are from texts, and thus I have only grammatical examples. (38) shows the applica- tion of rule 1. (38) fikir-[r]e-b-i: [h]at’ia xe bak-al-[l]e think-3SG-LV-AORI right.there water.ABSL be-FUTII-3SG He thought: [there] will be water there. [Taral] On the interaction of rules 2a and 3, see (28) in Harris (2002: 121); on the interaction of 2b and 3 see (36) and (39) here; on the interaction of 2c and 3 see (40). In this case again I have only texts or translation data, and thus no ungrammatical sentences. (39) nana etär-a? mother.ABSL how-Q How is mother? (40) ka xe-al, ka uš-al vi-ne that water-AND that firewood-AND yours-3SG That water and that firewood are yours. [Taral] Rule 4. PMs are endoclitic in a complex verbstem, occurring between the IncE and the light verb or verb root. a — In a productive causative, PMs occur between the infinitive (in -es) and the light verb. In an archaic causative, PMs occur between the -ev affix and the light verb. 234 Placement of Person Markers in Udi b — PMs occur between the IncE (noun, adjective, adverb, simplex verbstem, borrowed verb, unidentified element, or locative pre- verb) and the light verb or verb root. (41—42) illustrate the application of rule 4a in productive causatives, (43—44) the application of rule 4b. (41) nana-n äyel-ax ak’-es-ne-d-e k’uč’an mother-ERG child-DAT see-INF-3SG-LV-AORII puppy.ABSL Mother showed a puppy to the child.. (42) iš-en q’onaɣ-ax uʕɣ-es-ne-st’a fi man-ERG guest-DAT drink-INF-3SG-LV.PRES wine.ABSL The man gives the guest wine to drink [lit. makes the guest drink wine]. (43) iš-en k’ok’oc’-ax šam-ne-p-e man-ERG chicken-DAT kill-3SG-LV-AORII The man killed the chicken. (44) xinär-en partal-ax yamaluɣ-ne-b-sa girl-ERG clothes-DAT mend-3SG-DO-PRES The girl is mending the clothes. Rule 4a is a special instance of 4b, and so the two are treated together here. Rule 1 takes precedence over rule 4. In (45) and (*46), the condi- tions for rules 1 and 4 are met; in (45) rule 1 applies, in (*46) rule 4. (47) shows that the position of the person marker in (*46) is perfectly gram- matical in the aorist, a tense not listed in rule 1. (The light verb in these examples is suppletive: here -k’- vs. -p-.) (45) (zu) eɣel šam-k’-al-zu I.ERG sheep.ABSL kill-LV-FUTII-1SG I will kill a sheep. (cf. (8) in Harris 2002: 118) (46)*(zu) eɣel šam-zu-k’-al I.ERG sheep.ABSL kill-1SG-LV-FUTII I will kill a sheep. (47) eɣel šam-zu-p-e sheep.ABSL kill-1SG-LV-AORII I killed a sheep The speaker has no choice about which rule he applies here. 235 Alice C. Harris When the conditions for rules 2a and 4 are met, 2a wins; an example is (14). Rule 2b also takes precedence over 4. In (48) rule 2b applies cor- rectly; (*49) is identical, except that rule 4 has applied instead. (48) fi-n-ax ma-n buʕɣa-b-e? wine-OBL-DAT where-2SG find-DO-AORII WHERE did you get the wine? (49)*fi-n-ax ma buʕɣa-n-b-e? wine-OBL-DAT where find-2SG-DO-AORII Where did you get the wine? Rule 2c takes precedence over 4. In (50) and (51), the conditions for both rules are met, and rule 2c has applied. If rule 4 applies instead, the results are (47) and (42), where no focus is expressed. (50) (zu) eɣel-zu šam-p-e I.ERG sheep.ABSL-1SG kill-LV-AORII I killed a SHEEP. (51) iš-en q’onaɣ-ax fi-ne uʕɣ-es-t’-esa man-ERG guest-DAT wine.ABSL-3SG drink-INF-LV-PRES The man gives the guest WINE to drink [lit. makes the guest drink WINE]. (Usually the light verb -d- metathesizes with the s of the present tense formant and assimilates to t’, as in (42); in (51) the consultant instead separated t’ from s with e.) Rule 4 logically does not interact with rule 3. Examples showing that rule 4a takes precedence over rule 4b are provided in the book, with addi- tional discussion about the possibility of 4b taking precedence over 4a. Rules 5 and 6 are exception rules and are treated completely in Harris (2002: 127—129, 130—131). Rule 7. PMs are endocliticized immediately before the final consonant in monomorphemic verb roots. Examples of monomorphemic verb roots are the following: ač- ‘get lost’, ak’- ‘see’, ap’- ‘ripen’, aq’- ‘take’, bak ‘be, become’, bap’- ‘no- tice; arrive’, bašq’- ‘steal’, beʕɣ- ‘look at, watch, take care of’, biq’- ‘build, make, hire’, bos- ‘throw away, throw’, boš- ‘satiate’, box- ‘cook, boil’, boʕq’- ‘gather, harvest’, buq’- ‘want, love’, burq- ‘begin’, čalx- 236 Placement of Person Markers in Udi ‘recognize, know’, čuk- ‘pick, etc.’, duɣ- ‘beat’, ef- ‘keep’, lax- ‘put’, muč- ‘kiss’, sak- ‘push’, uk- ‘eat’, uk’- ‘say’ (future stem of suppletive p- ‘say’), uʕɣ- ‘drink’. The equal sign shows the position of the PM, not a morpheme boundary. (52) seivan-axo taral-a a-t’u-k’-sa balcony-ABL lazy-DAT see1-INV3SG-see2-PRES pačaɣ-un čubɣ-o-n king-GEN woman-OBL-ERG The king’s wife sees the lazy one from the balcony. [Taral] (53) u-q’un-k-esa, uʕ-q’un-ɣ-esa eat1-3PL-eat2-PRES drink1-3PL-drink2-PRES They eat [and] they drink. (54) merab-en ait-ax e-ne-f-sa Merab-ERG word-DAT keep1-3SG-keep2-PRES Merab keeps his word. (55) merab-en čubux be-ne-s-e marina Merab-ERG wife.ABSL ask1-3SG-ask2-AORII Marina Merab proposed to Marina. All other rules take precedence over rule 7. This rule applies only when the following combination of conditions are all met: there is an overt verb (cf. rule 3), and it is not in one of the tenses listed in rule 1; there is no negation, no question word, and no other focused constituent (cf. rule 2); there is no light verb (cf. rule 4); and the conditions for the exception rules 5 and 6 are not met. If all of these conditions are met, then rule 7 must apply; there is no other option. (56) ma-te naʕyne ba-s-k-e.... where-REL yesterday be1-1SG-be2-AORII Where I was yesterday... (57)*ma-te naʕyne bak-e-z(u)... where-REL yesterday be-AORII-1SG Where I was yesterday... The “” shows the position in which the PM occurs in some examples with this verb, such as in (56). (*57) is ungrammatical because none of the conditions for rules 1—6 are met, yet rule 1 applied. 237 Alice C. Harris (58) eq’ara göle c’abul bak-a-n, how(ever)many many chestnut.ABSL be-SUBJV-3SG hat’ema šel-le that.many good-3SG The more chestnuts [there] may be, the better [it is]. [Recipe 4] (59)*q’ačaɣ-ɣ-on bez tänginax baš-q’un-q’-al thief-PL-ERG my money.DAT steal1-3PL-steal2-FUTII Thieves will steal my money. (cf. (1), (20), (22), 45) in Harris 2002) In the first clause of (58) and in (*59) the conditions for rule 1 are met, and therefore rule 7 cannot apply, as the ungrammaticality of (*59) demon- strates. (*59) should be compared with (6). The ungrammaticality of (*59) in contrast with (6) shows that this is not a tendency, but a firm rule. (60) äyel-en te-ne beʕɣ-sa k’uč’an-n-ax child-ERG NEG-3SG watch-PRES puppy-OBL-DAT The child is NOT watching the puppy. In (60) the conditions on rules 2a and 7 are met, and 2a must apply. (61) evaxt’-un gazet-nu aq’-e? when-GEN newspaper-2SG get-AORII WHAT DAY’S NEWSPAPER did you get? (62)*evaxt’-un gazet a-nu-q’-e? when-GEN newspaper get1-2SG-get2-AORII What day’s newspaper did you get? (63) a-z-q’-e t’e kaɣəz-ax, mat’ux-te efaʕn get1-1SG-get2-AORII that letter-DAT this.DAT-REL you.PL yaq’a-nan-b-e send-2PL-DO-AORII I got the letter which you sent. (cf. (44) in Harris 2002: 125) (63) shows that the root aq’- ‘get, take, receive’ is a regular monosyllabic verbstem, taking a PM in the position indicated by “” in (61). Yet in the question in (61) and (*62), the PM cannot occur in the “” position, because rule 2b takes precedence over rule 7. The speaker does not have the option of applying rule 7 instead, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (*62). 238 Placement of Person Markers in Udi (64) merab-en čubux be-ne-s-e marina Merab-ERG wife.ABSL ask1-3SG-ask2-AORII Marina Merab proposed to Marina. (= (55) above) (65) merab-en čubux-ne bes-e marina Merab-ERG wife.ABSL-3SG ask-AORII Marina Merab PROPOSED to Marina. (65) shows that when a constituent is focused, the PM is enclitic to it, by rule 2c. Rule 2c takes precedence over rule 7; if 7 applies, the result is not ungrammatical, but simply without argument focus, as in (64). Rule 3 does not interact with 7. Rule 4 takes precedence over 7. In (66)/(*67) there is a complex verbstem, č’ap’-bak- ‘hide (oneself), be hid- den’. (č’ap’ as a noun means ‘grapevine’, but it is not clear that this lexi- cal item is related to the verbstem.) Bak- functions here as a light verb, but elsewhere it serves as an independent verb meaning ‘be, become; be able’. In a complex verbstem, the PM must follow rule 4, occurring between the light verb and the incorporated element, here č’ap’-, as shown in (66). (66) äyel č’ap’-ne-bak-e ič vič-ex child.ABSL hide-3SG-BE-AORII self’s brother-DAT The child hid from his brother. (67)*äyel č’ap’-ba-ne-k-e ič vič-ex child.ABSL hide-BE1-3SG-BE2- AORII self’s brother-DAT The child hid from his brother. As shown above in (56), bak- as a simplex, independent verbstem takes a PM in the position indicated (bak-); yet this position is ungrammatical in (*67). This shows clearly that rule 4, not 7, must apply when the condi- tions on both are met. Once again, this is not a tendency; it is the only possibility. Rules 5 and 6 take precedence over rule 7, as shown in Harris (2002). 3. Conclusion This paper has provided supplementary evidence to show that the seven placement rules for Udi PM’s are strict (though violable) rules, not tendencies or preferences. When the conditions on a rule are met, it must 239 Alice C. Harris apply unless the conditions on another, higher ranking (lower numbered), rule are also met. In that case, it is the higher ranking rule that must ap- ply. Statistics that show that “Vartashen less frequently uses agreement clitics... to focus verb external constituents than Nizh” (Schulze 2004: 425) show exactly that, not that placement of PMs is a matter of prefer- ences. Speakers may or may not prefer to use focus; but if they use it, they must follow rule 2, unless the conditions for rule 1 are also met. Preferences for focus are not the same thing as requirements for mark- ing focus when it is selected. This paper should have removed any re- maining misconceptions concerning alleged tendencies or preferences in the placement of clitics in Udi. References Bežanov, Semjon and Mixail Bežanov. 1902. Svjatoe evangelie. (Sbornik materi- alov dlja opisanija mestnostej i plemen Kavkaza, vol. 12.) Tbilisi. Bouda, Karl. 1939. Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Udischen auf Grund neuer Texte. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 93.1: 60—72. Dirr, Adolph. 1904. Grammatika udinskogo jazyka. (Sbornik materialov dlja opi- sanija mestnostej i plemen Kavkaza, vol. 33.) Tbilisi. Dirr, Adolph. 1928. Udische Texte. Caucasica 5: 60—72. Harris, Alice C. 2002. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harris, Alice C. 2005. The status of person marking in Nij Udi. Haptačahap- tāitiš: Festschrift for Fridrik Thordarson, ed. by Dag Haug and Eirik Welo, 91—104. Oslo: Novus Forlag. Jeiranišvili, Evgeni. 1971. Udiuri ena. [The Udi language.] Tbilisi: University. Lambrecht, Knud. 1994. Information structure and sentence form: Topic, focus and the mental representations of discourse referents. Cambridge: CUP. Schiefner, A. 1863. Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. Mémoires de l’Aka- démie impériale des sciences de St.-Pétersbourg, VII série, tome vi, no. 8. St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. Schulze, Wolfgang. 2001. The Udi Gospels: Annotated text, etymological index, lemmatized concordance. Munich: Lincom Europa. Schulze, Wolfgang. 2004. Review article: Alice C. Harris, Endoclitics and the Origins of Udi Morphosyntax, Oxford. Studies in Language 28: 419—441. 240 Wolfgang Schulze University of Munich DEICTIC STRATEGIES IN UDI 1. Introduction Deictic strategies can be defined as an ensemble of lexical and/or mor- phological means that encode the speaker’s attentional attitude towards an Outer World entity or towards a previously established state of knowledge or memory. Most importantly, deictic strategies lack the more or less pro- nounced imaging of an Outer World or memory stimulus by perception. Instead, locational aspects play the major role, that is the assumed ‘dis- tance’ (as perceived or construed metaphorically) between a perceiver and a stimulus. In addition, deictic strategies can react upon classificational segments stemming from the processing of a stimulus, such as conceptual classification, lexical classification, or speech act properties. Finally, deic- tic strategies may copy the immediate speech act itself (communicative situation), involving a second or third person (non-personne). From this it follows that deictic strategies are marked for a threefold set of conceptual spaces, as illustrated in (1), ∆ = deictic strategy: (1) Communicative situation reference (c(∆)) Stimulus properties reference (s(∆)) (∆) ‘Distance’ reference (d(∆)) 241 Wolfgang Schulze It comes clear that from a typological point of view, these parameters need not be always present or activated. Still, we have to assume that this complex mental space plays a crucial role in establishing deictic reference in cognition. Deictic reference is hence the central functional domain of the ensemble of deictic strategies. But contrary to standard referential strategies as embodied for instance in lexical nouns, deictic reference it- self remains opaque as for properties of the stimulus referred to. Linguis- tically, this fact is expressed by the incompatibility of the structure ‘At- tribute + Demonstrative’, e.g. Udi *kala meno ‘great + this:one’. How- ever, it should be noted that the underlying cognitive structure, namely φ(∆) [φ = qualification] forms the basis of any conceptual representation of ‘nouns’, compare English, (2) teach-er = teach(-er) = φ(∆) which reads: A teacher = [someone, who](∆) [teaches](φ). Note that in this ex- ample, the deictic strategy -er, usually called a word formation suffix denot- ing nomina agentis, lacks the dimensions c(∆) and d(∆), mentioned in (1). From this it follows that the universe of deictic strategies is much lar- ger than what is traditionally described in terms of ‘demonstrative (pro- nouns)’: The concrete semantics depends from the activation grade of the three parameters listed in (1). The table in (3) illustrates several options to differently flag these parameters. (3) c(∆) s(∆) d(∆) + – – > ‘you’ 1 – + – > ‘someone who does/is’ – – + > ‘this here’ + + – > ‘you (woman)’ – + + > ‘this (woman) here’ + + + > ‘you (woman) here’ etc. In principle, it can be assumed that any language has tools to encode the interaction of these parameters. Deictic strategies are — in the first run — 1 Note that, here, I do not refer to Speech Act Participants as a whole. The ‘First Person’ is considered to share much more properties with referential terms than with deictic terms. Accordingly, the deictic value of ‘I’ is secondary, whereas it is primary with ‘you’. 242 Deictic Strategies in Udi universal cognitive strategies the linguistic representation of which, however, can be based on different ‘methods’. (4) summarizes the individual options. (4) Cog.Cat Lexical Constructional Inflectional General Radical Lexical Idiomatic Specific By ‘constructional’ is meant any syntax-based strategy to encode a cognitive category. ‘Radical constructions’ (slightly different from what has been proposed by Croft 2001) are merely structural devices, ‘lexical constructions’ show at least one lexical ‘anchor’, whereas ‘idiomatic con- structions’ are fully lexical. In the present paper, I want to concentrate on lexical devices to encode deictic strategies in Udi. It should, however, be noted that Udi also knows morphological devices, such as deictic preverbs (albeit no longer produc- tive), for instance e(y)sun < *e-ğ-esun ‘hither-move’, taysun < *ta-ğ-esun ‘thither-move’, laysun < *la-ğ-esun up(:there)-move’ etc., much of which are better preserved in Old Udi). Constructional patterns present especially with the preverbal in-situ focus and given topic placement (by themselves deictic strategies to refer to knowledge states). Lexical devices to encode deictic strategies often show up as what is usually termed a ‘demonstrative pronoun’. Diessel (1999) has set up a rather helpful typology of ‘demonstratives’, according to which the rele- 243 Wolfgang Schulze vant elements can be assigned to four ‘classes’. Here, I will use this clas- sification in a slightly modified way: The framework of Cognitive Typol- ogy (see Schulze (in press a)) postulates that lexical and morphological elements can be related to one of the following three classes: (5) Reference Relator Pragmatic markers ‘Reference’ is set up by the world of lexical elements that represent more or less time-stable concepts marked for the feature ‘object perma- nence’ (e.g. nouns). ‘Relators’, on the other hand, are given by the whole world of strategies to relate referential concepts in terms of ‘event con- cepts’ (such as verbs, adjectives, adverbs etc.). We can use this typology to render Diessel’s classification more precise: (6) Reference Relator ‘By itself’ Demonstrative Deictic/Identificational verb Qualifying Adnominal Adverbial (7) illustrates these domains with the help of selected data from Udi. Note that in Udi, deictic verbs are rendered in terms of constructions: (7) Reference Relator ‘By itself’ mono, moo etc. [mono bune] etc. Qualifying me etc. mia ~ miya etc. Before turning to some of the lexical devices used in Udi to encode these deictic strategies, it seems appropriate to sum up a number of methodo- logical issues (cf. Schulze 2003). First, deictic lexemes (DL) lack general assumptions of their grammati- calization paths: We can hardly tell what the lexical basis has been for many such pronouns. Very often it seems that there is a strong phonestemathic re- lation between form and meaning/function (cf. Hymes 1972) to which some aspects of embodiment have to be added (gesture, internality/externality, visual horizon etc.) 2. Only in some rare instances the lexical (denotational or referential) paradigm can be regarded as a possible source for DLs: Con- 2 I refrain from using the term expressive here, because it seems much too vague and because it is often used simply to denote functional or semantic fuzzi- ness on the descriptive level. 244 Deictic Strategies in Udi sider a structure DISTAL + <GROUND> which may be grammaticalized as a distal deixis with the notion „downwards“ or „down there“. Second, the phonetic make-up of DLs often differs from what can be as- sumed to be canonical for the phonotactics of the lexicon. They seem to be located at the very edges of the phonotactic continuum that characterizes a language, ranging from very simple to very complex forms. Moreover, they may involve phonemes of high frequency as well as rare, hence marked and marginal ones: e.g. the Burkikhan dialect of Aghul (Eastern Samur) as four basic DLs: me/i-, te/i-, le/i-, and ge/i-. The vowels represent the second- and sixth-frequent phonemes (i = 12.13, e = 4.75), followed by l (2.59), t (2.21), and m (1.60), whereas g has a rate of only 0.60 (Schulze 1998:260) 3. Third, DLs often constitute quite short-living paradigms. By this is meant that they tend to show a high degree of synchronic variability and diachronic variation. Only very central paradigmatic parts are likely to have a relatively stable history (e.g. Indo-European *so-/*to-) traceable in a considerable number of daughter languages, whereas the paradigmatic peripheries may be subject to (idiosyncratic) innovation. Consequently, if DLs are reconstructed for a given proto-language, it is mostly the para- digmatic kernel that can be described. The peripheral aspects of such a reconstructed paradigm often remain in the dark. However, what was once central may have become peripheral later on (cp. the Indo-European pronoun *so- that survived in Germanic (except for Gothic, Icelandic and Old English) only as a clitic element si (Old High German > se) added to reflexes of the *to- pronoun, cp. Old High German desse „of this“) 4. The same hold for the opposite development: There is no reason to assume 3 a has the highest frequency (19.58). I call phonemes ≥1.50 „high frequent“, those between 1.50 and 1.00 „standard“, and those 1.00≤ „low frequent“. But it has do be stressed that the frequency of East Cauc`asian phonemes has not been calculated yet with respect to their occurrence with specific morphemes (Schulze 1998:258-262 gives the figures for Aghul (Burkikhan)). 4 Icelandic kept reflexes of *so- with masculine and feminine nominative plu- rals, cp. sāsi (m.), sūsi (f.), but þatsi (n.). Instead of a reflex of *so-, Gothic makes use of a clitic element -(u)h (cp. sah (m.sg.), sōh (f.sg.) þatuh (n.sg.), per- haps related to Latin -ce in ecce „look!“ (< PIE *k`e „here“, also used as the basis for the formally proximal DL *k`(e)i- / *k`(i)i̯o- (IEW 609 lists the further corre- spondences in Indo-European)). 245 Wolfgang Schulze that a proto-language operated through a deictic system less differenti- ated than in its daughter languages. It is an urgent task to determine whether DL paradigms in one or more daughter languages reflect pe- ripheral elements of the DL system in the proto-language or individual innovations. Fourth, from a diachronic point of view, the phonemes of DLs sometimes do not seem to conform (exactly) to the sound laws de- scribed for a given language (a fact that claims for separate explana- tions). Hence, it is important to decide whether the semantic/functional domain is used as a starting point for the comparison (allowing the vio- lation of given sound laws) or the excepted sound laws which in con- sequence would reduce the number of possible correspondences within the paradigms of DLs. Fifth, DLs frequently are subjected to functional (or semantic) change. This aspect is strongly connected with changes in the way the deictic (and communicative) space is subcategorized in a speech com- munity. Consider for instance a paradigmatic space that differentiates the distal deixis with respect to the vertical dimension. If this additional sub- categorization becomes obsolete the morphemes involved may either be lost or be introduced in other parts of the paradigm (e.g. reanalyzed as a medial); or, one of the DLs becomes a general (textual) anaphoric ele- ment leaving a „free“ slot in the exophoric paradigm likely to be filled by material from other subparadigms. Sixth, the single paradigms of DLs are often mixed up in later stages (if ever there had been something like a „pure“ paradigm before). E.g., a proximal can be additionally marked by a distal to indicate a medial, or distals are marked by the proximal for emphasis etc. 5 In addition, former elements of a deictic paradigm may be preserved e.g. in inflectional cate- gories or word classes different from the original paradigm, but elsewhere lost. As for word classes we should primarily refer to adverbs and pre- verbs (but also to personal pronouns), inflectional elements related to old DLs are typical for instance for many East Caucasian languages ((pro)- nominal stem augments and (perhaps) class markers). 5 Another well-known merger is that of IE *so- and *to- into one (suppletive) deictic paradigm. 246 Deictic Strategies in Udi 2. The deictic space in East Caucasian The deictic space in East Caucasian languages as encoded by the sin- gle DL paradigms is generally aligned to the concept of EGO. By this is meant that EGO normally is the basic and most central landmark accord- ing to which other entities present in a discourse are arranged in the deic- tic/communicative space (d(∆) and c(∆)). On the one hand, this space can be represented as the region of EGO, that is as the space around EGO that is thought be defined by EGO. Let us call this a monocentric deictic space. Other entities are located in this space according to their relative distance to SAP(1). Consequently, the aspect of visibility gains consider- able importance if a deictic space is egocentrically organized. Also, the vertical dimension becomes the more crucial the more an „object“ is lo- cated in the distance of EGO. On the other hand, a deictic space may be canonically subcategorized according to the speech act participants (SAP) involved (c(∆), polycentric deictic space): They then establish fixed points of reference within this space still centered on SAP(1). These points of reference represent landmarks on their own establishing specific regions in the space. Hence, the space shows multiple centers that interact with SAP(1) center via the reversal of roles (swapping). Normally, three centers are described: δ(SAP(1)), δ(SAP(2)), and δ(nSAP) 6. Each of the regions established by the SAP landmarks can be further differentiated along the horizontal and/or vertical axes: The horizontal axis allows a lo- cation near or far from the landmark (δ((n)SAP)), the vertical axis situ- ates an „object“ above or below the landmark (both in a relative sense). Topological points of reference such as upriver, downriver, uphill, down- hill etc. are hardly documented in the DL paradigms of East Caucasian (though lexically attested with locative adverbs etc.). The above mentioned two principles of spatial organization represent two significant aspects of a prototypically structured continuum that often appear co-paradigmatized. The overall principle is that of egocentricity that can (at least partly) be shadowed when swapping applies. If the sys- tem is mononcentric the region of SAP(1) is subjected to a different de- 6 δ symbolizes the spatial procedure that operates on Speech Act Participants (see Schulze 1998:392-3 for details). 247 Wolfgang Schulze gree of segmentation. The prototypical kernel is represented by a diptotic system (here — there) that can be either exceeded (yonder, behind the area of visibility etc.) or internally segmented (cp. German hier, da, dort). Very often, the internal segmentation introduces aspects of polycentric systems: The region of SAP(1) is classified according to parameters set by the regions of SAP(2) and non-SAP. On the other hand, polycentric systems may loose their (n)SAP specification in favor of a stronger ego- centricity. Normally, such systems appear reduced becoming more or less diptotic structures. Which landmark looses its functionality is a matter of the individual paradigms: it may effect δ(SAP(2) as well as δ(nSAP). In polycentric systems that operate through a further, for instance vertical subcategorization of δ(nSAP) this orientation can become obsolete, whereas its morphology is preserved by substituting another (horizontal) landmark. Moreover, we have to bear in mind that changes in the organi- zation of the deictic space may only effect parts of the deictic paradigm: for instance, such a change may take place with DL paradigms but loca- tive adverbs may by exempted from this process (or vice versa). The strong dynamics of the above mentioned continuum of spatial or- ganization explain why DL paradigms seem to be quite unstable. Mono- centric systems easily become polycentric, if communicative routines call for them; polycentric systems are likely to change to monocentric systems especially if general communicative routines copy an arising egocentric- ity (observable for instance in Standard Average European). Conse- quently, it is not without difficulty to describe a general technique of spa- tial organization for a larger language group, if the language systems are not subjected to common communicative routines. The East Caucasian language family does not make an exception to this claim. Though we can observe some features of a common communicative style they are not strong enough to allow the description of a common technique of organiz- ing the deictic space in EC. However, at least the following generaliza- tions seem to be possible: In general monocentric systems are in the majority. They distinguish a proximal (δ(SAP(1)) from a distal (periphery of δ(SAP(1))). The distal is often subcategorized according to vertical parameters (above-below) and to visibility. The distance between proximal and distal is difficult to fix, it seems that one major aspect is that of visibility and accessibility in a very 248 Deictic Strategies in Udi short amount of time with low physical effort. Anaphorically, a proximal is related to referents mentioned „just before“, whereas a distal can have an antecedent that is mentioned prior to the referent of a proximal. The well-known path space→time is also reflected by the use of a proximal to refer to an entity that is accessed first and by the use of a distal to refer to an entity accessed after another entity has been accessed. The vertical axis is normally defined by δ(SAP(1)) in EC monocentric systems. That is, SAP(1) judges whether a distant entity is on the horizon- tal axis (at eye level), or whether it is situated below or above this axis. Consequently, monocentric systems in EC are often characterized by a fourfold distinction: proximal, distal, distal , and distal 7. Polycentric ((n)SAP oriented) systems are in the minority in EC. If they lack any sensibility for the vertical axis, or if the regions of δ((n(SAP))) are not subcategorized, such systems are normally repre- sented by a threefold distinction: Proximal = δ(SAP(1), medial = δ(SAP(2)), and distal = δ(nSAP). A fivefold distinction is given, if the region of (normally) δ(nSAP) is vertically classified, leading to distal and distal . Moreover, both medial and distal (sometimes even the proximal) can appear differentiated according to their internal horizontal (or neutral) axis (indicated by „ “ = „nearer to“ and „ “ = „farther from“). A maximal (but not attested) system would be: (8) near to away from above below above below δ(SAP(1)) prox prox prox prox δ(SAP(2)) med med med med δ(nSAP) dist dist dist dist Both monocentric and polycentric systems can exceed the above men- tioned prototypical organization of deictic space with respect to two as- pects: First, the notion „far/away from“ can be additionally emphasized re- sulting in strong medials or distals („very far away“ etc. = med/dist ). Second, the boundary of visibility can be transgressed referring to invisible 7 In monocentric systems symbolized „above the horizontal axis“, and „below the horizontal axis“. In polycentric systems these symbols indicate „above“ resp. „below“, but „within the region of a δ((n)SAP)“. 249 Wolfgang Schulze (or, metaphorically extended, to uncertain) entities. In most instances this category is not indicated by a specific paradigm but inferred from one of the (strong) distals. 3. Deictic Strategies in Udi In Modern Udi, the paradigm of deictic strategies conforms to the ty- pology of an adnominal-based deictic system: (9) Referential Relational Demonstrative Adnominal Adverbial Identificational + REF Base form Base + LOC REF + COP + AGR Note that the formal distinction of referential vs. non-referential deictic forms is a later innovation. In Old Udi, the base form can be used as a demonstrative, as an adnominal as well as in identificational construc- tions (see below). 3.1 The adnominal base 3 . 1 . 1 F o r ma l p r o p e r tie s Deictic attribution of referents is carried out with the help of the fol- lowing three adnominal forms: (10) me Proximal ka Medial [Nizh ka ~ ke] t’e Distal [Nizh occasionally t’a, e.g. in t’ayin, Genitive] As has been said above, the Udi deictic system conforms to the typol- ogy of adnominally based systems: All other deictic strategies are mor- phologically derived from the adnominal pattern: (11) Adnominal -Ø Referential + Referentializer Adverbial + Locative markers Identificational + Referentializer + COP + Personal Agreement Clitic 250 Deictic Strategies in Udi The adnominal forms can have secondary extensions: On the one hand, they can be marked for emphasis with the help of the morpheme ha-. Note that the emphatic variants are very rare in the textual data. They, however, frequently occur in conversation. Examples are: (12) a. ha-me yaq’-al-gär bat’-t’e-k’-sa EMPH-PROX way-SUPER-just perish-3SG-LV-PRES Just on THIS way, (s)he perishes. [GD 61] b. ha-me vaxt’-a EMPH-PROX time-DAT This time…. [GD 62] c. ha-me ayt-urğ-ox p-es-xolan EMPH-PROX word-PL-DAT2 say-MASD-CV:PAR When saying THIS word… [TR 63] d. ha-ka aš-l-ax za te-za bak-o EMPH-MED thing-SA-DAT2 I:DAT NEG-1SG:IO be-FUT:MOD I cannot (do) THAT thing. [R 14] On the other hand, the adjectival marker -un ~ -in (< genitive) can oc- casionally be added to the deictic stems to produce a general locative at- tribution: (13) meun ‘(something) around here’ t’eun ‘(something) around there’ [Nizh t’eyin ~ t’ayin] Note that the medial ka seems to be excluded from this technique. The use of meun and t’eun is strong exophoric and often accompanied by an adequate gesture. Examples are: (14) a. me-un adamar-ğ-on boˁq’-n-a eq’ te-q’un uk-sa PROX-GEN man-PL-ERG pig-SA-GEN meat NEG-3PL eat-PRES The people here do not eat pork. [f.n.] b. axrun čoban-en t’e-un eğel-ğ-ox boˁğa-ne-b-e finally shepherd-ERG DIST-GEN sheep-PL-DAT2 find-3SG-LV-PERF Finally, the shepherd has found the sheep over there. [f.n.] c. šähär-e tac-i amdar-xo-n t’e-yin pis sa town-3SG go:PAST-PAST man-PL-ERG DIST-GEN bad one xavar-t’un ečer-i news-3PL bring:PAST-PAST 251 Wolfgang Schulze (When) he went to town, people told (lit.: brought) from there such a bad news. [Nizh; SA; OR 50] d. ay q’udo-ox t’a-yin äyit-mux seri-ne oh relative-PL DIST-GEN word-PL true-3SG Oh relatives! Those words are true. [Nizh; XOZ; OR 53] Diachronically speaking, all three adnominal deictic lexemes are composed forms. They base on two strategies: a) an opposition *i (in the region of a speaker; Old Udi e) vs. *a (beyond the region of a speaker; Old Udi o > Udi referential marker -o) that is perhaps related to the general scheme of sound symbolism with deictic elements. To these segments, consonantal elements had been added to encode the locative reference towards an ‘object’ (see Schulze 2003). Disregarding the inno- vations in Caucasian Albanian, we can describe the basic (proto-Udi) scheme as follows: (15) PROX MED DIST *m- *k- *t’- Region of Speaker *-i *m-i *k-i *t’-i Beyond *-a *m-a *k-a *t’-a This prototypical system has left traces in nearly all Lezgian languages (see Schulze 2003). However, the two parameters ‘region’ and ‘location/distance’ have merged and thus produced monostratic paradigms. In Udi, the feature [beyond the region of speaker] had been weakened. It survived for instance in the medial ka as well in a number of adverbial forms such as ma-ğa ‘here’ and t’a-ğa ‘there’ (see below). Perhaps, the interrogative ma ‘where’ is another residue of the Early Udi morpheme *m-a (proximal/beyond) < *ma-a ‘is here?’ (here-3SG:Q). Most likely, the referential marker -o < Old Udi o (distal) stems from *-a, too. The feature [in the region of speaker] has been the basis for both the proximal and the distal. Udi me has regularly developped from *mi, just as t’e stems from *t’i. The older forms are preserved with the two adverbial forms mi(y)a ‘here’ and t’i(y)a ‘there’. A residue of the medial *ki is ke, the Nizh variant of the medial ka (also compare Vartashen ka- lin / kalan ‘from there (medial)’ ~ Nizh kelin). To sum up this point, the Udi reflexes of the forms mentioned in (15) are given below: 252 Deictic Strategies in Udi (16) PROX MED DIST *m- *k- *t’- *-i me (PROX) ke (MED, N.) t’e (DIST) mi(y)-a (LOC) t’i(y)-a (LOC) me-yin (GEN, N.) t’e-yin (GEN, N.) me-l (SUPER) t’e-l (SUPER) me-lan ~ me-lin ke-yin t’e-lan ~ t’e-lin (SUPER:ABL) (SUPER:ABL, N.) (SUPER:ABL) me-r (ADV) mi-gila (‘behold!’) t’i-gila (‘behold!’) *-a ma (REL:LOC) ka (MED, V.) ma-ğa (LOC) t’a-ğa (LOC) ma-yin (ABL) t’a-yin (GEN, N.) t’a-yi (LOC, N.) ma-l (SUPER) ma-lan ~ ma-lin ka-lin (SUPER:ABL) (SUPER:ABL) [kor (ADV)] [šor (ADV)] 3.1.2 Conceptual spaces From a semantic point of view. the Udi deictic system is ‘monocentric’ or ‘speaker-oriented’. The three deictic lexemes subcategorize the speakers regional experience according to the following features: (17) me [Close to speaker, in reach, visible, active, present] ka [Not close to speaker, but in reach, visible, inactive, reported] t’e [Outside the region of the speaker, both visible and invisible, past] Note that these features are prototypical: In practice, they are activated to a different degree. This basic paradigm of deictic attribution lacks any vertical perspective. In order to refer to items ‘above’ or ‘below’ the hori- zon of the speaker, the deictic elements are usually accompied by locative attributes such as alun ‘high’ or oq’un ‘low’, compare: (18) a. t’e alun k’aˁvaˁn-i nu tağ-a! DIST high meadow-DAT PROH go:FUT-IMP:2SG Do not go to that meadow up there! [V., f.n.] 253 Wolfgang Schulze b. me oq’un uq-e oc’-k’-esun ba-va-k-sa PROX low river-DAT clean-LV-PRES be-2SG:IO-$-PRES You can wash (yourself) in this river down here. [V, f.n.] As presend-day Udi lacks any class or gender system, deictic refer- ence towards stimulus properties (such as sex or class) does not apply. Note that there is strong evidence that in Old Udi, gender properties had still been present with deictic strategies (see Gippert & Schulze (forthcoming)). Hence, in Mordern Udi the parameters described in (1) are flagged as follows: (19) (c(∆)) [+] (s(∆)) [–] (∆) (d(∆)) [+] In conversational Udi and native Udi tales, deictic attribution is more frequent than in the texts translated from Russian. For instance, the tale Ivan Moroz (Schiefner 1863) contains 1817 word forms. Of them, roughly one third (~ 600 words) are referential forms. Still, the text shows only three instances of deictic attribution (0,5 %; me twice, t’e once). The same holds for the Gospels. Here, we have the following distribution: (20) Total of words 56.240 Referential ~ 18.000 Adnominal deixis 98 Proximal 330 Medial 2 Distal 166 In sum, the Gospels only show 498 cases of deictic attribution (less than 3 % of all referential forms). In native tales, the average use of deictic attribution rises to about 10 % (see below for a detailed calculus). Table (1) illustrates the context-sensitive distribution of the adnominal deixis in Udi. In an autobiographical text from Nizh (OL, 316 tokens), 79 nouns oc- cur. However, the speaker uses the adnominal deixis only once: (21) zu abšežit’i-n-a-z yäšäyi(n)š-sa xib-umǯi etaž-a šähär-in I hostel-SA-DAT-1SG live-LV:PRES three-ORD floor-DAT town-GEN lap t’e bel much DIST head:SUPER 254 Deictic Strategies in Udi I live in a hostel, in the third floor, at the very other end of the city. [OL 15, Nizh] Table 1. The frequency of adnominal deixis in different kinds of text Sum Proximal Medial Distal Total % of Total % of Total % of Total % of REF REF REF REF Vartashen 188 9,40 126 6,30 14 0,70 48 2,40 narratives Conversation, 27 6,00 9 2,00 9 2,00 9 2,00 Descriptive Biographical, 9 4,50 8 4,00 0 0,00 1 0,50 Historical Schiefner 9 3,00 5 1,66 0 0,00 4 1,33 Conversation Gospels 498 2,76 330 1,83 2 0,01 166 0,92 Translated 14 1,55 10 1,11 0 0,00 4 0,44 tales Poems / 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 Songs Nizh 92 4,61 33 1,65 1 0,05 85 2,91 narratives It should be noted that there is a tendency to deictically mark referents that play a rare (or exceptional) role in a given tale. A rough guess at this aspect can be formulated as follows: The rarer a referent is in a text the more likely it occurs with an adnominal deixis. This proportion clearly indicates that the main function of (Vartashen) Udi adnominal deixis is to introduce or to refer to textually ‘new’ or ‘unexpected’ referents. Table 2 illustrates this aspect. Just as it is true for referentialized deictic forms (see below), the loca- tional function of deictic attributes can be metaphorized yielding ana- phoric and/or specific (definite) strategies. The choice of deictic attributes depends from discourse organization, empathy grading, and the functions carried out by the referential head. In Vartashen, there is a general prefer- ence to use the proximal as the unmarked form, see (22). 255 Wolfgang Schulze Table 2. Absolute frequency of referents potentially marked for deixis and percentage of adnominal deictic attribution in Udi (V.) narrative texts (22) V. narratives N. narratives Gospels Proximal (me) 68,92 % 35,87 % 66,26 % Medial (ka ~ ke) 07,90 % 1,09 % 00,40 % Distal (t’e) 23,16 % 63,04 % 33,33 % 256 Deictic Strategies in Udi In Nizh, the distribution of proximal vs. distal is nearly opposite to what can be described for Vartashen. In the collection of Nizh texts under consideration (Keçaari 2001), deictic attribution occurs 92 times (total of referential forms: 1995). Its general frequency is lower than that in Vartashen: In narrative texts, 4,61 % of the referential forms are marked for deixis in Nizh, as opposed to 9,40 % in Vartashen narrative texts. In a total, 45 lexical types (14,06 %) occur with deixis (proximal: 16; medial: 1; distal 23; medial/distal 6), whereas 320 types lacks deictic attribution. Except for the terms äyit ‘word’, k’ož ‘house’, and üš ‘night’, none of the combinations ‘proximal + noun’ occurs more than one. Hence, we cannot tell, whether there is a special preference for this combinatory type (but note that äyit ‘word’ preferably selects the proximal). The following terms are usually marked by the distal: arux ‘fire’, ćomox ‘door’, ğar ‘son’, xüyär ‘girl’, ćo ‘face’, ği ‘day’, azuk’ ‘food’, soğo ‘someone’. Still, the general frequency of the adnominal deixis is much too low to describe more than a tendency: Expressions of time and space, human beings, and the indefinite pronoun soğo seem to be stronger related to distal than to proximal strategies (see below for the corresponding data for Vartashen). There is no general option to use adnominal deictic elements as default in the sense of a definite article. In order to illustrate this point, I again refer to the above mentioned text sample from Vartashen: It contains 1921 referential tokens (pronouns excluded) that represent 287 lexical types. Of these types, only 57 (19,07 %) are ever marked deictically (177 tokens). However, there are 936 instances in which these ‘potentially marked’ nouns occur without deixis. (23) summarizes the relevant figures. (23) Total Without deixis Potentially marked for deixis % without deixis with deixis Referential forms 1921 1744 90,78 936 48,72 % 177 9,21 % (tokens) Referential forms 287 230 80,13 57 57 (lexical types) It should be noted that in the corpus of Vartashen tales, the marker for indefinite (specific) reference sa shows about the same frequency as the whole corpus of adnominal deixis. In Nizh, the use of the indefinite marker sa is more frequent than that of the adnominal deixis (which is in accordance with the universal tendency to 257 Wolfgang Schulze start the grammaticalization of article-like structures with the indefinite domain). The distribution described in (24) suggests that the adnominal deixis mainly functions as a marker for definite/specific reference. (24) Vartashen narratives Gospels Nizh narratives Adnominal deixis 177 9,21 % 498 ~ 3 % 92 4,62 % Indefinite sa 188 9,78 % 209 ~ 1 % 220 11,03 % The degree to which deictic attribution is applied varies considerably from text to text. Obviously, we have to deal with both stylistic variance and personal preferences. The following table illustrates this point: Table 3. Deictic attribution in various texts (Percentage relative to referential forms (tokens) in the texts) Here, the minor text ‘The Imprisoned King’ (IK) has also been taken into consideration. Except for the tale ‘The Grateful Dead’ (GD), none of the texts analyzed for the given purpose comes close to the average distribution. Those texts that document a more conversational and situative type of text also show a conserable deviation from the average distribution, as illustrated in table (4). The nearly parallel distribution of the three types of adnominal deixis in standard conversation results from the frequent use of these forms in contrastive exophoric function, such as: 258 Deictic Strategies in Udi (25) me iś-ey bu-t’ay boxo k’aǯux t’e iś-e k’aǯux PROX man-GEN2 be-3SG:POSS long beard DIST man-GEN beard gödäk-ne short-3SG This man has a long beard, the beard of that man is short. [ST §6] Table 4. Deictic attribution in conversational style In standard narratives, contrastiveness is much less decisive: the pres- ence of the proximal does not (always) suggest the presence of a distal (and vice versa). An example is the following passage: (26) ta-ne-sa q’eiri šähär-ä (…) me šähär-ä p’aˁ yaq’-ne go-3SG-$:PRES other town-DAT (…) PROX town-DAT two way-3SG tay-sa so vuˁğ ğe-n-ey-ne so xib go:PRES one:REF:ABS seven day-SA-GEN2-3SG one:REF:ABS three xaš-n-ey. amma šu-te me vuˁğ ğe-n-e yaq-axo month-sa-GEN2 but who-SUB PROX seven day-SA-GEN way-ABL ta-ne-sa ha-me yaq’-al-gär bat’-t’e-k’-sa go-3SG-$:PRES EMPH-PROX way-SUPER-even perish-3SG-LV-PRES He goes into another town (…). Two roads lead to this town: one of seven days, one of three months. But whoever takes this seven days road, will perish on just this road. [GD 61] In conversation, the medial ka (Nizh ke) is often used to refer to a per- son (or thing) present in the situation when the conversation takes place, but who is not addressed directly or who is not active in the given situation: 259 Wolfgang Schulze (27) a. up-a za ka adamar šu-a? say:IMP-IMP:2SG I:DAT MED man who-3SG:Q Tell me: who is that man over there? [N., f.n.] b. zu sa usen-e süpür mand-e-zu ke čuğ-o I one year-DAT widower stay-PERF-1SG MED woman-DAT zainak’ düz-b-a [Nizh; BAL; OR 137] I:BEN straight-LV-IMP:2SG I have been a widower for one year — prepare that woman for me. Note that in such contexts, ka is frequently used as an identificational deixis (instead of kano, see below). In this case, it is often accompanied by the adverb p’uran ‘again, yet’: (27) c. šu-a bu ka p’uran? who-3SG:Q be MED yet Who is that one again? [ST §4] In actual speech, the medial ka is indicentally used in quasi-adverbial function (replacing the unattested forms *kaa or *ki(y)a): (28) ka arc-i-q’un t’at’i q’a kalp’ap’a MED(:ADV) sit-PAST-3PL grandmother and grandfather Grandmother and grandfather are sitting (lit.: have sat) there. [ST §3] There is a basic constraint of the application of adnominal deictic forms that is related to the degree of referential accessibility of attributed referents. Normally, referents that have undergone referential bleaching cannot be used with such terms. This holds for nouns in the absolutive case that have ‘objective’ function in transitive clauses: (29) t’e śum-ax šin-a kä-i? PROX bread-DAT2 who:ERG-3SG:Q eat:PAST-PAST Who has eaten that bread? [V., f.n.] *? t’e śum šin-a kä-i? PROX bread who:ERG-3SG:Q eat:PAST-PAST A noun incorporated into the verbal form is generally excluded from this strategy: (30) bez baba-n ič ioldaš-axo xabar-re-aq’-e… I:GEN father-ERG REFL friend-ABL question-3SG-take-PERF My father has asked his friend… [V., f.n.] 260 Deictic Strategies in Udi *bez baba-n ič ioldaš-axo me xabar-re-aq’-e… I:GEN father-ERG REFL friend-ABL PROX question-3SG-take-PERF Referential bleaching is also responsible for the constraint on nouns marked by personal clitics to occur with an adnominal deixis: In case the noun has ‘objective’ function, it usually hosts a personal clitic only if it is indefinite or unspecific (see Harris 2002). Here, the absolutive case is used instead of the dative(2): (31) xinär-en ğar-a sa aˁlaˁm-ne tast’a girl-ERG boy-DAT one sign-3SG give:PRES The girl gives the boy a sign. [Ch&T 172] This technique conditions that nouns in O-function (marked by the da- tive2) seldom host agreement clitics. Adnominal deixis, however, is strongly coupled with definiteness and discreteness (see above). In consequence, deictically marked nouns in O-function are never followed by agreement clitics: (32) a. zu baba śum-zu tad-e I father:DAT bread-1SG give-PERF I have given father (some) bread. [V., f.n.] *zu baba t’e śum-zu tad-e I father:DAT DIST bread-1SG give-PERF b. zu baba t’e śum-ax ta-z-d-e I father:DAT DIST bread-DAT2 give-1SG-$-PERF I have given father that bread. [V., f.n.] *? zu baba t’e śum-ax-zu tad-e I father:DAT DIST bread-DAT2-1SG give-PERF Nevertheless, in rare instances, an adnominal deixis can co-occur with nouns that host an agreement clitic. Here, the actant is highly marked for focus. An example is: (33) me ğar-en-ne ar-i bes-b-e PROX boy-ERG-3SG come:PAST-PAST kill-LV-PERF THIS BOY has finally killed (the snake). [R 15] 261 Wolfgang Schulze 3 . 1 . 3 E mp a th y Else, the choice of adnominal deixis depends from both empathic aspects of the attributed referent and the functional role it plays in a given clause. It should be noted, however, that empathy is not as decisive as it is true for referential deictic terms (see below). Also note that in Nizh, features of empathy are nearly irrelevant. Accordingly, the following de- scription refers to the Vartashen data only. Protagonists that have a positive connotation are most often marked by the proximal as opposed to actors that have some kind of ‘bad reputa- tion’. The two following sentences can serve as prototypical examples: (34) a. pasč’ağ-en yaq’-a-ne-b-sa me ğar-ax t’e mac’i king-ERG way-DAT-3SG-LV-PRES PROX boy-DAT2 DIST white döv-n-a t’oˁğoˁl muša-lap-san [R 8] dev-SA-GEN at blow-LV-CV:PAR The king sends the boy to fight with (lit.: to blow at) that white dev. b. t’e döv-en p’uran zom-ne-b-esa me ğar-ax ex-ne DIST dev-ERG again teach-3SG-LV-PRES PROX boy-DAT2 say:PRES-3SG The dev teaches that boy (and says)… [S&S 94] The tale ‘The Greatful Dead’ (GD) makes extensive use of this empa- thy based strategy: Here, the main protagonist, the servant of a prince, is generally marked by the proximal (in case deictic attribution applies). An example is the following passage: (35) me gädi-n-ax e-ne-f-sa me gädi-n-en gölö śel PROX boy-SA-DAT2 hold-3SG-$-PRES PROX boy-SA-ERG very good q’ulluğ-ne-b-esa gölö-al haq’ullu-ne-y pasč’ağ-un ğar-a service-3SG-LV-PRES much-FOC clever-3SG-PAST king-GEN son-DAT gölö me gädi-n-ax bu-t’u-q’-i much PROX boy-SA-DAT2 love-3SG:IO-$-PAST He (the prince) keeps this boy. This boy serves very well. He was very clever. The prince loved much this boy. [GD 61] In the cumulated version of oral tales, the following terms exhibit a significant preference for the attribution by the proximal, see (36). In the Gospels, out of 105 deictically attributed lexical types, 62 are marked by the proximal, but not by the distal, see (37). 262 Deictic Strategies in Udi (36) me ka t’e Total Total of REF % ğar ‘son, boy’ 24 4 6 34 152 22,36 čubux ‘woman’ 14 0 4 18 67 26,86 gädä ‘boy’ 9 0 0 9 40 22,50 is ‘man’ 6 0 0 6 36 16,66 karvan ‘old woman’ 5 0 0 5 18 27,77 aš ‘thing’ 4 1 0 5 28 17,85 tämbäl ‘lazy one’ 3 0 1 4 11 36,36 (37) Number Lexical types Hapax Proximal only 150 62 37 Distal only 29 17 13 Both 317 26 — Proximal 180 Distal 137 Total 496 105 50 Preference for distal attribution is less pronounced in the tales. This is also due to the fact that the distal itself is much less frequent than the proximal, see above. The following terms can be tentatively listed: (38) me ka t’e Total Total of REF % aˁil ‘child’ 1 0 2 3 13 23,07 döv ‘dev, ghost’ 1 0 2 3 54 5,55 kötik’ ‘piece of wood’ 0 0 2 2 6 33,33 dizik’ ‘snake’ 0 0 2 2 9 22,22 xunči ‘sister’ 0 0 2 2 23 8,69 In summing up the empathy related criteria for the choice of adnomi- nal deictic terms, we can describe the following tendencies for Vartashen: (39) Proximal (me): Main (positive) protagonist and ‘objects’ related to this protagonist; emphatic. Distal (t’e): Secondary protagonists, often with negative connotation, less emphatic. 263 Wolfgang Schulze 3 . 1 . 4 T h e r o le o f c a s e ma r k in g The functional role of deictically marked actants is another clue for the distribution of the two adnominal deictic terms: Just as it is true for most other adnominal structures, deictic attributes are not marked for case inflection. Still, the case form of referential heads can govern the choice of deictic attribution. As has been said above, the distribution of adnominal deixis in oral tales from Vartashen roughly is me = 68%, ka = 8 %, t’e = 24 %. None of the adnominal forms in the corpus of oral tales, however, conforms to this proportion. Here, we have the following distri- bution (see below for the case forms): (40) me % ka % t’e % TOTAL ABS 33 71,73 3 6,52 10 21,73 46 ERG 27 84,37 3 9,37 2 6,25 32 GEN 15 53,57 4 14,28 9 32,14 28 DAT 16 84,21 1 5,26 2 10,52 19 DAT2 26 60,46 3 6,97 14 32,55 43 ABL 4 80,00 0 00,00 1 20,00 5 SUPER 1 50,00 0 50,00 1 50,00 2 BEN 0 00,00 0 00,00 1 100,00 1 TOTAL 122 14 41 177 Ignoring the statistically marginal superessive and benefactive case forms, the following distributional pattern can be described: Table 5. Major cases and adnominal deixis in oral tales (percentage) 264 Deictic Strategies in Udi Obviously, the absolutive, ergative, and dative cases favor the proxi- mal, whereas the genitive and the dative2 share a stronger option for the distal. This distribution is based on the functional domains covered by the single case forms (see 5.4.1). Table 6 translates the data in table (5) into a format that indicates the major functional domains involved: Table 6. Functional domains and adnominal deixis in oral tales (percentage) In the Gospels, the distribution is somewhat different due to the fact that the adnominal deictic forms frequently copy their Russian correlates sej, ėtot, and tot. Here, the following figures can be described: (41) me % ka % t’e % TOTAL ABS 95 70,89 0 00,00 39 29,10 134 ERG 20 74,07 0 00,00 7 25,92 27 GEN 48 65,75 0 00,00 25 34,24 73 DAT 43 47,25 2 2,19 46 50,54 91 DAT2 61 73,49 0 00,00 22 26,50 83 ABL 50 72,46 0 00,00 19 27,53 69 COM 3 100,00 0 00,00 0 00,00 3 SUPER 10 66,66 0 00,00 5 33,33 15 BEN 0 00,00 0 00,00 3 100,00 3 TOTAL 330 66,26 2 00,40 166 33,33 498 265 Wolfgang Schulze The degree of divergency can be read out from the following diagram: Table 7. Case marking and adnominal deixis in oral tales and the Gosples (T = Tales, G = Gospels) The fact that deictic attribution is sensitive for functional domains can easily be illustrated when looking at the relative distance in frequency be- tween the two poles me (proximal, 68,92 %) and t’e (distal, 23,16 %). The default value is 45,76 which means that if a distal occurs with a given domain or category, it is likely that the proximal is used three times in the same categorial domain. Setting the default value as ‘O’, the following picture as shown on Table 8 emerges. The domains marked by a positive figure show a preference for the proximal that is higher than the average preference. Negative figures, on the other hand, indicate a marked preference for the distal. Table (8) illus- trates that the agentive/instrumental domain has a strong preference for the proximal. This preference can be explained by the fact that this highly agentive domain is often coupled with features of empathy and cognitive proximity. The (relative) preference for the distal with the objective func- tion results from the opposite strategy: This function is related to cogni- tive distance and (in parts) antipathy. The following examples illustrates this point: 266 Deictic Strategies in Udi (42) axri hametärluğ-en t’e ğar-ax me čubğ-on t’oš-ne finally EMPH-manner-ERG DIST boy-DAT2 PROX woman-ERG out-3SG čišč’a take=out:PRES Finally, the woman thus takes the boy out. [Ch&T 172] Table 8. Divergence of me- / t’e-distribution relative to the average distance Finally, the (relative) preference to use the distal with possessors is caused by the fact that in Udi, possessors are less involved in the basic organization of actancy: They belong to the background layer of the in- formation flow and often are referentially less accessible than a posses- sum. The distal than serves to recover background information: (43) eč-a t’e döv-na xunč-ex bring-IMP:2SG DIST dev-SA-GEN sister-DAT2 Bring the sister of that dev (you know)! [Ch&T 172] Case functions at least in parts control the general use of adnominal deictic forms. Referents in (indirect) objective function more likely occur with an adnominal deixis than referents in subjective or agentive function. In addition, possessors that are referentially weak are less often marked 267 Wolfgang Schulze for deixis than the average referent. The following example illustrates this point: In the tale ‘The Grateful Dead’ (GD), the overall 37 instances of adnominal deixis are related to seven cases. These seven case forms mark 376 nominal referents. Hence, the percentage of nouns marked by an ad- nominal deixis (9,84 %) comes close to the overall average in oral tales (9,4 %, see above). Nevertheless, the functional domains covered by the absolutive, ergative, and genitive case are less often marked by an ad- nominal deixis, whereas referents in (indirect) objective function favor this strategy more than average referents: Table 9. Adnominal deixis and case marking in the tale ‘The Grateful Dead’ As can be inferred from table (7) above, the Gospels show a rather similar picture. Nevertheless, two important differences can be described: First, the use of an adnominal deixis with ergatively marked referents is less pronounced than in the tales. Second, referents in the dative case more frequently call for the distal. Most remarkably, both the tales and the Gospels show a close link between the benefactive function and the distal. Table (10) compares the basic distribution of adnominal deixis with respect to case marking in the two types of text. Basically, the dialect of Nizh corresponds to the general pattern as desribed for Vartashen. Nevertheless, we have to bear in mind that ad- nominal deixis is rarer in Nizh and that the unmarked variant is the distal (Vartashen: proximal). Table (11) compares the general pattern of ad- 268 Deictic Strategies in Udi nominal deixis and case marking in Nizh to those of Vartashen narratives and the Gospels (percentage of occurences). Table 10. Frequency of adnominal deixis in relation to case marking Table 11. Adnominal deixis and case marking in Nizh compared to Vartashen 269 Wolfgang Schulze Here, the two Vartashen datives have been put into one category in order to compare them to the simple dative in Nizh. The table illustrates that the distribution of adnominal deixis comes amazingly close to the corresponding distribution in the Gospels. Contrary to Vartashen, the ergative case is rarely marked for deixis in Nizh. If ever, the distal is used, see (44): (44) Proximal Distal % Distance from % Distance from average average ABS 32,14 -4,12 67,86 +4,12 ERG 0,00 -36,26 100,00 +36,24 GEN 16,67 -19,59 83,33 +19,59 DAT 56,67 +20,41 43,33 -20,41 ABL/COM 23,08 -7,23 76,92 +7,23 SUPER 50,00 +13,74 50,00 -13,74 The chart gives the relative frequencies of both the proximal and the distal in Nizh. The column ‘distance from average’ refers to the general distribution of both adnominals (proximal 36,26 %, distal 63,74 %). Accordingly, the dative has much stronger preference for the proximal than indicated by the general distributional pattern. On the other hand, the ergative and the genitive seem to favor the distal. 3 . 1 . 5 A d n o min a l D e ix is a n d p lu r a l r e f e r e n ts In Udi, adnominal deixis is strongly coupled with discreteness. Accordingly, plural marked nouns are less often marked by this type of deixis than singular nouns. In the corpus of Vartashen narrative texts, only 14,12 % of all nouns marked for deixis are plurals. Nevertheless, the distribution of the three adnominal deictic forms is even in all Vartashen narratives, compare the overview in (45): (45) me % ka % t’e % Sum Average 68,92 7,90 23,16 Singular 111 70,25 14 8,86 33 20,88 158 Plural 11 78,57 — — 3 21,42 14 Counted — — — — 5 100,00 5 Total 122 14 41 177 270 Deictic Strategies in Udi Still, it should be noted that the medial never occurs with plural referents. Also, counted referents seem to prefer the distal. (46) illustrates this usage: (46) a. rust’am-en a-ne-q’-esa śavat’ xinär-ax Rustam-ERG take-3SG-$-PRES beautiful girl-DAT2 yoldaš-muğ-on-al har-t’-in so t’e xib friend-PL-ERG-FOC each-REF:OBL-ERG one:ABS:REF DIST three xinär-axo girl-ABL Rustam marries the beautiful girl, and each (of his) friend(s) marries of those girl(s). [R 16] b. tac-i t’e p’aˁ xunč-ex-al e-ne-č-esa go:PAST-PAST DIST two sister-DAT2-FOC bring-3SG-$-PRES He then brings those two sisters. [S&S 90] In Nizh, plural nouns rarely occur with deictic elements. The Keçaari corpus (1995 referential forms) contains only two such plural nouns. One of them is äyitmux ‘words’ that also means ‘speech, saying’ in the contexts in question (hence carries collective semantics). The only other example is: (47) ay soruš ava-nu me išq’ar-xo beši midan-eynak’ oh Sorush knowing-2SG PROX man-PL we:POSS Midan-BEN xozamandluğ-a-t’un har-e matchmaking-DAT-3PL come:PAST-PERF Oh Sorush, you know (that) these men cames as matchmakers for our Midan. [XOZ; OR 52] With numerals, the proximal is generally preferred. This preference is related to the above mentioned choice of the distal with numerals in Vartashen: In both cases, it is the marked variant that qualifies for numerals. An example from Nizh is: (48) a. me otuz vüˁğ gele biˁhiˁ usen-e bak-i PROX thirty seven much hard year-3SG be-PAST These were thirty-seven really difficult years (lit.: ‘It were these forty-seven very hard years’). [SA; OR 47] b. me p’äˁ k’ož-in-al ga-l-a orayin-q’a-n PROX two house-GEN-FOC place-SA-DAT waterspring-ADH-3SG 271 Wolfgang Schulze č’er-i [BAT; OR 116] go=out:PAST-PAST Instead of these two houses, a waterspring shall come out. 3.2 Referential deixis 3 . 2 . 1 G e n e r a l r e ma r k s As has been said above, the adnominal (attributive) deixis represents the unmarked structure that is augmented by referentialization strategies in order to form demonstrative pronouns or deictic reference. The derivational procedure is that of referentialization: To the deictic stem, the morpheme -o is added preceded by the ‘determinative’ -n- (in Nizh only if the demonstrative has endophoric/anaphoric function, see below). Parallel to the adnominal deixis, deictic reference is subcategorized ac- cording to a threefold monocentric opposition: (49) Deictic Reference Emphatic Adnominal Proximal meno ~ mono ~ moo hašo(no) me Medial kano ~ koo haka(n)o ka Distal šeno ~ šono ~ šoo hašo(no) t’e Note that the distal lacks a corresponding adnominal form (*še), see below. It is not quite clear why the referential distal uses the base še- instead of expected t’e. Lexical data do not suggest that there has been a constraint on the sequence *t’eno. Nevertheless, the oblique stem would have yielded *t’e-t’- that may have undergone dissimilation (but note t’at’i ‘grandmother’). A residue of the pronoun *t’eno (< *t’i-n-o) is the form t’et’il ‘just there’ that has been reported by Schiefner 1863:55 for Nizh: (49) ć’öć’a ćöla xüyär-en t’e-t’-il vax red faced girl-ERG DIST-REF:OBL-SUPER you:SG:DAT2 k’al-e-ne call-3SG-LV:PRES The girl with red cheeks over there calls you. [N., f.n] Still, the form t’et’il has not been confirmed by informants. In addition, it represents a case form (superessive) that is based on the -i-dative. The -i- dative, however, is not used with demonstrative pronouns (see below). 272 Deictic Strategies in Udi The segment še- is paradigmatically isolated: Whereas me and t’e are both used to form adverbs and other deictic structures (mi(y)a ‘here’, t’i(y)a ‘there’, melan ‘from here’, t’elan ‘from there’, migila ‘behold (here is)’, t’igila ‘behold (there is)’ etc.), še- is never used with such derivational patterns. The distal še- has a remarkable match in Tsakhur še- (distal, < *ši, see Schulze 2003). However, this isogloss itself remains unexplained; it has perhaps resulted from areal contact between speakers of early Udi and those of a Tsakhurian dialect of Proto-Samur. The morpheme še- surely did not belong to the Proto-Samur system of demonstrative pronouns. Whether it should be proposed for the Proto-Lezgian level remains doubtful (see be- low for the diachronic background of the other deictic elements). Semantically speaking, the three deictic strategies are monocentric, just as it is true for the adnominal base: They subcategorize the (real, imaginated, or metaphorized) visual axis of a speaker according to the feature [distance]. Polycentric orientation, that is the orientation towards the region of a speaker/hearer etc. plays a minor role. Contrary to many other East Caucasian languages, Udi lacks a vertical subcategorization (above/below). 3 . 2 . 2 S e ma n tic s All three demonstrative pronouns can be used to express both exophoric and endophoric reference. (50) illustrates the exphoric use: (50) a. me-n-o eğel-le ha-še-n-o gena eˁk PROX-REF:ABS-ABS sheep-3SG EMPH-DIST-REF:ABS-ABS CONTR horse This is a sheep, but that is a horse. [V., f.n.] b. S1: ma-no-a me xaˁ-urğ-oxo pis? which-REF:ABS-3SG:Q PROX dog-PL-ABL bad Which of these dogs is dangerous? S2: me-no! PROX-REF:ABS This one! [V., f.n.] Spatial reference is normally carried out with the help of deicitic ad- verbs. The referential forms are only used if the space represents the re- gion of an object that is referred to anaphorically: 273 Wolfgang Schulze (51) a. t’ia gölö q’uš-ne DIST:ADV much bird-3SG Over there are many birds. [V., f.n.] b. ist’ak’an-ux me-t’-a laxo lad-a! glass-DAT2 PROX-REF:OBL-GEN on put=on-IMP:2SG Put the glass on it / here (on the table)! [V., f.n.] c. t’ia-zu tac-e DIST:ADV-1SG go:PAST-PERF I have gone to that (place) / there. [V., f.n.] d. še-t’-u tac-i-ne DIST>ANAPH-REF:OBL-DAT go:PAST-PAST-3SG (S)he went to him/her. [V., f.n.] In Udi, endophoric reference normally is anaphoric. The choice of the particular demonstratives is conditioned by textual organization, discourse knowledge, and features of empathy. The closer the anaphor is to its referent, the more likely the proximal is used. In long distance, distals are preferred. However, this distribution is influenced by the degree to which the invariant component of the spatial source domain is preserved in the metaphorical use of demonstratives as anaphors. In other words: A referent that is close to its anaphor in the text but that semanti- cally refers to a distant location, is more frequently represented by a distal than by a proximal compare: (52) ayz-i sa adamar-zu beˁğ-e. šo-no k’ać’i-ne-i. village-DAT one man-1SG look-PERF DIST-REF:ABS blind-3SG-PAST In the village I saw/looked at a man. He was blind. [V., f.n.] Analogically, a proximal can be used to refer to a textually distant, but spatially close object: (53) a. śel cil mo-no bu-q’un ğar-mux pasč’ağluğ-un good seed PROX-REF:ABS be-3PL son-PL kingdom-GEN The children of the kingdom are the good seed. [Matthew 13:38] b. xinär-a gena q’əˁ-t’u-b-sa te ič laiğ-a-ne girl-DAT CONTR fear-3SG:IO-LV-PRES SUB REFL go=up:FUT-MOD-3SG yoldaš-muğ-o ak’-a-q’o te mo-no bütün-t’-uxo friend-PL-DAT see-MOD-3PL:IO SUB PROX-REF:ABS all-REF:OBL-ABL 274 Deictic Strategies in Udi šavat’-t’e beautiful-3SG The girl fears that if she pulls up herself, the friends would see that she is the most beautiful (girl) of all. [R 12] Again, the choice of deictic reference is determined by case marking and certain features of empathy. Note, however, that in actual Nizh, the distal has become the general anaphoric pronoun. Here, the distributional criteria mentioned above no longer condition the choice of deixis (see below). In Vartashen, the distinction between the three pronouns is more vivid. In order to illustrate this point I first compare the overall frequency of deictic reference in a cumulated data base of oral tales and the Gospels: In the cumulated data base of oral tales, there are 147 instances of deictic reference (demonstrative pronouns), as opposed to 4364 occurences in the Gospels. (54) compares the frequencies to the use of the corresponding adnominal deixis (tales: 177, Gospels: 498): (54) Tales Gospels Demonstratives Adnominal Demonstatives Adnominal Proximal 63,94 % 68,92 % 8,56 % 66,26 % Medial 6,80 % 7,90 % 1,27 % 0,40 % Distal 29,25 % 23,16 % 90,07 % 33,33 % In the tales, there is a general preference for the proximal. Distals represent less than one third of the corpus. Quite expectably, the general frequency of the medial is rather low. Note that in the tales, there only is an insignificant difference between demonstrative and adnominal use of deictic elements. In the Gospels, however, the distal dominates the corpus of demonstrative pronouns: It is generally used to indicate an unmarked anaphor. Obviously, the distributional patterns are strong influenced by both the Russian source and the type of text: In the tales, the proximal often refers to a specific object or person, mentioned before. In the Gospels, however, anaphoric pronouns frequently refer to concepts that are more general or to a group of people that represent the scenic ‘background’. Hence, the choice of the unmarked distal is also determined by se- mantic aspects of its referents. (55) illustrates this point: In the Gos- pels, the proximal is nearly inexistant with plural referents (percentage of all occurences): 275 Wolfgang Schulze (55) Gospels Tales PROX 0,39 15,64 MED 0,12 0 DIST 35,54 6,80 TOTAL 36,05 22,44 Table (12) summarizes the general distributional patterns in terms of a diagram: Table 12. Frequency of deictic elements in oral tales and the Gospels Just as it is true for adnominal deictic strategies, case marking plays an important role in the choice of demonstratives to encode deictic (ana- phoric) reference. The following table (13) shows the frequencies of de- monstratives in the five basic cases absolutive, ergative, genitive singular, dative singular, and dative2. In this diagram, the values stemming from oral tales have been set as the default because they roughly correspond to what can be observed in conversation, too. The distribution of demonstratives in the Gospels is in parts idiosyncratic: The texts are dominated by transitive contructions that involve ergative case marking. Additionally, intransitive constructions are often embedded in terms of subordinated ‘sentences’ resulting in the dele- tion of referents in subjective function. Consequently, demonstrative pro- 276 Deictic Strategies in Udi nouns marked by the absolutive are less frequent than in ordinary style. Also, note that anaphors in oblique function (possessive, objective, indi- rect objective etc.) dominate the Gospels more than the tales because of the rather complex textual information structure involving a great number of different referential types in the same context. Table 13. Usage-based frequency of anaphors in relation to case marking 277 Wolfgang Schulze Table (14) describes the distribution of demonstratives in relation to case marking. Figures give the proportions in percentage: Table 14. Proportional distribution of cased marked demonstratives Tales Gospels PROX MED DIST PROX MED DIST ABL 2,04 0,68 2,04 0,51 0,08 4,04 ABS 27,2 3,4 2,72 3,73 0,1 11,54 DAT 4,76 0 2,72 0,21 0,08 13,48 DAT2 10,2 0,68 7,48 3,23 0,25 24,5 ERG 10,88 0 9,52 0,29 0,3 14,97 GEN 5,44 1,36 2,72 0,45 0,25 11,63 GEN/DAT:PL 1,36 0 0,68 0,08 0,06 11,56 GEN2 0,68 0 0,68 0 0,04 1,07 Again, it comes clear that the Gospels are dominated by a preference for distal strategies whereas the tales favor the proximal. The high frequency of ergative distals in the Gospels is in parts motivated by the stereotypical col- location šet’in pine ‘he said’: One third of all occurrences of the ergative dis- tal šet’in (124) are coupled with the speech act verb pine ‘(s)he said’, as in: (56) še-t’-in p-i-ne šo-t’-ğ-o DIST>ANAPH-REF:OBL-ERG say-PAST-3SG DIST>ANAPH-REF:OBL-PL-DAT He said to them. [Mark 8:29] This preference is also related to the tendency to use the distal in dis- course when referring to a past ‘event’: (57) a. ar-i-ne sa adamar. šo-no gölö come:PAST.PAST-3SG one man DIST>ANAPH-REF:ABS much kala-ne-i old-3SG-PAST There came a man. He was very old. [V., f.n.] b. rust’am-en me-t’-ux ex-ne (…) Rustam-ERG PROX>ANAPH-REF:OBL-DAT2 say:PRES Rustam says to him (…) mo-no irazi-ne bak-sa PROX>ANAPH-REF:ABS approving-3SG be-PRES He (the other) agrees. [R 10] 278 Deictic Strategies in Udi As has been said above, empathic features play a considerable role in the choice of deictic reference, at least in Vartashen. In general, we can observe the tendency to use the proximal in coreference with ‘objects’ that are culturally or textually related the feature ‘sympathy’. The distal is more often used in coreference with ‘objects’ that have a negative connotation. For instance, in the tale The Greatful Death (Dirr 1928) the three deictic elements used as demonstratives show the following distribution: proximal 18, medial 1, distal 15. (58) lists the referents the pronouns refer to. Addi- tionally, the functional values of the pronouns are given. (58) S A O/IO Possessive Locative Comitative boy man goods hero hero hero+prince hero goods goods king dev bad comrades hero+prince bad man bad man hero (5) (2) (indirect) merchants bad boy ears of devs devs sons sons bad boy (indirect) prince (indirect) Proximal coding is indicated by shadowed fields. Note that the chart disregards demonstratives that coreference ‘events’. Here, the distal is the standard option with events that precede another event. Else, the proximal or the medial is preferred. (58) also illustrates the general coupling of proximal and sympathy vs. distal and antipathy. This distributional pattern, which is also relevant for the adnominal deixis (see above) seems to be influenced if not conditioned by the analogeous behavior of demonstratives in Armenian (see Klein 1996:107f.). But note that, cont- rary to Armenian, the medial is the unmarked category in Vartashen Udi, whereas in Armenian it is the distal. (59) summarizes the prototypical distribution of the two semantically marked demonstratives. Note, that the features associated with the two types of deictic reference do not represent binary features, but poles on scales that are structurally coupled. The resulting blends can incidentally highlight one feature more than the others. 279 Wolfgang Schulze (59) Proximal Distal Spatial In speaker’s region Away from speaker’s region Cognitive In speaker’s Away from speaker’s mental region mental region Empathy Sympathy Antipathy Discreteness Singular Plural Actancy Subjective/Agentive Oblique Time frame Present Past Here, a characterization of the medial has been neglected. In fact, it is rather difficult to fix the semantics of this demonstrative. The following examples illustrate its use: (60) a. ka kağz-un boš cam-ne-c-i te ğar MED letter-GEN in write-3SG-PASS:PAST-PAST SUB boy bay-es-xolan ka-t’-a q’oˁq’-ex enter-MASD-CV:PAR MED>ANAPH-REF:OBL-GEN throat-DAT2 bot’-a-nan cut-MOD-2PL In that letter it has been written that when the boy comes in you (pl.) should cut his throat. [K&S 85] b. tad-a-nan ka-t’-u uğ-sun give-MOD-2PL MED-REF:OBL-DAT drink-MASD2 Give him (to) drink! [Mark 5:44] c. ek’a-nan ka-t’-u imux-lax-sa what-2PL MED-REF:OBL-DAT ear-lay-PRES Why do you listen to him? [John 10:21] d. e pisluğ-a b-e ka-t’-in which evil-3SG:Q make-PERF MED-REF:OBL-ERG Which evil did he make? [Matthew 27:23; Mark 14:15] e. ka-no xrist’os-a MED-REF:OBL Christ-3SG:Q Is he Christ? [Luke 3:16] f. p-i-q’un Iliax-ne k’al-exa ka-t’-in say-PAST-3PL Ilias:DAT2-3SG call-LV:PRES MED-REF:OBL-ERG They said: He calls Ilias! [Matthew 27:47] The medial is often used in direct or indirect speech and then refers to an entity that is thought to be involved in the reported event. The best 280 Deictic Strategies in Udi gloss seems to be ‘spoken about’. Only incidentally, the pronouns is used to refer to an inanimate object or to an event: (61) a. ka-no vi borǯ te-ne MED-REF:OBL you:SG:POSS fault NEG-3SG That is not your problem! [GD 61] b. zu ka-t’-ux p’aˁ čüt-en ta-s-š-o [TR 69] I MED-REF:OBL-DAT2 two pair-ERG carry-1SG-$-FUT:MOD I will carry it (a beam) with (the help of) two pairs (of oxen). 3 . 2 . 3 E mp h a tic f o r ms Emphatic variants of demonstratives are produced by adding the expressive segment ha-. Semantically, ha- reflects a proto-Lezgian strategy to relate to an ‘afore-mentioned’ referent (Lezgi h-a, emphatic he- in Aghul, medial ha- in Rutul, emphatic ha- in Tsakhur, distal hu- (class I, hä- (class I-IV) in Khinalug). In Udi, demonstratives marked by ha- are normally embedded into an identificational context that reflects the old usage of ha- in the sense of ‘afore-mentioned’. Additionally, ha- is frequently used with deictic adverbs. (62) illustrates the use of ha- plus demonstrative: (62) a. bez baba-n uk’-al-o šor I:POSS father-ERG say:FUT-PART:NPAST-REF:ABS DIST:ADV ha-mo-no-ne EMPH-PROX-REF:ABS-3SG He is like that what my father has said. [GD 61] b. p’uran xabar-q’un aq’-i šo-t’-xo again question-3PL take-PAST DIST-REF:OBL-ABL ha-me-t’-a baxt’in EMPH-PROX-REF:OBL-GEN for Again they asked him for this. [Mark 10:10] c. nut’ bu-t’-ay-t’-u gena aq’-eğ-al-le not be-REF:OBL-GEN2-REF:OBL-DAT CONTR take-PASS:FUT-FUT-3SG ha-šo-no-al ek’k’a-te bu-t’-ay [Matthew 25:29] EMPH-DIST-REF:ABS-FOC what-SUB be-REF:OBL-GEN2 It will be taken from him who has nothing even what he has. 281 Wolfgang Schulze d. šux-te muč-ai-z ha-šo-no-ne [Mark 14:44] who:DAT2-SUB kiss-CONJ-1SG EMPH-DIST-REF:ABS-3SG It is just that (person) whom I kiss. 3 . 2 . 4 D e ic tic r e f e r e n c e in N iz h In Nizh, the paradigm of demonstrative pronouns is semantically and (in parts) morphologically reduced. Some grammarians report that the ab- solutive case of the pronouns usually lack the ‘determinier’ -n- (Pančviʒe 1974:85, Gukasyan 1965:16; 1974:277). Although the resulting forms mo(o) < *me-o, ko(o) < *ke-o, šo < *še-o can occasionally be heard, most speakers seem to prefer the standard forms mono < meno (proximal) and šono < šeno (distal). The short forms are usually associated with an exophoric function (and accompanied by a deictic gesture), compare the exophoric pronoun šo in (63 a.) as opposed to the endophoric/anaphoric pronoun šono in (63 b.): (63) a. šo gele kala-ne! DIST:REF:ABS much big-3SG That one is very big! [N., f.n.] b. šo-no gele haq’-ec-i DIST-REF:ABS much take-LV:PASS:PAST-PAST He (was) very surprised (lit.: taken). [TARAK; OR 126] From a semantic point of view, the Nizh paradigm is strongly influ- enced by the corresponding Azeri paradigm: Just as in Azeri, anaphoric reference is normally carried out with the help of the distal. The medial is rarely ever used as a demonstrative. (64) compares the frequencies of the deictic pronouns in the Nizh corpus of narrative texts (Keçaari 2001; 155 demonstratives, 92 adnominal forms) to those given above for Vartashen narratives and the Gospels: (64) Vartashen: Tales Vartashen: Gospels Nizh Dem Adnom Dem Adnom Dem Adnom Proximal 63,94 % 68,92 % 8,56 % 66,26 % 7,10 % 35,87 % Medial 6,80 % 7,90 % 1,27 % 0,40 % 3,87 % 1,09 Distal 29,25 % 23,16 % 90,07 % 33,33 % 89,03 % 63,04 % 282 Deictic Strategies in Udi The distribution of demonstrative pronouns in Nizh comes close to what can be described for the Gospels. With respect to standard Vartashen texts, Nizh behaves totally different: The proximal is quite marginalized. The proximal is normally used in exophoric (identificational) contexts (direct speech) only. Most often, it is coupled with the interrogative pronoun he ~ hik’ä ‘what’: (65) a. mo-no he arux-a? PROX-REF:ABS what fire-3SG:Q Which fire is this? [ACHI; OR 120] b. mo-no he äyt-ä i-yan-baksa? PROX-REF:ABS what word-3SG:Q hear-1PL-LV-PRES Which word is this (that) we hear? [ACHI; OR 119] c. mo-no he säs-ä i-z-bak-sa PROX-REF:ABS what voice-3SG:Q hear-1SG-LV-PRES Which voice is this (that) I hear? [KAL; OR 123] Very rarely, the proximal has anaphoric function. Examples for its use as a pivot (subjective/agentive function) are: (66) a. mo-rox oša bak-al-e PROX-PL then be-FUT:FAC-3SG These (things) will then happen… [KACH; OR 48] b. mo-rox xib-alen gär-bak-i sun-a ta-t’un-sa PROX-PL three-COLL collect-LV-PAST one:REF-DAT go-3PL-$:PRES qeiraz patč’ağ-a other king-DAT Having collected one by three, they go to another king. [PA 118] Else, it normally has objective function (in junction with a verbum sentiendi): (67) a. agronom-en mo-t’-o ak’-i p-i-ne agronomist-ERG PROX-REF:OBL-DAT see-PART:PAST say-PAST-3SG Having seen him, the agronomist said… [HE; OR 131] b. mo-t’-o ak’-i nex-t’un-iy PROX-REF:OBL-DAT see-PART:PAST say:PRES-3PL-PAST Having seen him, they said… [ACHI; OR 119] c. ǯöy hema-hema šeir-en mo-t’-o qay other some-some poem-ERG PROX-REF:OBL-DAT clearly 283 Wolfgang Schulze ak’-es-e-st’a see-MASD-3SG-LV:CAUS:PRES Some other poems show this clearly. [Danakari; OR 3] d. me-t’-ğ-oxon ǯok ğeiri zu ak’-e-zu… PROX-REF:OBL-ABL separate other I see-PERF-1SG Apart from these, I have seen other(s)… [Schiefner 1863:57] The standard anaphoric pronoun of Nizh is šono ‘that one’ (distal). Contrary to Vartashen, there are no clear strategies to encode features of empathy or agentivity. Examples are: (68) a. sa ği šo-no ič-al zoq’al-n-a xod-al-xun one day DIST-REF:ABS REFL-FOC cornel-SA-GEN tree-SUPER-ABL bi-ne-t-i fall-3SG-$-PAST One day, he himself fell from top of a cornel tree. [ELEM; OR 134] b. šo-t’-ay sa bin bin-e-al DIST-REF:OBL-GEN2 one daughter=in=law daughter=in=law-GEN-FOC bip’ äyil-t’ux bu-y four child-3SG:POSS be-PAST She had a daughter-in-law, (and) the daughter-in-law had four children. [TARAK; OR 125] c. ay xunči a-n-k’-sa murad xeneza-ne šo-t’-in oh sister see-2SG-$-PRES Murad thirsty-3SG DIST-REF:OBL-ERG čay-q’a-n uˁğ-i tea-ADH-3SG drink-PAST Oh sister, you see (that) Murad is thirsty. He should drink tea! [XOZ; OR 51] The medial kono in restricted to direct speech. Just as in Vartashen, it usually refers to an ‘object’ (or concept) present but ‘passive’ in a given speech act. Examples are: (69) a. vič-en p-i-ne ko-no zaluğ te-ne brother-ERG say-PAST-3SG MED-REF:ABS my=affair NEG-3SG The brother said: This does not concern me [lit. is not myhood]. [ZU; OR 130] 284 Deictic Strategies in Udi b. šo-t’-oxun xavar-e haq’-i ko-no hikä-n-b-sa? DIST-REF:OBL-ABL news-3SG take-PAST MED-REF:ABS what-2SG-LV-PRES He asked him: ‘What is that what you do?’ [ZU; OR 130] c. ay viči seri-ne ko-t’-ai maral-a oh brother true-3SG MED-REF:OBL-GEN2 deer-DAT zer-d-ala sa čuhux-t’ux bu equal-LV-PART:FUT2 one woman-3SG:POSS be Oh brother, it is true: He has a wife who looks like a dear. [UKS; OR 135] d. me ğar har-i p’ap’-ala kinä bezi PROX boy come:PAST-PART:PAST arrive-PART:FUT2 as I:POSS xüyär-ä ko-t’-oxun käbin-b-anan daughter-DAT MED-REF:OBL-COM marry-LV-MOD-2PL When this boy has finally arrived, marry him to my daughter! [PAC; OR 122] 3.3 The inflection of deictic pronouns 3 . 3 . 1 T h e p r e s e n t s ys te m As has been said above, only those deictic pronouns that have referential properties can be inflected (group inflection). In Standard Udi, this class is constituted by the set of demonstrative pronouns. Nevertheless, it should be noted that there are residues of an older inflectional paradigm that is based on the deictic stems as they occur in adnominal function (see below 3.3.2 and Schulze (forthcoming) for details). Contrary to the set of personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns ex- hibit the whole range of case forms as they occur with nominal referents. From a systematic point of view, all demonstrative pronouns are ‘weak’ (see Schulze 2005a): Case forms are added to a stem augment that follows the deictic stem. I will first discuss the technique of stem augmentation in more details, before illustrating the case paradigms in both dialects. Basically, all demonstrative pronouns consist of a deictic stem and a referential element. In inflection, the deictic stem remains unchanged. But note that the stem vowel can undergo assimilation, see below. The 285 Wolfgang Schulze referential segment is suppletive: In the absolutive, the form -no is used whereas all oblique case forms have a morpheme -t’-. Hence, the basic paradigmatic architecture is: (70) Deixis Referentialization Case ABS Stem- -no -Ø OBL Stem- -t’- -Case Superficially, the absolutive is marked by a complex morpheme that in- cludes both the paradigmatic ‘counterpart’ of the oblique augment -t’- (-n-) and the general referentializer -o. Although -o has case properties in the sense that it is restricted to the absolutive, it is not a proper case mor- pheme. It encodes the central actant in intransitive patterns, but rarely the objective function of transitive clauses. In fact, the absolutive of demon- strative pronouns represents the ‘subjective level’ of the tripartite coding strategy that is typical for anaphoric referents in Udi: (71) S -no A O -t’in -t’u(x) This tripartite system can be interpreted as an intermediate stage between ‘personal’ and ‘nominal’ reference: It is well known that personal pronouns in Udi have an ‘accusative’ pattern, whereas nouns show a split pattern (er- gative/neutral). (72) locates the paradigm of demonstrative pronouns on the Accusative Ergative Continuum of Udi (see Schulze 2000): (72) ACCUSATIVE TRIPARTITE ERGATIVE Personal reference Deictic Reference Nominal Reference (73) illustrates the tripartite strategy in Udi: (73) a. mo-no e-ne-sa PROX-REF:ABS come-3SG-$:PRES (S)he comes. [V., f.n.] 286 Deictic Strategies in Udi b. nana-n me-t’-ux beˁ-ne-ğ-sa mother-ERG PROX-REF:OBL-DAT2 see-3SG-$-PRES Mother sees him/her. [V., f.n.] c. me-t’-in nana-x beˁ-ne-ğ-sa PROX-REF:OBL-ERG mother-DAT2 see-3SG-$-PRES (S)he sees mother. [V., f.n.] The question whether the absolutive segment -no is related to the tripartite pattern and hence is conditioned by functional properties of the subjective cannot be safely answered. Nevertheless, most other Lezgian languages, too, know a binary opposition that separates the absolutive from the oblique domain (see Schulze 2003). Normally, the absolutive is then also used to encode the objective function. (74) gives an example for this strategy (Lezgi): (74) a. a-m wuč tar ya zun awa-y-di? DIST-REF:ABS which tree COP:PRES I be=in-PART-REF:ABS What kind of tree is that I am sitting on? [Haspelmath 1993: 463, 26] b. a-m ni kukw’ar-na? DIST-REF:ABS who:ERG break-PAST Who broke it? [Haspelmath 1993:421] c. a-da sa q:arpuz q’en-c’i-kay x̌kud-na DIST-REF:ERG one melon tendril-SA-SUB:ABL take=out-PAST It (an animal) took out a melon from under a tendril. [Haspel- math 1993:448, 25] From this we can infer that Udi once also applied an ‘ergative’ strategy (S=O) to encode the objective function with demonstrative pronouns: (75) *nana-n me-n[o] beˁ-ne-ğ-sa mother-ERG PROX-REF:ABS see-3SG-$-PRES Mother sees him/her. The fact that, today, a tripartite strategy is present is related to the general split pattern of Udi: Anaphoric reference usually is definite and thus satisfies the major condition for being included into the class of da- tive-marked referents in objective function. In order to characterize the nature of stem augmentation with demon- strative pronouns in Udi, it is important to consider the inflectional type of referentialized forms: 287 Wolfgang Schulze (76) Deixis (proximal) Referentialized adjective (‘big’) ABS me-n-o kala-o OBL me-t’- kala-t’- The segment -n- is missing with referentialized forms. Accordingly, the basic functional opposition is represented by the two segments -o (ABS) and -t’- (OBL). This assumption is supported by the fact that referentialized forms usually have a tripartite pattern just as it is true for demonstrative pronouns: (77) a. šet’abaxt’inte e-ne-sa me düniä-n-un kala-o because come-3SG-$:PRES PROX world-SA-GEN big-REF:ABS … because the ruler (lit.: big one) of this world comes… [John 14:30] b. ma-t’-in-te či-ne-šča ič dövlät-axo REL-REF:OBL-ERG-SUB take=out-3SG-$:PRES REFL goods-ABL täzä-t’-ux q’an bisi-t’-ux [Matthew 13:52] new-REF:OBL-DAT2 and old-REF:OBL-DAT2 … who takes the new one and the old one out of his goods. c. bać-n-a kala-t’-in yaq’-a-ne-b-i hundred-SA-GEN big-REF:OBL-ERG way-DAT-3SG-LV-PAST še-t’-a t’oˁğoˁl dost’-urğ-ox DIST-REF:OBL-GEN at friend-PL-DAT2 The captain (of a hundred) sent friends to him… [Luke 7:6] In (77a.), the subjective is encoded by kala-o. In (77b.), both täzät’ux and bisit’ux are in objective function, whereas kalat’in in (77c.) encodes the agentive function. Again, we have to assume that the dative2 — used to en- code the objective function — results from the tendency to use referential- ized forms in anaphoric (hence: definite) contexts. Diachronically speaking, the absolutive was also used in objective function: (78) *kala-o beˁ-zu-ğ-i old-REF:ABS see-1SG-$-PAST I saw the/an old one. From this we can infer that the segment -o once covered the whole S/O- domain. As has been said above, the morpheme -o stems from the Old Udi distal deixis o, that — however — shows a ‘strong’ inflectional pattern in this stage of Udi, compare (see Gippert & Schulze (forthcoming) for details): 288 Deictic Strategies in Udi (79) OLD UDI Distal Referentialized (cumulative) ABS o buq’ay-o ‘beloved one’ ERG o-en buq’ay-o-en GEN o-ya buq’ay-o-ya DAT o-u buq’ay-o-u DAT2 o-ux buq’ay-o-ux DAT3 o-us etc. buq’ay-o-us Note that the Old Udi proximal ‘counterpart’ of o (< *a), namely e (< *i, compare Lezgi i-m ect.) was rarely used in referential function (sometimes occuring as ee). It is doutbful whether it knew an inflectional paradigm at all. In a later stage (or in another early dialect?) of Udi, the oblique forms of the referentializer had been reinforced by the deictic element -t’- obvi- ously related to the distal t’e. Hence me-(n)o acquired an oblique stem me- o-t’-. The group -o-t’- has been presereved with some referentialized forms, but became reduced to me-t’- etc. with most demonstratives. In a number of Lezgian languages, the technique of deriving referen- tialized forms with the help of deictic elements has been extended to the absolutive, Lezgi i-m (PROX: ABS) vs. i-da- (PROX:OBL), a-m (DIST:ABS) vs. a-da- (DIST:OBL) etc. The same technique seems to be present with the Udi absolutive of demonstrative pronouns marked by the segment -no, e.g. me-no (PROX:ABS) vs. me-t’- (PROX:OBL) etc. Just as it is true for Lezgi, the deictic marker in the absolutive does not form part of the actual deictic paradigm: In Udi, the segment -n- is opposed to the standard deictic stems me, ka, and t’e ~ še-. From both a formal and a functional point of view, it should be related to the so-called determinative -n that is present with the absolutive of personal pronouns (except first person singular). Most likely, we have to deal with the reflex of a deictic (anaphoric) element *-ni that later also served as a source for the Udi (and late proto-Lezgian) focus marker *-ni (see Schulze 2004). The fact that the deictic marker -n- precedes the referentializer -o suggests that *-ni had been grammaticalized in Eastern Udi before -o became canonical (see Schulze 2005b for the notion of Eastern Udi) . Most probably, two com- peting strategies of referentialization interfered: At an earlier stage, non- deictic forms were converted into nouns with the help -o, whereas the conversion of deictic adnominals into demonstrative pronouns made use of the deictic element *-ni: 289 Wolfgang Schulze (80) Deictic Non-Deictic ABS *Stem-n(i) *Stem-o OBL *Stem-t’- *Stem-(o)-t’- However note that the two elements *-ni and -t’- historically did not be- long to a common paradigm: At least for Vartashen, we have to assume that the so-called determinate *-ni was added to adnominal forms before the tech- nique of adding the referentializer -o came into use. (81) models the different stages in Eastern Udi with the help of the demonstrative me (proximal): (81) I II III IV ABS *me-ni *me-ne-o me-n-o me-n-o OBL *me- *me-o- *me-o-t’- me-t’- In Nizh (as well as in Old Udi), the segment *-ni did not come into general use, if the deicitic element at issue had exophoric and in parts anaphoric properties. Here, the following model can be described: (82) I II III IV ABS *me me-o mo mo OBL *me- me-o- *me-o-t’- mo-t’- The merger of the deitic and the referential (anaphoric) types, how- ever, did not take place in the same way in all dialectal variants of Udi: Especially in Lower Nizh, but also in the standard of some speakers from Vartashen, the deictic paradigm has been completely aligned to the non- deictic paradigm, compare: (83) Deictic Non-Deictic ABS me-n-o me-o > moo (Proximal) OBL me-t’- me-o-t’ > mo-t’- In the plural, this process has become the standard in Nizh: (84) Deictic (Vartashen) Non-Deictic (Nizh) ABS mo-n-o-r mo-r-ox (Proximal) OBL mo-t’-ğ- mo-t’-ğ- The deixis-based paradigm of Vartashen has the standard plural of refer- entialized forms -o-r, added to the stem augment -n. The non-deictic para- digm of Nizh, however, adds the plural morpheme -r to the base form just as it is standard with other referentialized forms both in Vartashen and Nizh: 290 Deictic Strategies in Udi kala-o, absolutive plural: kala-o-r ‘big one’ etc. In addition, the absolutive plural is marked by the nominal -ox-plural. Nizh thus copies the plural marking technique of the oblique cases into the domain of the absolutive. The plural morpheme -r is restricted to the absolutive plural of demonstrative pronouns (and of other referentialized forms). It is related to the nominal plural morpheme -ur that, however, can occur with all case forms. But note that even with nouns, case forms are never added directly to the plural morpheme -ur, but always to its complex variant -urux ~ -urxo. Most probably, the constraint on the morpheme -ur ~ -r goes back to functional and semantic properties of the concept of ‘plurality’ in proto- The deictic stem augment -t’- is present in all oblique cases, both in Lezgian. the singular and in the plural. Thus, the paradigm of demonstrative pro- nouns (as well as that of all referentialized forms) differs from the general pattern of nominal stem augmentation that is normally restricted to the singular. Historically, the oblique plural of demonstrative pronouns and other referentialized forms was not marked morphologically. The deicti- cally marked stem was used for both numbers. Most likely, the pre-Udi paradigm has been the following: (85) Singular Plural ABS *me-(ne)-o *me-n-ər (Proximal) OBL *me-(o-)t’- *me-(o-)t’- The oblique plural developed through analogy with the nominal paradigm: Here, the plural morpheme -ux became voiced in the oblique cases. The preceding vowel was either dropped or assimilated to the vowel of the case morpheme. As a result, the oblique plural *me-t’-ğ- etc. emerged. The vocalization of the absolutive plural morpheme (-o-r) stems from the process of analogy described above. Both dialects make use of the three deictic bases me (PROX), ka (MED), and *še (DIST) to derive demonstrative pronouns (recall the suppletive paradigm in the distal: t’e (adnominal), še- (demonstrative). But note that the Nizh medial kono goes back to the variant ke < *ki (see above) rather than to ka. Table (15) summarizes the inflection paradigm of the three demonstratives in the singular. Case marking is straightforward except for the stem vowel that is liable to assimilation especially in Nizh. For this dialect, we can describe a 291 Wolfgang Schulze nearly suprasegmental process with demonstrative pronouns that is related to the feature [labial; mid-open]. It stems from the impact of the vowel of the case morpheme -o(-) onto the stem vowel. Most Nizh speakers extend this feature to the dative vowel -u that is then changed to -o. Table 15. The inflectional paradigm of demonstrative pronouns (singular) Proximal Medial Distal Vartashen Nizh Vartashen Nizh Vartashen Nizh ABS meno mo(n)o kano ko(n)o šeno šo(n)o ERG met’in mot’in kat’in kot’in šet’in šot’in BEN met’enk’ mot’ainak’ kat’enk’ kot’ainak’ šet’enk’ šot’ainak ’ GEN met’a --- kat’a --- šet’a --- GEN2 met’ai mot’ai kat’ai kot’ai šet’ai šot’ai DAT met’u mot’o ~ kat’u kot’o ~ šet’u šot’o ~ mot’u kot’u šot’u DAT2 met’ux mot’ox ~ kat’ux kot’ox ~ šet’ux šot’ox ~ mot’ux kot’ux šot’ux ABL met’uxo mot’oxun kat’uxo kot’oxun šet’uxo šot’oxun COM met’uxol mot’oxun kat’uxol kot’oxun šet’uxol šot’oxun COM2 met’uxolan --- kat’uxolan --- šet’uxolan --- ADESS met’ust’a mot’ost’a kat’ust’a kot’ost’a šet’ust’a šot’ost’a ALL met’uč’ mot’oč’ kat’uč’ kot’oč’ šet’uč’ šot’oč’ SUPER met’ul mot’ol kat’ul kot’ol šet’ul šot’ol SUPER: --- mot’olxun --- kot’olxun --- šot’olxun ABL Contrary to the inflection patterns of nouns, demonstrative pronouns lack case allomorphy. The genitive always selects the -ay-morpheme, whereas the dative is represented by the -u-dative. Obviously, the para- digm copies the distributional constraint that is present with these case forms in noun inflection (see Schulze 2005a): Both case morphemes are restricted to ‘weak’ (stem augmenting) nouns, compare: (86) Noun Demonstrative ABS xaš ‘light’ šeno (Distal) GEN2 xaš-n-ay še-t’-ay DAT xaš-n-u še-t’-u The ergative case is always marked by the -in-allomorph. It is not fully clear whether the use of -in instead of the standard ergative morpheme -en 292 Deictic Strategies in Udi is conditioned by phonetic/phonotactic or semantic aspects. Nevertheless, the assumption of semantic features seems to be more plausible: As has been argued in Schulze (2005a), the -in-ergative is strongly related to the semantic domain ‘instrument/ manner’. It may well have been that with demonstrative pronouns there once existed the following opposition: (87) Instrument/Manner Control me-t’-in *me-t’-en (Proximal) ka-t’-in *ka-t’-en (Medial) še-t’-in *še-t’-en (Distal) A residue of the -en-ergative can be seen in the benefactive forms that are generally derived from the ergative case: (88) Benefactive (Vartashen, short forms only) me-t’-enk’ (Proximal) ka-t’-enk’ (Medial) še-t’-enk’ (Distal) Also note that in Old Udi, the ergative of demonstratives is marked by -en, e.g. o-en (he/it) etc. (see Gippert & Schulze (forthcoming)). According to this hypothesis, the ‘instrumental’ forms met’in etc. would have been extended to anaphoric pronouns in agentive function. Nevertheless, we have also take into account the possibility that the benefactive forms are secondarily taken from the nominal paradigm, as is has been the case with personal pronouns. Essentially, the paradigm of oblique plural case forms does not differ from that of nouns. Table (16) lists the most frequent forms in both dialects. The table illustrates that assimilation of the stem vowel is standard in Vartashen, too. The original vowel is occasionally preserved in case the vowel of the plural morpheme is not deleted, compare: (89) a. me-t’-uğ-on maslahat-q’un-b-esa… PROX-REF:OBL-PL-ERG discussion-3PL-LV-PRES They discuss… [R 16] b. sövdäkär-ğ-o me-t’-uğ-ox te a-q’o-k’-sa merchant-PL-DAT PROX-REF:OBL-PL-DAT2 SUB see-3PL:IO-$-PRES When the merchants see them… [GD 61] c. me-t’-uğ-oxol ta-q’un-sa q’eiri sövdäkär-ux-al PROX-REF:OBL-PL-COM go-3PL-$:PRES other merchant-PL-FOC Other merchants go with them. [GD 61] 293 Table 16. The inflectional paradigm of demonstrative pronouns (plural) Proximal Medial Distal Vartashen Nizh Vartashen Nizh Vartashen Nizh ABS monor morox kanor korox šonor šorox ERG mot’ğon mot’(o)ğon kat’ğon kot’(o)ğon šot’ğon šot’(o)ğon BEN mot’ğo(e)nk’ mot’(o)ğoinak’ kat’ğo(e)nk’ kot’(o)ğoynak’ šot’ğo(e)nk’ šot’(o)ğoynak’ GEN mot’ğo — kat’ğo — šot’ğo — GEN2 mot’ğoy mot’(o)ğoy kat’ğoy kot’(o)ğoy šot’ğoy šot’(o)ğoy DAT mot’ğo mot’(o)ğo kat’ğo kot’(o)ğo šot’ğo šot’(o)ğo DAT2 mot’ğox mot’(o)ğox kat’ğox kot’(o)ğox šot’ğox šot’(o)ğox ABL mot’ğoxo mot’(o)ğoxun kat’ğoxo kot’(o)ğoxun šot’ğoxo šot’(o)ğoxun COM mot’ğoxol mot’(o)ğoxun kat’ğoxol kot’(o)ğoxun šot’ğoxol šot’(o)ğoxun COM2 mot’ğoxolan — kat’ğoxolan — šot’ğoxolan — ADESS mot’ğost’a mot’(o)ğost’a kat’ğost’a kot’(o)ğost’a šot’ğost’a šot’(o)ğost’a ALL mot’ğoč’ mot’(o)ğoč’ kat’ğoč’ kot’(o)ğoč’ šot’ğoč’ šot’(o)ğoč’ SUPER mot’ğol mot’(o)ğol kat’ğol kot’(o)ğol šot’ğol šot’(o)ğol SUPER:ABL — mot’(o)ğolxun — kot’(o)ğolxun — šot’(o)ğolxun 294 Deictic Strategies in Udi In Nizh, the plural vowel is more often preserved than in Vartashen. However, it is usually assimilated to the vowel of the adjacent case mor- pheme: (90) a. ośa-al šo-t’-oğ-on p-i-t’un then-FOC DIST-REF:OBL-PL-ERG say-PAST-3PL Then they said… [KAL; OR 122] b. šo-t’-oğ-oy axśum käi-bak-ama te-ne DIST-REF:OB-PL-GEN laughter dawn-LV-CV:UNTIL NEG-3SG bot’-k’-i stop-LV-PAST Their laughter did not stop until dawn. [TAR; OR 126] c. ośin śamat’ šo-t’-oğ-o sud-d-e-ne k’al-p-i next week DIST-REF:OBL-PL-DAT judge-SA-DAT-3SG call-LV-PAST The next week, he called them (to come) to the judge. [KACH; OR 49] 3 . 3 . 2 Re s id u e s o f o th e r in f le c tio n a l p a r a d ig ms In Early Udi, there must have been the possibility to inflect deictic elements in terms of a ‘strong’ inflectional pattern. Evidence for this hypothesis stems from both Caucasian Albanian (see above for Old Udi o (dist)) and from residiues of this paradigm in Modern Udi. The ‘strong’ inflectional pattern lacks a stem augment. Case morphemes are added directly to the stem. Today, this system is no longer productive. However, certain residues have survived especially with adjectival and adverbial forms. Table (17) lists those forms that are part of this earlier paradigm: Table 17. Demonstrative pronouns — residues of ‘strong’ inflection Proximal Medial Distal *m-i *m-a *k-i *k-a *t’-i *t’-a GEN me-un may-in (N.) ke-yin (N.) ka-yin (N.) t’e-un t’ay-in (N.) DAT mi(y)-a ma-ǧa — — t’i(y)-a t’a-ǧa ABL mey-in may-in ke-yin (N.) — t’ey-in t’ay-in (N.) SUPER me-l ma-l — — t’e-l — SUPER:ABL me-lan — — — t’e-lan — SUPER:ABL2 me-lin ma-lin — ka-lin (N.) t’e-lin — ADV me-r — ko-r — t’e-r — 295 Wolfgang Schulze Here, I will not dwell upon the semantics of these forms (see Schulze (forthcoming)). From a paradigmatic point of view, both the ‘central’ variants (based on *-i) and the peripheral variants (based on *-a) can be marked for case. It comes clear that the paradigm is most defective with those deictic stems that are low in frequency (medial) or that have become obsolete (the peripheral variants *ma and *t’a). The paradigm involves both actual case forms (genitive -un, dative -a, superessive -l) and older case forms that are no longer productive (abla- tives *-lin and *-lan, adverbial *-r, see 3.3.4.2). In Nizh, the old ablative *-lan ~ *-lin and the genitive -un (> Nizh -in) have merged due to the tendency to change intervocalic *-l- to -y-. The -lan/-lin-forms are marked by a complex locative case that goes back to the proto-Lezgian system of series/case sequences (see Schulze (in press b). The first segment -l- represents the superessive added to the pure stem. Residues of this case form are: (91) me-l cirik’ (PROX-SUPER till) ‘till here/now’ t’e-l cirik’ (DIST-SUPER till) ‘till there/then’ Examples are: (92) a. amma un gena śel fi-n-ax me-l cirik’ but you:SG CONTR good wine-SA-DAT2 PROX-SUPER till e-n-f-e keep-2SG-$-PERF But you have kept the good wine till now. [John 2:10] b. vaˁ te-vaˁ ak’-o zax t’e-l cirik’ you:PL:DAT NEG-2PL:IO see-FUT:MOD I:DAT2 DIST-SUPER till You shall not see me till then… [Luke 13:35] Accordingly, the second segment can be isolated as -an (~ -in). It re- flects the typical position of a locative morpheme that encodes the dynamic relation between a trajector and its landmark (‘ablative case’). The complex suffix -lan (~ -lin) has its perfect match in the Tabasaran suffix -l-an (SUPER-ABL): (93) du-mu ğwa’-l-an aq-nu [Southern Tabasaran] DIST-ERG roof-SUPER-ABL fall-PAST (S)he has fallen from the roof. [Magometov 1965:122] 296 Deictic Strategies in Udi Examples for the use of the Udi -an- ablative are: (94) a. me-l-an ič-uğ-enk’ mal-q’un aq’-sa PROX-SUPER-ABL REFL-PL-BEN goods-3PL take-PRES From here, they take goods for themselves. [GD 61] b. ğar ar-i ka-l-in č’e-bak-axun son come:PAST-PART:PAST MED-SUPER-ABL out-LV-CV:PAR t’at’mer-en oˁne-ne-xa te… old=woman-ERG weep-3SG-PRES SUB When the boy finally passes by that (place) the old woman cries (lit.: weeps) that… [S&S 92] c. t’e-l-an č’er-i šo-no vaˁ DIST-SUPER-ABL go=out:PAST-PART:PAST DIST-REF:ABS and ar-i-ne ič vatan-a [Mark 6:1] come:PAST-PAST-3SG REFL homeland-DAT He went away from that (place) and came to his homeland. d. ma-l-in-a č’er-e t’ia il? where-SUPER-ABL-3SG:Q go=out:PAST-PERF DIST:ADV weeds Where have the weeds come from? [Matthew 13:27] Harris (2003) suggests that the suffix -r reflects an older case mor- pheme *-r that served as a formant for adverbs in Udi. (95) summarizes the relevant forms: (95) me-r ‘in this way’ (proximal) ha-me-r ‘in this way’ (proximal, emphatic) ko-r ‘in that way, thus’ (medial) ha-ko-r ‘in that way, thus (emphatic, medial) šo-r ‘in that way, thus’ (distal) ha-šo-r ‘in that way, thus, also’ (distal, emphatic) me-r-t’e-r ‘this way and that way’ (proximal+distal) Structurally speaking, the above mentioned forms belong to two dif- ferent derivational types: (96) a) -r- forms derived from the adnominal base (mer, hamer, t’er in mert’er) b) -r- forms derived from the demonstrative base (kor, hakor, šor, hašor) 297 Wolfgang Schulze It should be noted that the forms are (in parts) complementarily distributed: The proximal prefers the adnominal base, whereas the medial and the distal favor the demonstrative base. As far as data go, the adnominal distal t’er is never used except for the collocation mert’er. Likewise, the demonstrative proximal adverb *mor is missing. An exam- ple for the use of mer ~ hamer is: (97) še-t’-in ex-ne up-a me-r sa PROX-REF:OBL-ERG say:PRES-3SG say:IMP-IMP:2SG PROX-ADV one šäi-n-al aš-b-es-t’-al sa five=kopeck-SA-SUPER thing-do-MASD-LV:CAUS-PART:NPAST one šäi-n-al aš-b-es-t’-al five=kopeck-SA-SUPER thing-do-MASD-LV:CAUS-PART:NPAST ha-me-r pes-in take t’ağa-mağa EMPH-PROX-ADV say:MASD-ERG>INSTR go:IMP:2SG DIST:ADV-PROX:ADV She says: Say so: “Working for a piece of five kopeks, working for a piece of five kopek.” Saying so, go there and here… [CH&T 170] The collocation mert’er is documented for instance in: (98) axri me-r-t’e-r soo-t’-u t’ia finally PROX-ADV-DIST-ADV one:REF-REF:OBL-DAT DIST:ADV soo-t’-u mia t’ağa-mağa one:REF-REF:OBL-DAT PROX:ADV DIST:ADV-PROX:ADV la-ne-x-sa put=down-3SG-$-PRES (Doing it) this way and that way, she, finally, places one (apple) there, one here, there and here. [CH&T 170] The adverbs derived from the demonstrative pronouns do not differ in function. Hence, it is difficult to explain the semantic motivation of the referential forms. Examples are: (99) a. zu-al ko-r zu-al ko-r I-FOC MED:REF:ABS-ADV I-FOC MED:REF:ABS-ADV c’əˁğəˁ-q’un-p-i bütün-t’-uǧ-on cry-3PL-LV-PAST all-REF:OBL-PL-ERG All (the children) cried: “I, too, (will do) so, I, too, (will do) so!” [BH 68] 298 Deictic Strategies in Udi b. xinär-en ex-ne šo-r ha-me-no-ne [R 14] girl-ERG say:PRES-3SG DIST:REF:ABS-ADV EMPH-REF:ABS-3SG The girl says: “It is like that”. c. zinovi-n-en me aš-urğ-ox-al ha-šo-r Sinovi-SA-ERG PROX thing-PL-DAT2-FOC EMPH-DIST:REF:ABS-ADV a-ne-q’-sa-i take-3SG-$-PRES-PAST Sinovi bought (lit.: took) these things, too (lit.: in that way). [SI 72] Harris’ proposal to interpret the segment -r as a fossilized case marker is based on the reconstruction of a proto-Lezgian case suffix *-r by Alek- seev (1985). Harris refers to the following Udi adverbs: hamer ‘(in) this way’, šor ‘in yon way’, šet’aˁr (sic!) ‘such’ and hametär ‘(in) this way’. However, it should be noted that the form šet’aˁr (read: šet’är ?) is not documented in texts. Instead, the form šetär ‘thus, such’ is used. Hence, two of Harris’ terms are marked for the segment -tär. These terms are embedded into the following paradigm: (100) metär ‘in this way’ (proximal), ‘things being this way…’ katar ‘in that way’ (medial), ‘things being that way…’ t’etär ‘in that way’ (distal), ‘things being that way…’ šetär ‘in that way’ (distal) etär ‘how’ (lit.: ‘in which way’) It should be noted that t’etär is documented only for the Gospels, whereas the alternative distal šetär is typical for narrative texts. (100) gives an example for each of the forms: (100) a. me-tär šägird-ux p’uran qai-q’un-bak-i ič-ğ-o PROX-tär pupil-PL again return-3PL-LV-PAST REFL-PL-GEN k’ua house:DAT Thus the pupils returned again to their homes. [John 20:10] b. ka-tar b-a vaˁ kar-x-al-lu MED-tär make-IMP:2SG and live-LV-FUT:FAC-2SG Do (it) so and you will live. [Luke 10:28] c. vaˁ b-i-q’un t’e-tär and make-PAST-3PL DIST-tär And they did (it) so. [Luke 9:15] 299 Wolfgang Schulze d. sunsun-ax še-tär bi-q’un-q’-esa še-tär each-DAT2 DIST-tär seize-3PL-$-PRES DIST-tär p’et’-q’un-b-esa te… press-3PL-LV-PRES SUB They took each other in that way and press (each other) in that way, that… [R 8] e. ha-me-tär e-tär gir-q’un-b-esa il-urǧ-ox vaˁ EMPH-PROX-tär what-tär collect-3PL-LV-PRES weed-PL-DAT2 and arğ-on bos-es-q’un-b-esa t’e-tär-al fire-ERG>INSTR burn-MASD-3PL-LV:CAUS-PRES DIST-tär-FOC bak-al-le me dünia-n-un axr-ax be-FUT:FAC-3SG PROX world-SA-GEN end-DAT2 Just as they collect the weeds and have it burn in the fire, it will be that way at the end of the world. [Matthew 13:40] The assumption that the segment -tär contains the case-like element -r is attractive. However, this analysis leaves us with the problem to identify the segment *-tä- that is without parallels in Udi morphology. It should be noted that the forms mentioned above have parallels that replace -tär by ǯürä ultimately borrowed from Arabic ǰūra ~ ǰūr ‘kind, type, manner’, compare Persian čeǰour ‘which type/kind of’: (101) me ǯürä ‘this kind, way, type’ t’e ǯürä ‘that kind, way, type’ This parallel suggests that the segment -tär, too, is a loan. Most likely we have to deal with a segment that is also present in Persian īntour ‘in this way, thus’ and āntour ‘in that way, thus’. Both forms are built upon the Arabic term ţawr ‘kind, manner’ etc. preceded in Persian by deictic elements īn (proximal) and ān (distal). Persian īntour perfectly matches Udi metär just as āntour corresponds to šetär ~ t’etär. In consequence, it is likely that Udi -tär stems from a yet unrevealed source that has bor- rowed Arabic ţawr as *tar (as opposed to Persian > -tour). If ever the assumption of an older case marker *-r can be supported, one cannot but refer to the forms mer, kor, t’er ~ šor. In actual Udi, they are rather rare with the exception of the distal šor that is frequently used to encode the general (deictically neutral) meaning of ‘such, thus, so’: 300 Deictic Strategies in Udi (102) a. šo-r beˁğ-e-ne DIST:REF:ABS-ADV see-PERF-3SG It looked like… (lit.: one has seen (it) so…) [N., SD 62] b. šo-r-re! DIST:REF:ABS-ADV-3SG That’s right! (lit.: it is so). [f.n.] As has been said above, the paradigm of stem-inflected demostratives represents a basically ‘local’ system. It lacks any reflex of an ergative case (*min/*man, *t’in/*t’an etc.). The genitive (-un) perhaps represents a younger type that is taken by analogy from the word formation pattern of adjectives. It is difficult to tell whether this ‘strong’ inflectional pattern reflects a common proto-Lezgian pattern or whether it has been an innovation in Early Udi. Traces of ‘strong’ demonstratives are rare elsewhere. A superficially parallel paradigm is given by Burkikhan Aghul and Aghul proper: (103) ABS me (Proximal) ERG mi GEN mi-n DAT mi-s However, it can be easily shown that in these dialects, the ergative mi represents the residue of an underlying ‘weak’ system that uses the erga- tive stem as the oblique base (mi < *mi-i (< *mi-di)). Accordingly, min (genitive) stems from *mi-di-n, mis (dative) stems from *mi-di-s etc. From a functional point of view, the paradigm listed in table (18) above raises considerable problems regarding the very nature of the un- marked deixis in Udi. Normally, the unmarked stems (me, ka, t’e) are only used in adnominal function (see above). Case marking, however, presupposes that the stems to which case suffixes are added have inherent referential properties. The deictic forms under consideration usually refer to situational or temporal frames rather than to concrete locations etc. mentioned before, compare: (103) a. vaˁ še-t’-ğ-o laxo kex lax-i and DIST-REF:OBL-PL-GEN on hand:DAT2 lay-PART:PAST ta-ne-c-i t’e-l-an go-3SG-$PAST-PAST DIST-SUPER-ABL 301 Wolfgang Schulze And having layed (his) hand on them, he went from there [where all this happened]. [Matthew 19:15] b. amma un gena śel fi-n-ax me-l cirik’ but you:SG CONTR good wine-SA-DAT2 PROX-SUPER until e-n-f-e keep-2SG-$-PERF But YOU have kept the good wine until now. (= 92a) [John 2:10] Nevertheless, anaphoric reference to a clausal constituent can be found with the two dative marked adverbs mi(y)a (proximal) and t’i(y)a (distal). Examples are: (104) a. gädä bai-ne-sa kur-r-a boš beˁğ-sa-ne te boy go=into-3SG-$:PRES hole-SA-GEN in see-PRES-3SG SUB mia otaǧ-ux-ne bu PROX:ADV room-PL-3SG be They boy goes into the hole (and) sees that here, there are rooms. [GD 62] b. t’it’-a egip’t’-a t’ia bak-a zu vax run-IMP:2SG Egypt-DAT DIST:ADV be-IMP:2SG I you:SG:DAT2 uk’-ama say:FUT-CV:UNTIL Go to Egypt (and) stay there until I tell you…[Matthew 2:13] As has been said above, anaphoric reference to constituents is usually carried out with the help of the ‘weak’ demonstrative pronouns. Obviously, the ‘strong’ demonstrative elements listed in table (18) above take an intermediate position on a scale of referential discreteness: (105) Weak demonstratives Strong demonstratives Adnominals Referentially discrete Referentially situational Non-referential This scale is iconically mapped by the paradigmatic architecture of the pronouns: (106) DX-REF-CASE DX-CASE DX-Ø [+ REF] Accordingly, the deictic stem (DX) is overtly marked in case it ana- phorically cross-references discrete entities (constituents): (107) ba-ne-k-e sa pasč’ax. me-t’-ai ba-ne-ke-i be-3SG-$-PERF one king PROX-REF:OBL-GEN2 be-3SG-$-PERF-PAST 302 Deictic Strategies in Udi xib ğar three son There was a king. He had three sons. [GD 60] Reference to situational frames lacks overt referentialization. Here, the referential semantics result from a blend of adnonimal functions and case semantics: (108) t’e-l-an č’er-i isus ar-i-ne DIST-SUPER-ABL go=out:PAST-PART:PAST Jesus come:PAST-PAST-3SG galile-un däriä-n-un č’ot’-el Galilee-GEN sea-SA-GEN coast-SUPER Having left that [place], Jesus came to the coast of the Galilee sea. [Matthew 15:29] Finally, adnominal deictic forms are linked to lexically overt reference: (109) a-va-k’-sa me kala k’oǯ-urğ-ox? see-2SG:IO-$-PRES PROX big house-PL-DAT2 Do you see these big houses? [Mark 13:2] In sum, the paradigm of ‘strong’ demonstratives as presented in table (18) above is based on an inferential strategy that results in the functional blend of adnominal and case properties. The lack of overt referential ‘substance’ allows to use the forms in the sense of ‘general’ (or: situational) reference. Ultimately, this process has ended in the ‘adverbi- alization’ of ‘strong’ demonstratives. 4. In place of a summary: A brief look at diachrony From a historical point of view, the Udi paradigm of deictic lexemes of the type d(∆) must have undergone considerable changes. Most impor- tantly, Udi has lost any coding of the vertical axis. It may be hypothesized that the complementary distribution of t’e (adnominal) vs. še- (referential) has resulted from the reanalysis of a more complex system, which was marked for just this axis. However, comparative evidence is scare. In ad- dition, one should note that the Udi system has witnessed additional changes since the stage of Old Udi. The data from Caucasian Albanian (see Gippert & Schulze (forthcoming)) draw a picture rather different 303 Wolfgang Schulze from what we see in the Modern Udi dialects. Due to copyright reasons, I cannot go into all the details of the Old Udi paradigm. It may suffice to note that in Old Udi, the two monovocalic deictic elements e (proximal) and o (distal) were opposed to more complex lexemes, which — in parts — had s(∆) properties. Accordingly, they reacted upon semantic proper- ties of the referentialized concepts. In addition, the Old Udi data lack clear evidence of the proximal stem m- and of the medial stem k-. The monovocalic deictic elements are best matched by the Lezgi forms i (proximal) and a (medial). These elements have survived as -e and -a in Modern Udi. But contrary to Lezgi, the distance indicating consonantal roots precede these vowels, compare: (110) Udi te < *t:-i (proximal) Lezgi am < *a-m (distal) at’a < *a-t’a (distal) ağa < *a-ğa (distal, down) The Udi technique is best paralleled by the paradigm of Aghul (Kurag), compare (see Schulze 2003 for details; Merdanova & Fedorova 2002 for a comprehensive survey on deictic strategies in Xpük Aghul): (111) Udi Kurag Prox me me Med ka ~ ke — Dist t’e ~ še te Dist — le Dist — ge Still, we cannot ignore the substantial matches that show up with re- spect to the Western Samur language Tsakhur. Both Udi and Western Samur (Tsakhur and Rutul) do not activate the vertical axis. In addition, Tsakhur has obvious parallels with respect to Udi me and še-, compare: (112) Udi Early Tsakhur (reconstructed) Prox me *i- Med ka ma- Dist še- / t’e še- Early Tsakhur ma- has been derived from the a-deixis (yielding a me- dial) as opposed to Udi me < m-i (i-deixis). However, there is no corre- 304 Deictic Strategies in Udi spondence of Udi ka ~ ke in Western Samur. This element can be tenta- tively related to Aghul ge (dist↓), albeit the sound correspondence Udi k vs. Aghul (Kurag) g is not fully established yet. Hence we are left with two options: Either the Udi system stands closer to Western Samur (re- flecting a slightly older stage) or the system in of the Eastern Samur type, having borrowed the še-deixis from Tsakhur via language contact. By it- self, it remains difficult to take a specific option. Nevertheless, one should note that the overall make-up of Old Udi grammar clearly indi- cates that Udi has emerged from the Eastern Samur branch of Lezgian (see Schulze 2005b and Gippert & Schulze (forthcoming)). Abbreviations A Agentive LV Light verb ABL Ablative MASD Masdar (-es) ABS Absolutive MASD2 Masdar (-esun) ADH Adhortative MED Medial ADV Adverbial MOD Modal ANAPH Anaphoric N. Nizh BEN Benefactive NEG Negation CAUS Causative O Objective COLL Collective OBL Oblique COM Comitative ORD Ordinal CONJ Conjuction PAR Parallel action CONTR Contrastive focus PART Participle CV Converb PAST Past DAT Dative PERF Perfect DAT2 Second (-x-)Dative PL Plural DIST Distal POSS Possessive EMPH Emphatic PRES Present ERG Ergative PROH Prohibitive FAC Factitive PROX Proximal FOC Focus Q Interrogative clitic FUT Future REF Referential FUT2 Second (-ala-) Future REFL Reflexive GEN Genitive REL Relative GEN2 Referential Genitive S Subjective 305 Wolfgang Schulze IMP Imperative SA Stem augment INSTR Instrumental SG Singular IA Indirect Agentive SUB Subordinator (Instrumental) IO Indirect Objective SUPER Super (on/above) (Dative) LOC Locative V. Vartashen Abbreviations of textual sources ACHI Aći äylin legenda (Orayin) BAL Balǯin xunči (Orayin) BAT Bat’k’i k’oyurxdoy legenda (Orayin) BH Uˁćei t’at’a tapan (Schiefner 1863) Ch&T Čubuxq’an tämbäl (ǯeiranišvili 1971) GD Greatful Dead (Dirr 1928) HE He tofat’abu (Orayin) K&S Pasč’agq’an choban (Dirr 1904) KACH Sa toray k’aćuli (Orayin) OR Orayin (Keçaari 2001) PA Pančviʒe 1974 PAC Paččağq’a naxərči (Orayin) R Rust’am (Bežanov 1888) S&S Shahzadanq’an Shahvalad (Dirr 1904) SD Çejrani 1934 SI Sinovi (Schiefner 1863) ST Short texts (Schiefner 1863) TARAK Tarak’ala xaxal (Orayin) TR Twelve religions (Dirr 1928) UKS Uksun čurunsa, zaxun tağen (Orayin) XOZ Xozamandxo (Orayin) ZU Zu har ği bozq’sa (Orayin) 306 Deictic Strategies in Udi References Alekseev, M. 1985. Voprosy sravnitel’no-istoričeskoj grammatiki lezginskix jazykov. Moskva: Nauka. Bežanov, M. 1888. Rust’am. SMOMPK IV: 7—19. Çejrani, T. (Çejrani Mixaki kömägen) 1934. Samçi däs. Suxumi: Zakav. Fil AN SSSR. Croft, W. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Diessel, H. 1999. Demonstratives. Form, function, and grammaticalization. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: Benjamins. Dirr, A. 1904. Grammatika udinskogo jazyka. SMOMPK XXXIII:1—101. Dirr, A. 1928. Udische Texte. Caucasica V: 60—72. Gippert, Jost & Wolfgang Schulze (forthcoming). A grammar of Caucasian Al- banian (Old Udi). In Z. Aleksidze, J. Gippert, J.P. Mahé & W. Schulze. The Caucasian-Albanian Palimpsest from Mt. Sinai, 3 vols.. Turnhout: Brépols. Gukasjan, V. 1974. Udincə-azərbajcanca rusca lüğət. Bakı: Elm. Gukasjan, V. 1965. Fonetičeskie i morfologičeskie osobennosti nidžskogo dialek- ta udinskogo jazyka. Avtoreferat. Baku: Izd. AN Azb.SSR. Harris, A. 2002. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harris, A. 2003. The Prehistory of Udi Locative Cases and Locative Preverbs. K. Tuite and D.A. Holisky (eds.). Current trends in Caucasian, East European and Inner Asian linguistics, 177—191. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: Benjamins. Haspelmath, M. 1993. A Grammar of Lezgian. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hymes, D. 1972. On Personal Pronouns: ‘Fourth’ Person and Phonesthematic Aspects. Studies in Honor of George L. Trager, ed. by M. A. Smith, 100—121. The Hague & Paris: Mouton. Keçaari, Ҝ. 2001. Orayin. Bakı: Azərbaycan Dövlət Nəşriyyarı. Klein, J. 1996. On Personal Deixis in Classical Armenian. A Study of the Syntax and Semantics of the n-, s-, and d- Demonstratives in Manuscripts E and M of the Old Armenian Gospels (Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, Beiheft 17, Neue Folge) Dettelbach: Verlag J.H. Röll. Merdanova, S. R. & O. V. Fedorova 2002. Dejktičeskaja sistema xpjukskogo dialekta agul’skogo jazyka. In: V. A. Plungjan (red.). Grammatikalizacija prostranst- vennyx značenij v jazykax mira, 220—231. Moskva: OOO Russkie slovari. Pančviʒe, Vl. 1974. Udiuri enis gramat’ik’uli analizi. Tbilisi: Mecniereba. Schiefner, A. 1863. Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. St.Petersburg: Kaiserl. AdW. 307 Wolfgang Schulze Schulze, W. 1982. Die Sprache der Uden in Nordazerbajdžan. Studien zur Synchronie und Diachronie einer süd-ostkaukasischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Schulze, W. 1998. Person, Klasse, Kongruenz. Vol. 1. Die Grundlagen. Munich: Lincom. Schulze, W. 2000. Towards a Typology of the Accusative Ergative Continuum: The case of East Caucasian. General Linguistics 37: 1 & 2, 2000(1997): 71— 155. Schulze, W. 2003. The diachrony of demonstrative pronouns in East Caucasian. K. Tuite and D.A. Holisky (eds.). Current trends in Caucasian, East European and Inner Asian linguistics, 291—347. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Schulze, W. 2004. Review article: Alice C. Harris 2002. Endoclitics and the Ori- gins of Udi Morphosyntax. Oxford. OUP. Studies in Language 28:2 (2004): 419—441. Schulze, W. 2005a. From Case to Case in Udi. In: Dag Haug & Eirik Welo (eds.) Haptačaptaitiš, FS Fridrik Thordarson, 251—266. Olso: Novus. Schulze, W. 2005b. Towards a History of Udi. In: International Journal of Dia- chronic Linguistics 1, 2005: 55—91. Schulze, W. (forthcoming). A Functional Grammar of Udi. Schulze, W. (in press a). Sprache als kommunizierte Wahrnehmung. Ein Essay in sieben Teilen. FS contribution, Paris. Schulze, W. (in press b). A new model of metaphorization: Case systems in East Caucasian. In: A. Barcelona, K.U. Panther, Günter Radden. L.L. Thorburg (eds.) Metonymy and Metaphor in Grammar. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: Benjamins. Ǯeiranišvili, Evg. 1971. Udiuri ena. Gramat’ik’a, krest’omatia, leksik’oni. Tbilisi: Tbilisis saxelmc’. univ. gamomcemloba. 308 Е А О ЯЯ Ы А М. Е. А е сеев И РА , А А Э Ч А Х Ы ( ) . . - , - . - - . , , . . - : ) ( - , - - , , - ); ) ( - ); ) ( . . , ). - , 311 . Е. А - [ 1987 ( : - - - , 20—30- .); 1961, 1981; - 1971; 1973; 1977; Nikolayev, Sta- rostin 1994] [ 1980; - , 1991; 1987]. «Э - » [Nikolayev, Sta- rostin 1994] ( ), : - , , 400 . - , . , [Schulze 2001]. - , , «Э - », 80- . . . . . , ( , , [Nikolayev, Starostin 1994]). - - , - - , : ) : бул ‘ ’, . кьил, -и; кIул; кIил, -и; гьукьул, -и- III (< *вукь-ул); вукIул, -кІлен III; лъІил-лилъІ ‘ ’; кьыл, кьаьли III; кьыл III < *волъIул. .: . бетІер, . бакI . [NCED: 1041]. . [ 1980: 268, 284 ( ); 1971: 107 ( картIи); 1977: 69]. чъо ‘ ’, . ч̄ин, -и; йич̄ин; иджин III; иджин III < *йич̄ин. .: . лажин, . рижи ‘ ’ ., [NCED: 678] . . [ 1960: 296; 1971: 116]. пул ‘ ’, . вил, -и; ул; , ул, -и; , , ул, -и; ил; ул, -и-, . -абыр III; ул, -ен III; л-ур, . -ум III (-ур — * . . ); гIуьл, -и III; гIуьл III < *’вил. .: 312 У . х̇ули, . бер . [NCED: 250]. . [Dumézil 1933: 53; 1971: 106; 1977: 69; 1980: 268]. нет̄ ‘ ’ . унтІ (< *ул ‘ ’ + нетI) ‘ ’; унетІ // урнетІ < *нетІ ‘ ’. .: . ниІтІа ‘ ’ . [NCED: 852]. . [ 1971: 117, 104]. им-ух ‘ ’, . йаб, йап̄у; иб, -у (-а-); ив; йабур; ибур; ивур; ивур; убур, убру- IV; ой, . -ом IV; ибр, -аь IV; ибир IV < *’Іам̄. - . . .: . гІин ‘ ’ . [NCED: 240]. . [ 1971: 126; 1977: 116; - 1980: 274]. къокъ; ? къигъ ‘ ’, ’ ’, . кьаркьар; кьуркь, -ва; кьакьар-ак; кьакьара III ‘ ’ < *кьаркь // *кьаркьар. . : . кьекь ‘ , ’, . кьакьари ‘ ’ . - къигъ хъуькъ-уьм ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . *къикъв [NCED: 473, 909]. . [ 1971: 106; 1980: 307]. ул-ух ‘ ’, . слиб; силби; силеб; селев (-иб, -еб, -ев — * . ); . сыл-абыр; сили, -ӣн IV; сот, . сот̄ ор IV; сил, -и // -∅ IV; сил IV < *сыл̄. .: . ца, . цула . [NCED: 326]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 85; - 1971: 111; 1977: 70; 1980: 269, 295]. муз ‘ ’, . мез, мец̄и; мелдз; милдзи; мез, -ура; миз, -и- III; миз, -ен III; мац III; мез, миз // -ил III; мез III < *мелц̄. .: . мацI . [NCED: 802]. . [Tru- betzkoy 1930: 85; 1961: 59; 1971: 127; - 1977: 70, 84; 1980: 293]. ук̄ // уьк̄ ‘ ’, . рикI, -и; йукIв, кIва; иркIв, -ура; иркІв; , йиркІв; йикI, -и- IV; йикI, -ен IV; икIв IV; йикІ, -и // -а IV; йыкI IV < *йиркІв. .: . ракІ, . уркІи . [NCED: 678]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 86; 1933: 16; 1971: 124; 1977: 82; 1980: 289]. зиз-ам ‘ ’ (-ам — * . ) . ц̄уьлез; ц̄илаз; жвелержв; джвелерджв; звелез; зулерз // зулез; зилиз, -лзи- III; зылз-ам III < *ц̄вилерц̄в. 313 . Е. А . зилаз ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1099]. . [ 1980: 293; 1981: 77] ( ). бигъІ // быгъІ (1) (< *викьІ < *йикьІв) ‘ ’, йукь, -ва (1, 2); йукьІв, -y (-a-) (2); йикь (3); йикьи (2); икьІ (1); йикьІ (3); AT йаъ (3); йикь (1); йаъ (1); йыкьІ IV (3); йыкьІ, -ан IV (3); игъІ-да (<*икьІ-да) ‘ ’; йикь, -и IV (2, 3); йикь-идж IV (3) < *йикьІв ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’, ‘ ’ (2); ‘ ’ (3). .: . ракьвалІи ‘ ’ . [NCED: 577]. . [ 1971: 126; 1980: 307]. ц̄ан ‘ ’, . ухьнид дан III; вухьнен дан III; цIан IV < *ц̄Iан. .: . ц̄Іину ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1096]. . [ 1977: 73]. кул, кин ‘ ’, . кул, -уни ‘ ’, ‘ ’; куьл-ер ‘ ’; кул, -у ‘ ’; куьл-аьг IV ‘ ’; кул, кура, . кургъул IV < *квил. - . ‘ , ’>‘ , , ’. .: . квер . [NCED: 707]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 86; 1971: 124; - 1977: 69, 80; 1980: 288]. сун ‘ ’, . син, -е ‘ ’, ‘ ’, ‘ ’; сын, -ы- IV ‘ ’; йыкьІана сини III; с̄он, . -от IV ‘ ’; сини IV < *с̄ын ‘ ’. .: . с̄ан ‘ - , ’ . [NCED: 964]. къачъ ‘ ’, . кьуьчІ, хъуьчIуь; гъIучІин ичI; кьІачIых-дад < *кьІвʌчІ ‘ ’. . —‘ - - ( ?)’. . ., . пхIош (кьвʌ̄ш) ‘ ’ [NCED: 925]. . [ 1973: 41]. мух ‘ ’, . шиб, -ру; ш̄ ав; шав; хьаьб, хьибыл- III; хьывна, -йын IV; хьыбына (< *хьымы-ба) < *л̄ъаьм̄. .: . малъ . [NCED: 814]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 192; 1971: 119]. тур ‘ ’, . йутур; йатур; йатур; йэтыр IV; йо- тур IV < *йатур ‘ ’. . . [1952] . . . . урдур ‘ ’ [NCED: 674]. . [ 1969: 118; 1973: 29]. 314 У къІул ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . кIул, -а (1); к̄ыл, -ы (1); к̄уьл, -и (2); гуьл (2); к̄ул, -и (2); гыл, -ай- IV (2); гывы, гывӣн IV (2); лъІол, . -ор IV (1, 2); кыл IV ‘ ’; кыл IV < *л̄ъIол, -а IV ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’ (2). - .: . рул̄ъІ ‘ ( )’ . [NCED: 588]. букъун ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . баблъІв, . -ур III < *ваьвл̄ъІ ‘ ’ ( -н - * . . .). .: . бал̄ъI . [NCED: 297]. хІо ‘ ’, . регъуь; рехуь; , хІав, -ру; х̄Іаьв; , , х̭ав; хIав; гIав; хIыв, -ы- IV; хIу, -йын IV; хIва, -йын IV; хIо IV; х̇аьв IV; х̇ави IV < *х̄Iева (// *рʌ-х̄Iева). .: . бурх̇е ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1048]. ожъиІл; ожъул ‘ ’ (-иІл, -ул — * ), . риджв, -ни; риджви; руж, -ура; , рудж; джы-быр III; ? джы-кIры ‘ ’; оІч, . -ор IV; джи IV; джи-бир IV < *х̇ырч̄в. .: . рач̄І ‘ ’ . [NCED: 529]. . [ 1977: 85; 1981: 33]. маІ ‘ ’, . ма’, -ли; майаь III; магьІ, -ын III; май, мили IV ‘ ’< *магьІ. .: . мех̇е, . наІ ( . маІ) ‘ ’ [NCED: 798]. гьI ( . х̇) . . [ 1973: 38]. п̄и ‘ ’, . е-би, -йин III; би III < *п̄ий. .: . би . [NCED: 879]. . [ . 1971: 114]. негъ ‘ ’, . нагъв, накъвади; нивгъ // нивкъ, -у; нивкъ; нивкъи; негъв, -и; негъв; нибгъв; наъв (< *наьгІв); нагъв, -ай- IV; , н,агъ, -ын IV; нагъ IV; набхъ, нибхъи IV; ноьгъ хьийидж ‘ ’; нугъа йихьəр < *наьвкъ. - .: . магIу ‘ ’ . [NCED: 849]. . [C 1969: 120; 1971: 125; 1977: 86; 1980: 272]. ап̄ ‘ ’, . гьекь, -еди; амкI, -у; амкI, -и; аьнк,Ів; гIамкI; амкI IV; гІакь, -а // -ил IV; акь IV < *гьІамлъІ. .: . гьамлу, . гІетІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 509]. . [ 1971: 122; 1977: 102; 1980: 310]. ч̄ъаин, ч̄ъайиІ ‘ ’, . тIан, -ди; т̄ еъ, -уь-; да’, -ал- IV; ? да; таьгI IV ‘ ’< *ц̄Iаъ. - 315 . Е. А .: . ц̄Iо ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1092]. . [ 1971: 204; 1980: 97]. ел-мух ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . йал (1,2); ил; ел, -ну (1); , ел (1); ил, -и- IV (2); ева, -йн IV (2); гьил IV (1); гІал IV (1); гІал (1) < *гьІела, -аь IV ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’ (2); ‘ ’, ‘ ’ (3). .: . гьали ‘ ’ . [NCED: 485]. . [ 1971: 191] ( , + ). ) : махъІ // махI ‘ ’, . мегъв, -уь (1); маІгъІв (1); махъІв, -у (2); махъІ; махъІан кIур (2); махІв, -ал- III (2); мохъІ, -ан III (2); махъІва III (2); мегъ, -а III (2) < *махъІв , -аь III ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’ (2). .: . мик̄ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 812]. . [ 1961: 59; 1971: 163; 1977: 70, 98]. укъІ ‘ ( )’, . хвех, -уьни; хиф, -ру; хи¢ ; хи¢и; х̄и¢ ; , хIав; , хев; хив; хик, -и // -ай- III; хик, хиг̄иры-; , хек, хек̄ан III < *хел̄ъв // хел̄ъІв. .: . хив ‘ ’ [NCED: 887]. ход ‘ ’, . гъурд-ин гьар; хыд, -ыр- III < *х̄орт̄ III ‘ ’. *-т , - . . : . хур, х̄ур ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1079]. пуп // пупна ход ‘ ’, . пип-ин т̄ ар; пирп-ун гьар; пип III; пип III < *пирп. .: . пипи ‘ ’ . [NCED: 873]. меч̄ ‘ ’, . мич̄-ар ‘ ’; маІж; мач, -ат̄ ай III; медж IV < *маІч̄. .: . мич̄I . [NCED: 808]. . [ 1960: 298; 1971: 165; - 1977: 70]. еІшъ ‘ ’, . ич, -ини; вич, -у; ваІч; х̇ач; х̇аьч; гьеч; х̇еч; гьич, -у; аьч, ичир- III; еч, -ен III; аІнш, . -ум IV; йэч III; йеч III < *х̇аьмч. .: . гIеч, . гьивч . [NCED: 237]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 84; - 1961: 72; 1971: 168; 1977: 91]. кенекI ‘ ’, . кицик; кирик; AT кит̄ ик; ? кыдык; ктик; кидик III < *кын̄ык. . [ 1980: 279]. 316 У т̄ ул ‘ ’, . цип̄ицІ; тIумтI-ар; тІибитІ; тІымыл III; тIумул IV; тIум̄ ул III; тІомбул III ‘ ’ < *тIу[м̄ ]ул (// тIуІ[м̄ ]утI) [NCED: 1004]. . [ 1971: 161; 1977: 70, 107; 1980: 285]. цац ‘ ’, . ц̄аз, ц̄ац̄уни; заз, -ли; дзадза; заз, -и // -ала; заз, -ыл- IV; заза, -н IV; цац IV < *ц̄ац̄а. - .: . заз, . ц̄ац . [NCED: 1091]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 84; 1971: 164; 1977: 84; 1980: 293]. цил ‘ , ’, . ц̄ил, -ини; ц̄ил, -и; дил, -и; дил < *т̄ ил . . [ 1980: 279]. к̄ аьч̄ ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . кьачI (1); кІадж, -у (2); кІаджа (2); кІедж, -ин (2); ( - *-чI > -дж); кьачІ, -ил- ‘ ’ ( III ‘ ’); кIачIа, -н // -йын IV ‘ ’; кIачIи IV (2); кьаьчI III (1); кьəчI III ‘ ’< *лъІачІа ‘ ’(1); ‘ ‘(2). . кIеж, кІидж, кІедж ‘ ( )’. .: . . лъІача ‘ ’ . [NCED: 773]. . [ 1971: 165; 1977: 104; 1980: 299]. хъІол ‘ , ’, . , г̌ал, -и; гал < *л̄Іал. , , г̌ал, -и- // г̌əли IV, г̌ал, г̌ал, -ан IV ‘ ’, . .: . гули ‘ ’ . [NCED: 789]. о // ой ‘ ’, . векь, -и; ваькьІ; укI, -у (-а-); укIу; укI // уькI, -и; йикІв; , уькI; укь, -у- IV; окI, -ан III; окь; йокІи IV ‘ ’; х̇укь IV ‘ ’; вукь ‘ - ’< *’ІвелъІ. .: . гьукІӯ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 230]. . [ 1961: 73, 74; 1971: 168; 1977: 104]. ил ‘ ’, . ечІел, ачІал, чIал < *ъачIал, - *ъачІа(р) ‘ ’ ( ечIе-з, ечIе-на; ву-р-чIув). [NCED: 223]. . [ 1980: 302]. нехъ ‘ ’, . нагъв, -ади (2); нуьгъ; нахъв, -ди (2); нихъв; нухъ; нахъв, -ари (1); нахв, -уй- IV (1); н,ахъв, . н,ухъ-не̄ (1); нахв, нехви IV (2); ноьх IV (1); нох IV (2) < *наьхъв ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’ (2). .: . нак̄у ‘ ’ 317 . Е. А . [NCED: 848]. . [ 1961: 59; 1971: 177; 1977: 72, 98]. ) ( ), , - : ус ‘ , ’, . йац, -ра; йиц, -ру; бец, -уна; йацв; вец; йас, -а- III; , , йас; йац; йац, -ан III; анс, -а, . унсур < *йамц. .: . унц, . муса . [NCED: 680]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 84; 1969: 109; - 1971: 149; 1977: 82]. къал ‘ ( 6 .)’, . кIел, -е; к̄ел, -а; ч̄ил, -а; джал; к̄ел, -а; гаьл, гилир- III; гев, -ан III; лъІал, . -ум IV; кэл, кил III; кел III < *л̄ъІаьл. .: . л̄ъІегIер, . лІели . [NCED: 776]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 195; - 1969: 109; 1971: 160; 1975: 223; - 1977: 69; 1980: 267]. тул ‘ ’, . мытыл, -тла- III; мотол, матла, . -ум IV; тил III < *мотол ‘ ’. . [ 1981: 63; 1973: 23; 1956: 347—348]. мукъI ‘ ’ ( . мукъІа ‘ ’). . мирг, -и; мерш, -ру; мурхь, -ела; мурш; мирг; михь, -и- III; мирг̌ (< ?) < *меІрлІ. .: . белъи ‘ ’ . [NCED: 300]. . - [Trubetzkoy 1922: 194; 1973: 13; 1975: 226]. ул ‘ ’, . убул, убли-, . ублаь III; умул; йам, . -ут III; еб; III; еб III < *’Іам̄ [NCED: 239]. шул ‘ ’, . сикІ, -ре; сул, -у (-а-); сул, -а-; сул, -е(й); с̄ул; , сул; сикI, -ир- III; , , сыІваІ, -йын // -аІн III; с̄ол, с̄ала, . -ор III; сакул III; сокул III < *с̄оІла. , - *с̄оІл-кІ (> , ), *с̄ол-ʌк // *с̄окʌл (> , ). .: . цер, . цул-чІа . [NCED: 324]. . [ 1961: 70; 1971: 154; 1973: 12; 1977: 69: 134; 1960: 284; 1980: 295]. бокъІ ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . вак, вакІа; вак̄, -ала; вак, -а- ‘ ( .)’; вок, вок̄ан III; боІлъІ, баІлъІа, . -ор III; вак III; вəк III < *ваІл̄ъІв. .: . буркІ, . булІу 318 У . [NCED: 1047]. . [ 1975: 225; 1977: 75, 109]. гъу ‘ ’, . къуьр, -е; гъIур, -у (-а-); къур; г̭уьр, -а, г̭ур; гъIур; г̭ур; гIур; гъІыр, -а III; гъІыйе, -н III; къІыйе III; гъІыйаь ; къур, -∅ // -урды III; къур, -улд- III < *къІора. .: . гІаІра ‘ ’ . [NCED: 472]. . [ 1960: 297; 1980: 264; 1975: 226]. шуйе ‘ ’, . , сев, -ре; шве’, -ди; шве’, -ру; шве’е; си, -р-, . -баь III; с,о // с,оІ, -йын III; сар, -ырды III; сор, -улд- III < *с̄ ве’. .: . ци, . зе . [NCED: 329]. . [ 1961: 70; 1971: 155—156; - 1973: 12; 1975: 226; 1977: 134; - 1960: 284; 1980: 295]. ц̄икъІ ‘ ( )’, . терк̄в, -ли // -ру; турк̄(в), -ура; туьк, -уь- IV; тунлъІ, . -ум IV; чак III; чок III < *тенл̄ъІв. .: . таргьа, тергва ‘ ’ . [NCED: 991]. меІл ‘ ’ (< *мʌкьІел < *нʌ-кьІвел), . , кьIул, -у (-а-); , , кьIул, -у; ъал; ъул; кьIул, -и- III; кьІов, -ан III; нокьІон III; кьал, -ырд- III; кьəл III < *кьІвел // нʌ-кьІвел. *нʌ- . .: ., ., . кIулу ‘ ’ [NCED: 523, 935]. . [ 1971: 15; 1975: 226; 1977: 137; 1980: 306]. мехъ ‘ ’, . уьлаьгъ ‘ ’; ( гъ-) гъуьлаьгъ ; маІлахъІв; муІлахъІ; малухъІ; маьІлехъв; му- лухІ, -лхIу- III; мыхъІ, -ын III; милихІу III; мула’ III < *мулахъІв. .: . миликъ . [NCED: 817]. . [ 1977: 97; 1973: 11]. дадал ‘ ’, . дат̄ , -ли; т̄ ат̄ , -ала; дадал III; дадал III < *дад. . т̄ ̄ат̄ ̄а, т̄ ат̄ агъ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 397]. . *деда-л- ‘ , ’[ 1964: 72]. гъІаинаІ ‘ ’, . хъІад, -ала; хъІад, -ир- III; хъІан, -ан III; хъІипи-хIан III < *хъІан̄. .: . къаІна . [NCED: 890]. . [ 1971: 150]. 319 . Е. А бач̄ъана ‘ ’, . псинчІ; бисимчІи; бишикІ; би- бичил III; беберчын, -ын III; мичІэх̇ул; мицІех̇ил III < *[п̄ичI]. Э , - . ц̄илгъIит ‘ ’, . ? чІалитI (2); чІигълитI (3); чІуьлуьтI ІV (1); чIилитI, -лтIилд- III (1) < *чІилитІ ‘ - ’(1),’ ’ (2),’ ’(3). . . джуьллуьт ‘ ’. - - : . чаргъитI ‘ ’, . чІе̄гъардиг ‘ ’ . [NCED: 391]. . [ 1980: 302]. гуІгеІл ‘ ’, . гугунай; гугу тIип; к̄ук̄-баIгв < *гугу-й. . ц̄ирик̄ ‘ ’, . шараг (1); чирк̄в (1); чарк̄в (2); ша- рак III (2); шурук IV (2) I < *чырал̄ъІв (? -гв) ‘ ’ (1), ‘ ’ (2). . [ 1969: 121]. т̄ ат̄ ‘ ’, . тІветІ, -ре (< *тIевтI < *тІемтI); тIутI, -ура; дыд, -ыр- III; тIотI, -ан III ‘ ’; тІантІ, . -ум III ; тIытI III; тIутI III < *тIамтІ. .: . тIутI, . тІентІ . [NCED: 998]. . . [1964: 141] - . . [ 1971: 156; - 1980: 285; 1981: 64] ( чІамч̄). нец̄ ‘ ’, . нет, нетІре; нет, . нет̄ ер; , ниц̄, -ру; ниц̄и; нет̄ ; нацІ, нец̄Іири III < *наьц̄І. .: . нац̄I . [NCED: 995]. . [ 1960: 297; 1971: 150; 1977: 72, 106]. ин ‘ ’, . чIут, -ра; чIуд, -ру; чІуьй; чIид, -ала; , чIид; чIир; чIид; чIин, -ын III; чIит, -и-, . -ер III; чIин III; чIид, -а III; чIид III < *чІун̄ I. .: . чІонни . [NCED: 395]. . [ 1960: 296; - 1971: 149; 1977: 75, 101]. изак̄ ‘ ’, . ц̄егв, ц̄ек̄вре; ц̄вез, . ц̄вец̄вер; , зимз, -ру; забз, -ала; дзыдзыхІ, -дзхIы- III; ? семсаьле, -н III; зимзи // зимзу III; дзыз, -а III; зыз < *ц̄имц̄. - : . ц̄оц̄оло ‘ ’ . [NCED: 325]. 320 У ц̄ец̄ ‘ ’, . цIицI, -ре; цIицI, -ру; цІирцІир али // цIирцIин али; цIыцI, . -ар IV; цIит̄ , -ен // -ын IV; цIит, -т̄ ен IV < *цІицІ (// цІиц̄І) ‘ ’. . - . : . цІерцІ ‘ - ’, . цІоз ‘ ’ . [NCED: 823]. . [ 1980: 296]. ) : баба ‘ ’, . , , , , буба ‘ ’; баба ‘ - ’; бəбə ‘ ’< *баба-й. . . баба ‘ , - ’( ). « » . .- . , . . баб-йу ‘ ’ . [NCED: 286]. [ 1971: 132] *ап̄ай. вичи ‘ ’, . чви, -ч̄ви; чу, -ч̄у; чу; чвуй; куьй; шу, . -баь; чож // чодж, -ын; уш-ду, . ошоб; шид, . шийимби; шид, ший- < *чвый (< **вʌ-чый). ; *чвый. - .: . в-ац̄, . узи ‘ ’ . [NCED: 669]. . хун-чи. . - [Trubetzkoy 1930: 86; 1971: 128; 1977: 95]. хун-чи ‘ ’ (хуни ‘ ’), . чи, чуч̄у; чи, -ч̄и, . -ч̄ар; риши; ӣчи; дош-дур, . ошоб; шидыр; шидыр < *чый // *ры-чый. .: . й-ац̄, . рузи ‘ ’ . [NCED: 669]. . [ 1961: 70; 1971: 133; - 1977: 95]. ишу ‘ , ’, . -ви; -гуь; жви; жви; шуй, шува; шуй; ш̄ вуй; хьуьй; фири; фури < *ш̄ вий. [NCED: 336]. .: . чи, . чув . . [ 1973: 99]. лек̄ ‘ ’ (< .?), . лукI, -ра; лукI, -ру; лукI, -ура; лыкІ < *локІ ‘ ’. « , ‘ ’—‘ ’—‘ - ’ — ‘ ’» [ 1973: 20]. хуни ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . хьидул-ф; хьыдыл-ды, . хьылаь; хьунаш̄ ̄е; л̄ъон-нол, л̄ъанна; хьидил; хьыдли < *л̄ъын̄(ол). 321 . Е. А .: . . хьунул [NCED: 762]. . [ 1971: 130; 1977: 73, 128]. ) , : бу-рух (< *уб-рух < *сыв- ) ‘ ’, . сув, -а; сив, -и; сив; су, -ва; су, -ва; сыв, -а- III ‘ ’; сыва // сува // сва, -йын III; соб, . -от IV ‘ ’< *сыва. .: . . беча, . беса . [NCED: 1053]. . [ 1971: 183; 1977: 133; 1980: 314]. еч̄ ‘ ’, . рат, ратІра; рат, . рат̄ ар; , рац̄, -у (-а-); рац̄а; рат̄ , -ин; рат, -ай- // риди- IV; рат, рит̄ и-; ат̄ а, -йын IV; цIи (< *дицIи — .) IV < *рац̄Іа. .: . гьоц̄Iу, . т̄ арацIалу . [NCED: 504]. . [ 1960: 299; 1980: 265; 1969: 108; 1971: 171; 1977: 107]. йакъ ‘ ’, . рехъ, рекьи; раІхъІ; . рекьер; ( - ) ракьІ, -и; ракъІ, -у; ракъІа; , , ракъІ, -у; рекъ; рахъІ, рыкъІы- III; йахъІ, йакъІын III; декьІ, . дек̄ьIу III < *раьк̄ьІ. .: . даІкь ‘ ’ . [NCED: 604]. . [Dumézil 1933: 20; 1971: 142; - 1977: 109; 1980: 264]. гимгаь ‘ ’, . к̄им, -и; гим, -и; гим, -и ‘ ’; гим, -а- // -ей- III; гим-га, -йин III; гим, -ын III; гангагь III; гинг, -а III < *к̄им. , , , , . гаh ‘ ’. .: . к̄ама ‘ ’ . [NCED: 438]. . [ 1973: 80]. чал ‘ ’, . арчил (1); арчал (1); чал (3) < *[’ар]чал ‘ ’ (1), ‘ ’ (2), ‘ ’ (3). .: . чали ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 343]. к̄ат̄ аж ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . гатІи IV; гəтІи III; гатІе; гаІтІи, -йин; гатІи III; гаІнтІи III; гаьндж, . -иб III ‘ ’; ‘ ’ (< *гаьнчI ); гендж III < *к̄аІнтІий ‘ ’, ‘ ’, ‘ ’. .: . ч̄антIу < *к̄антIу ‘ ’, . готІи ‘ ’ [NCED: 436]. к̄от̄ ман ‘ ( )’, . кIунтI, -у (2, 3); к̄унтI (3); гунтI, -у (-а-) (3); кIунтI (2); гунт̄ (1); гутI (2); 322 У кIутІман (3); гунтІ III (1) < *к̄унтI, -е ~ -ы ‘ ’ (1); ‘ - ’, ‘ ’ (2); ‘ ( )’ (3). ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . . : . . кIутI ‘ - ’, . котІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 712]. - . (гунди) . гъIул ‘ ’, . къул, -а (3); гъул, -у (-а-) (1); къул (1); гIул (1); , гъул, -е (4); гъул, -и- III (2); гъул, -ен IV (2); къул (2) < *къул, -е ‘ ’ (1), ‘ ’ (2), ‘ ’ (3), ‘ - ’ (4). , , ‘ , ’: . . кьор ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . [NCED: 469]. ол ‘ , ’, . сыл, -ай- III; мосол, масла, . -ум III < *мосол ‘ ’. .: . шима ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 831]. угъІ ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . къав, -у; гъва’ (* .); къуй, -а-; гIуй, -и-; гъу, -йи-, . гъув-ур; къав, -ы- IV; къав IV ‘ ’ < *къав, къове ‘ ’, ‘ ’. .: . хъаву ‘ ’ . [NCED: 454]. . [ 1969: 120; 1971: 200]. к̄ир ‘ ’, . кIур, -и ‘ ’; кIур ‘ ’; кIур ‘ ’; кІвар IV ‘ ’< *кІвир ‘ ’;’ ’. т̄ ап̄ан ‘ ’, . тIапан; тIаьпIаьн IV ‘ ’ < *тІапІан IV ‘ ’. . tapan [ , 1979: 157] . . тІыпи ‘ ’ . . [NCED: 996]. ) , - , , : к̄ода ‘ ’, . кIетIа, -ла; кIатIи IV < *кIатIий // кIитІай. .: . кIатIа . [NCED: 688]. . [ 1973: 68]. мухъІал ‘ ’, . ругун; рыгын; ниг̌раь, -ий- IV; рыг̌наь; ниг̌ра // нигра IV; мыгра; лІором IV; йири; йарар; йарйар; йи, йири- < *л̄Іыро[м] // *рыл̄Іо[м] IV ( ). 323 . Е. А ( . йири < *л̄Iырʌй). .: . белун ‘ . ’ . [NCED: 1033]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 197]. к̄иро ‘ ’, кIир, -ини (1); кIир, -у (-а-) (1); кІирув (3); кІера (3); кІири IV (3); кIир, -∅ IV (2); кIир IV (2) < *кІир[а] ‘ ’(1); ‘ ’ (2); ‘ ’ (3). . . кІору ‘ ’(< *‘ ’). ушъ ‘ ’, . ус, -у- IV; ос, -ан IV < *’Івес. .: . х̇ос̄ ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 505]. окъІ ‘ ’, . вик, викІини; век, век̄ени (< *ваьрл̄ъІ < *аьрл̄ъІв); йурк̄агъ; йирк̄агъа; йарк̄вах; к̄урах; оІк // ок,, -ен IV; олъІ, -ын, -ор IV; укар IV < *’аьрл̄ъІв. .: . рул̄ъІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 220]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 195]. хала ‘ ’ ( ‘ ’), . хьылан IV; хьева, -ын IV; лъол, . -ор IV; хьинэр (< *хьил-нэр) III; хьиннерд (<*хьил- н-ер) III < *лъола. .: . хьен, . хьула ‘ ’ . . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 192; 1969: 108; 1971: 169; 1977: 122]. еІб ‘ ’, . раб, рап̄уни ‘ ’; риб, рип̄ини ‘ ’; риб, рип̄ени; риб; рив ‘ ’; реб, -ала; , рев; риб; раб, -ай- IV; раб, -ын IV; даб IV; реб IV; реб IV < *раьп̄ // рап̄ ‘ ’. .: . п̄а, . дуруб ‘ ’ . [NCED: 648]. . *вуреп̄а. . [ 1961: 61; 1971: 216, 202; 1977: 76; 1980: 264]. ч̄агъ ‘ ’, . чІикь, чикьини ( . ‘ ’); чІикь, -ру; ч̄икь, -и ‘ ’, ‘ , ’; чикь ‘ ’; чикь ‘ ’; чІикь, -ын IV ; чІикь, -ил // -а III ‘ ( .)’ < *ч̄Іикь ‘ , ’. мугул, мунгул ‘ ’, . к̄ул, -уни; мургул; мугул; мугул III; мыг̌ыл, III ‘ ’( [ 1971: 103] - ); мугул (< *‘ ’< *‘ ’, . мурглин тIул); мук̄ул IV; магул III; могул III < *мурк̄ул. .: . му’ул . [NCED: 834]. . [ 1960 : 284 ( , , къвал), 285, 297; 1980: 264; 1971: 104 ( . му-); 1977: 79]. 324 У т̄ ирик̄ал ‘ ’, . таІнкIəла // таІнкIули IV ‘ ’; тIунукІ < *тІʌнʌкІ ‘ ’. ч̄ъоч̄ъик ‘ ’, . чІичІ, чичІеди ‘ ’; чІичІ (1); чІичІ, -ай- IV ‘ ’; чІичІ IV ‘ ’; чІичІ IV ‘ ’< *чІичІ. ха ‘ ( )’ ( . хайе ‘ ’), . хьа, -йи; хьай, . хьайар; х̄ьай; хьей, -и; , хьей, -у; ш̄ и, ш̄ ийани-; ш̄ и; хьа, -йын III; олъ, ал̄ъа IV < *л̄ъай. .: . лъу ‘ ’ . [NCED: 769]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 192; 1971: 216]. иІйагъІ ‘ ’, . рикь, -и; рыкь, -ы- // -ай- III; йыкь, -ын IV; йикь, -ын III; дикь, -и IV < *рикь ‘ ’. .: . накь . [NCED: 499]. . [ 1971: 202; 1980: 265 ( )]. хари ‘ ’, . гъуьр, -уь; хуьр; хІу; хІуй; х̭ур, -а; хIур, гІур; рах̭у (< *х̭аруй); хIур, -у- // -ай- III; хIу, -йын III; раьх̇аьдж IV; рах̇адж IV < *х̄Iуй // *х̄Iур. .: . х̄ара-б . [NCED: 561]. . [ 1966: 342; - 1971: 205]. екъ ‘ ’, . йак, йакIу; йик̄, -у; йак̄, -у; йак, йигы- IV; алъІ IV; йэк, йик IV; йəк IV < *’йал̄ъІ. .: . рил̄ъІи . [NCED: 945]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 195; Dumézil 1933: 21; 1969: 110; 1971: 204; 1977: 109]. ч̄ъаьин ‘ ’, . чІем; ч̄ем, -и // -еди; ч̄им; джаІм; ч̄аІм, -а; чам; чэм, -а IV < *ч̄ІаьІм. .: . цен ‘ ’ . [NCED: 624]. . [ 1973: 51; 1980: 271; 1981: 81]. уч̄ъ ‘ ’, . вирт, виртІеди; уьрт, уьрт̄ еди; йич̄в, -у; йич̄ви; ит̄ в, -а; йит̄ в; ит, -ы- IV; ут, ут̄ ен IV; итв, ит̄ ун IV; имцІ, имц̄Іи IV; йит, -а IV; йит IV < *’имц̄І. .: . гьоц̄Іо, . ницІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 825]. *’иц̄Iы- ‘ ’. . [ 1961: 71; 1971: 205; 1977: 72]. накъ ‘ ’, ‘ ’ ( . муч̄ъа-накъ ‘ - ’), . нек, некІеди; ник̄, -ди; нек̄, -ура; нек̄, -ди; наьк, 325 . Е. А -ий- III; н,ак, никнен III; наІлъІ, неІлъІи IV < *наьІл̄ъІ ‘ - ’. .: . накІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 850]. . [ - 1961: 59; 1969: 110; 1977: 110]. хъохъла ‘ ’, . гъІарагъІал; гъылыгъ III < *къʌлʌкъ. . . хъохъла ‘ ’ [NCED: 906]. п̄уІмп̄аІл ‘ ’, . пІəпІəл, -е- IV; пІаІпІаІл < *пІаІпІаІл. къІакъІапун ‘ ’, . кьуркьур (2); кьылыкь III (2); кьукь, -ун III (2); кьалукь III (2) < *кьолокь III ‘ ’ (1); ‘testiculum’ (2). -пун. . : къулкье ‘ ’, . кьуІкьле ‘ ’ . [NCED: 933]. ел ‘ ’, . кьел, -е; кьил, -у (-а-); кьІал, -а; кьІал; , кьел; кьаьл, кьили- // кьилир- III; кьев, -ан III; кьэл, кьил IV; кьел III < *кьаьл. ‘ ’ - *кьаь-кьʌл-. .: . н-икь-аро ‘ ’, . кьудкьу-си = *кьаь-кьʌл- . [NCED: 912]. . [ 1977: 103; 1980: 267, 307]. ) : ци ‘ ’, . тIвар, -цIи // -уни; т̄ вар; ч̄вур, -ну; дзур, -и; т̄ ур, -и; дур IV; , до, -йын IV; цIор, . -ом IV; тыр, -а IV; тур IV < *ц̄Івер. .: . ц̄Іар ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1098]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 87; 1971: 142; - 1977: 68, 106; 1980: 264, 297]. магъІ ‘ ’ (< ), . мах, -уни; магъ; махъв, -ру; махв, -ал- IV; махIу III; мах, -ил // -а III; магъ III (< ?) < *махъв III ‘ ’. - ( . . махъ ‘ ’, . мохъ ‘ ’ . магьа, . муха ‘ ’ .) [NCED: 793]. . [ 1961: 68; - 1972: 36; 1971: 147; 1977: 70, 121]. ) : усен ‘ ’, . саьн, -аь- // саьди- IV; сен IV; сен, -ин IV; с̄ан IV; саьн IV; сан, сунудж- IV < *с̄аьн. .: . сон, . шин . [NCED: 976]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 83; 1971: 182; 1077: 135]. 326 У махІа ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . мекв, -е; миг̌, -у (-а-); мехь, -ела; маьхь IV; мехь; мэк, мик III; мек III < *маь[рлІ]. - ( ), , - . . . лъумур ‘ ’ . [NCED: 819]. . [ 1971: 171]. неп̄ ‘ ’, . нивкІ, -у; емкІ; никІ; накь IV; н,акI, никІнен IV; набкІ, нибкІи ( . микІир ‘ ’); нэкьир IV; не- кьир < *наьвлъІ. .: . мал̄ъІу ‘ ’ . [NCED: 620]. . [ 1971: 148; 1977: 135; 1980: 272]. къІи ‘ ’, . илъІ, -и // -ли IV < *л̄ъІий. - илъІ < *л̄ъІи < *л̄ъІий. .: . л̄ъІер-изе ‘ - ’, . -олIа ‘ ’ . хъел // хел ‘ , ’. . хаьл, -ыр- IV; хев, -ан IV; х̄ал, . -ум IV; хэл, хил III; хел IV < *х̄аьл. .: . хала . [NCED: 1069]. . [ 1971: 170]. мец // мес ‘ ’, . мес, -и; маьс, -ы- IV; мас, мес̄е III; мис IV < *маьс̄ ‘ ’. .: . муса ‘ ’ . [NCED: 833]. . [C 1969: 122; 1980: 314]. иІшъа // ыІшъа ‘ ’, . ишв, -y (-a-) ‘ ’; , йишв; исв ‘ ’; ус < *йисв, -а ‘ ’. - . [NCED: 683]. [1977: 119] ( ). ) : кай ‘ ’( ), . екв, -уьни; акв, -ну; гІакв, -айи; екв; , , ъаькв; йакв, -а- IV; ак̄он IV ( . ак̄у- кес — аку хьуз ‘ ’) < *ъаква ‘ ’. ( . кван ‘ ’, . кан- ‘ ’ . [NCED: 703]), ак̄он , . ( . . -н, . -ни). . [ 1961: 63; 1971: 199; 1977: 80]. хе ‘ ’ ( . хене ‘ ’), . йад, ц̄и; йад, йиц̄и; шид, шт̄ у; шай, шит̄ и; хьед, хьит̄ а; хьид, хьит̄ и-; ш̄ ̄ер, ш̄ири-; 327 . Е. А хьаьд, хьийи- IV; хь,ан, хьинен IV; л̄ъан, л̄ъенне IV; хьаьд, хьидж IV; хьəд, хьий- IV < *л̄ъаьн̄. .: . ш̄ ин, . л̄ъим . [NCED: 1061]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 122; - 1971: 181; 1977: 128; 1980: 278—279]. бегъІ ‘ ’, . рагъ, ракъини; ригъ, -ди; рагъ, -у; ви- ригъ, -ргъи- III; вирыгъ // верыгъ, -ргъен III; бархъ, берхъе III; вирагъ III < *виракъ. .: . бак̄ь . [NCED: 1051]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 82; Dumézil 1933: 20; 1971: 184; 1977: 75]. ч̄ем ‘ ’, . чIум; маьчІ, -ил // -а IV ( ) < *чІвем. .: . мучІа ‘ ( , )’ . [NCED: 838]. гъи ( )‘ ’, . йугъ, йикъа; йигъ, -а, йикъи; йагъ, -уйин; , йагъ; йагІ; йигъ, -а- IV; йыгъ, -ын IV; ихъ IV; йигъ, -∅ // -а IV; йигъ IV < *йикъ. .: . кьо . [NCED: 622]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 82; 1971: 183; - 1977: 85; 1980: 303]. уьше // шуь, ишо ‘ ’, . йиф, -е // фе; , йиф; йуъхъв; йишв, -у (-а-); йижви; йиш̄ в; гІуьш, -айи; иш̄ в; уьхъ; ъуьш; выш, -и- IV; йуш; йуьшв; иш IV ( . ш̄ви ‘ ’); йиф, -а IV; йувуз ‘ ’< *ъиш̄ в. - .: . нише ‘ ’ . [NCED: 524]. . [Dumézil 1933: 50; 1971: 181; 1977: 94]. жъогъул, даьйжъогъул ‘ ’ .( ) зул, -у; гуьл; жул; зул; чвул; чвну ‘ ’; цул, -и; цувул // цывыл, -влин IV; цывыл,; сувул, -ен IV; сот ‘ - ’; сот̄-ахъІ IV < *цовыл̄ ‘ ’. .: . ц̄ибера . [NCED: 327]. . [ 1977: 70]. муш ‘ ’, . мич (2); муш (2); мьц, -ын III (1) < *муч ‘ ’ (1); ‘ ’ (2). *-ч > -ц; - *-ч. .: . марч ‘ ’ . [NCED: 826]. . [ 1971: 180; 1977: 92]. асой ‘ , ’, . амс, -ли; амс̄а; амс̄; асый IV < *’амс̄. — . -й. .: . гьас ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 243]. 328 У иІжъ // ыІжъ иІжъ ‘ ’, . йиз, -ыр- IV; йыз, -ен IV; йиз, -ан, IV; йиз, -а IV; йиз IV < *йиц̄. . ( . гІазу ‘ ’ . [NCED: 674]. . [ 1971: 192; - 1977: 117]. мархал ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . маргъал; маргъвал; мархəла III ‘ ( . .< .); мархал III; мархал III < *малх̄ал ‘ ’, ‘ ’. . . марх̄ала ‘ ’ . [NCED: 796]. хъІи ‘ ’, . фер, -ц̄и; л̄ъвири IV ‘ ’; фыр IV ‘ ’, ‘ ’< *л̄ъв[и]р. а-рух ‘ ’ (-рух — * . ), . цІай, цIу ( йыцІы); цІа, цІи; цІа, цІи; , цІа; цІай; цІай, цІы IV; цІаь; цІа; цІа, -йын, IV; оцІ, . цІере-хъI IV; цІаь, цІыр IV; цІə, -йил- IV < *цІай. .: . цIа, . цIу . [NCED: 354]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 83; 1971: 193; - 1977: 100; 1980: 296]. могъІ // мокъІ ‘ ’, . муьрхъ, -уь; муркъІ, -ну; , макъІв; мекъв; мыхъІ, -ыр- IV; мэхъ, -а // -ил IV; ? пехъ IV < *мирк̄ьІв ‘ ’. . . мехъа, . мухъ ‘ ’ [NCED: 818]. . [ 1980: 270]. ) : ини ‘ ’( . jени ‘ ’ ), . цІийи; цІийи; цIайе-ф; цIин-ды; цIе-д-ын; мацІа; цІийаь < *цIенйаь- // цIенваь. .: . цIи-яб, . цIино-б . [NCED: 357]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 82; 1961: 70; - 1977: 100; 1980: 296]. маІиІн ‘ ’, . мичІи; мучІу; мучІеф; мичIахъ- ды; мычIах-ын; мачІа; мичІе; мичІи < *мичI(аь)- ‘ - ’. — . .: . мачI-аб ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 820]. . [ 1971: 226; - 1977: 102; 1980: 301]. буса ‘ ’, . мыс̄ы-н; мыз < *мос̄ы- (? *вонс̄ы-). . . маца-лла ‘ ’, мац-дала ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 837]. муч̄ъа ‘ ’, . верцІи; верц̄и; иц̄и; ит̄ е-ф; ид-ды; ит̄ ы-д; ит-ды; ут̄ у-н; уьт̄ у-н; ицI (-ц̄I-) < *’иц̄Іы. 329 . Е. А м- , , , . : . мури-си, . миц̄Iа-б ‘ ’ . [NCED: 825]. . [ - 1977: 106]. ц̄ум ‘ ’, . карц̄уб; цIуммус ‘ ’; гІанту, гIа-б-тинджи < *’иц̄Іваьн ‘ ’. .: . уц̄Iан-лъа ‘ ’ . [NCED: 668]. чаьли ‘ ’ (< ‘ ’), . чулле-ф // чуІлле-ф ‘ ’; чвуле-р; куьлит; чулле-ф; шил-ды; , чуІваІ-н (+ ‘ ’); чива-н; чула-дж ‘ ’< *чвиІлаь- ‘ - ’. .: . ш̄ уІлли- ‘ ’ . [NCED: 532]. . [ 1977: 69, 96]. лахо ‘ ’, . йаргъи; йархи; йархIе-’, хулаьх-ди; хыли-н; лаха; лаха ‘ ’ < *[гьІ]алхаь ‘ ’. йаргъи ( *гьархи) : *[гьІ]алхаь ‘ ’, *йакъʌ ‘ ’ *’арх̄(ʌл) ‘ ’. . , , *[гьІ]алхаь > *лахаь (//*халаь), - . .: . хала-л ‘ ’, . гьалха- ‘ , ’, . хала-т-аб ‘ ’ . [NCED: 551]. . [ 1971: 219; 1977: 127]. ахІил ‘ ’, . йаргъал; йархла; варха ‘ ’; хы- ры-ды ; ах < *’арх̄(ʌл). .: . арх̄-са ‘ ’ . [NCED: 269]. . [ 1975: 106]. ача ‘ ’, . ерчІи; ет̄ ̄и; арчул; х̇арч̄ле-р; гьарчаь-д; оІрчІу-ши ‘ ’ < *[х̇]арч̄I-. .: . урчIа- ‘ ’ . [NCED: 545]. . [ 1977: 108]. биси (б — ) ‘ ( )’, . сур; йирси; йерсуь-в; ? йарсе-ф; йис-ды; йис̄е йин < *йис̄-. . йис, -а; йис, йизи, ис, ис̄ ‘ ’. - .: . . б-асра-йаб ‘ , ’, дус, дус̄ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 968]. . [ 1971: 182; 1973: 110; - 1980: 314]. ми ‘ ’, . мекьи; мерчІули; микIле-р; мыкь-ды; мыкІан < *мелъІаь ‘ ’ ( . мекь ; микI, мекI ‘ ’). .: . мартI < *марлъІ ‘ ’ . [NCED: 809]. 330 У к̄ак̄аник̄, к̄анк̄орой ‘ ’, . гергми; гилген-ф; гыргыны-д; гызгыра-н; гыргы-ран; гилгилен; гук̄и ( ,< . к̄урк̄и-); гур-гум; гунгур-тIи < *к̄(е)лк̄ом // -н. .: . к̄урк̄и-, . гургина-б . [NCED: 438]. . [ - 1971: 221; 1977: 68]. т̄ и-лин к̄аьшаь ‘ ’ . тIи-мил ‘ ’; тIи < *тІи- ‘ ’. .: . гьитIин-аб ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1001]. мац̄и ‘ ’, . , марц̄и; мардзи; маIрт̄ е-ф; мəт- ды ‘ ( )’; ? маьІт̄ ыІ-н; марцI ( . марц̄I ас ‘ - ’) < *маІрц̄Iы- ‘ ’. .: . марцI- . [NCED: 552]. . [ 1961: 71; 1971: 227; 1977: 107]. гъе ‘ ’, . къе; гъи; къи; гъи-гъа; гъи-н,а; къы- на; хъи ‘ ’; къе; къе < *къи // къаь. - , *йикъ ‘ ’ ( . гъи) 1- [NCED: 622]. . [ 1973: 97]. наІине ‘ ’, . накь; накь; накьв; накь; накьа; наькь; накьа < *накь(а). . [ 1960: 298]. хъо-ш ‘ , ’, . хъа; хъу’-сур ‘ ’; хи-р // ха-ра < *хъʌ- [NCED: 1027]. . - . ) : гьу-н ‘ ’, . гъу; гъу, . йыгъ-на < *гъу-. 2- . ( , ): . . . ох ‘ ’( вы ‘ ’; . ас ‘ ’ зы ‘ ’), ., ., . х̇о, . х̇у ‘ ’ — , *гъу-, . о-х [NCED: 483]. беши ‘ ’ ( . .), . чун, . . ча, . . чи(н); учу, . . ич; чин, . . ич; жи, . . иш-ды; ши, . . йиш-; жин, . . жаь-; жин < *джи-н, джа, . . идж ‘ ( .)’. .: . ниж, . жу . [NCED: 1089]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 79; 1961: 66; 1977: 114]. ваІн, . . ефи ‘ ’, . куь-н, . . кве-; учву, . . ичв; чвун, . . ичв; ( ) веІ, . . уш-ды; шу, . . вуш-; 331 . Е. А жвен, . . виш; вин, . . ве; вин < *джв[еІ]-н, джваІ, . . -иІджв. . ( . нуж, . зу .) [NCED: 1087]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 79; 1961: 66; 1960: 301; 1977: 114]. йан, . . йа- ‘ ’, . ухьу, . . ихь; шин, . . иш; йаь, . . ихь-ды; . . оло, улу, д-оло, б-оло, . . -ел, в-ел, д-ел, б-ел; . . ла-; йин, . . йаь-; йин, . . йə- < *длаь-н, дла, . . -идл. .: . ил̄Iи-л ‘ ( .)’ . [NCED: 786]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 79; 1977: 97]. зу, за-, . . бези ‘ ’, . зун, за, . . зи(н); узу, . . йиз; зун, за-, . . йаз; зы, за, . . из-ды; зы, за-, . . йиз-ын; зон, за-, . . -ис̄, в-ис̄, д-ис̄, б-ис̄, . . -ез, в-ез, д-ез, б-ез; зын, заь-; зын, зə < *зо-н, за-, . . -из. .: . заь, . ду-н . [NCED: 1084]. . [ 1971: 228; 1977: 70]. ун, . . ва-, . . ви ‘ ’, . вун, . . ва-, . . ви(н); уву, . . йав; вун, . . ва-, . . йав; вы, ва; ву, . . ва-; ун, . . ва-; вын, ваь-; вын, вə < *ўо-н, ўа, . -иў. .: . му-н < *ву-н, . ви-л ( . .) . [NCED: 1014]. . [ 1977: 72]. ме ‘ ( )’, . -м . - (и-м, а-м, атIа-м . .); -му . (ду-му, к̄у-му, гъу-му); му ‘ ’; ми ‘ ’; ми ‘ ’; ма-н ‘ ’; -му йа-му ‘ ( )’ < *мʌ ‘ ( )’. .: . му ‘ ( - )’ . [NCED: 843]. т̄ е ‘ ’, . ти; ти; то-в, ду-му, а-тIа - < *ты- ‘ ’. . : ., . та . до- ‘ ’ [NCED: 404]. ема, гьема ‘ ’, . ши-ви; . . ни-ше, . . ни-ши-с; ши. . *швим ‘ ’: шуму-д, швну-б, шуму-д < *шви ‘ ’. .: . чу- ‘ , ’, чами ‘ ’ . [NCED: 351]. . [Dumézil 1933: 61; - 1977: 91; 1955: 347]. из ‘ ’, . жув; жвув; вудж I, ридж II, . . джу-с I, джи-с II; вудж І, йидж II, . . джу-на І, дже-на II; инж, . . жу І, же II; идж II < *’иж (у-иж I, р-иж II), . 332 У . *жви- I, *же- II ‘ , ’. .: . жи- ‘ ’ . . [ 1977: 114]. ич ‘ ’, . вич, . чеб; учв, . . чан, . чиб; ичв, . . че, . чав; . . чи-на III, чи-н IV < *’ич (в-ич, й-ич), . . *чи- ‘ (III-IV)’. .: . . . чу-ли, . чу-с ‘ ’ . [NCED: 347]. ) : са ‘ ’, . ( .) са; са-б, са-в; , , са-д; с̄а-р; са; , са; ос, с̄ей-тIу; саь-д; са-д < *с̄а. .: . цо . [NCED: 323]. . [ 1961: 69; - 1977: 89]. п̄аІ, п̄оІ ‘ ’, . кьве-д; кьІу-б; кьІу-в; , кьІу-д; кьІу-р; ъад; ъу-д; кьІва-д; кьІо-ллаь; кьІве; кьва-д; кьа-б < *кьІваь. .: . кIи-го . [NCED: 924]. . [ 1960: 302; 1971: 232; 1977: 137]. хиб ‘ ’, п̄у-д (*хьп̄у-д); шубу-б; шиббу-б; хьибу-д; шибу-р; хьибы-д; хьебы-ллаь; лъеб; шиби-д; шубу-д < *лъеп̄ы. .: . лъаб-го . [NCED: 768]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 191; 1971: 232; 1977: 76]. бип̄ (< *викьв < *йевкь) ‘ ’, . кьу-д; йукьу-б; йакьу-д; йукьу-д; йокьу-ллаь; ебкь; йукьу-д; йукьу-б < *йевкьы. .: . мукь . [NCED: 489]. . [ 1961: 64; 1971: 233; 1977: 135]. хъо ‘ ’, . ва-д; хьу-б; хьу-в; г̭а-фу-д; хьу-д; хьо- ллаь; л̄ъо, лъвей-тІу; фы-д; фы-д < *л̄ъве. .: . лъе-но ‘ ’ . [NCED: 426]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 193; 1977: 97]. ухъІ ‘ ’, . ругу-д; руг̌у-д; йирхьу-б; , , йерхьи-д; йер-ши-р; рихьы-д; йихьы-ллаь; дилъ, дилъ- ийтІу; рыхьы-д; рыхьы-д < *рилІы. *р - ‘ ’ ( ург̌у-б, йери-д < *ўирлIы-). .: . раІх-, . анл̄I- . [NCED: 219]. . [Trubetz- koy 1922: 192—193]. вугъІ ‘ ’, . ири-д; ург̌у-б; ургу-в; , , йери-д; йере-р; йивы-д; йиг̌ы-ллаь; вилI; йыг̌ы-д; йийи-д < 333 . Е. А *ўирл̄Іы-. .: . анл̄ъІ-, . арул- . [NCED: 247]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 197]. мугъ ‘ ’, . муьжуь-д; миржи-б; мижу-в; , муйа-д; муйа-р; муйи-д; мыйе-д; моли-ллаь; мелІе; миг̌и-д; мыйə-д < *менл̄Іаь. .: . мил̄ъІ-го . [NCED: 315]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 197; 1971: 236; - 1977: 86]. вуй ‘ ’, . кIуь-д; чIуь-д; урчIву-б; гьурчIу-в; йарчIуІ-д; йерчIву-р; йеркIуь-д; йерчIуІ-д; гьучIу-д; йичIу-ллаь; учI; йичIи-д; вичIи-б < *ў[и]лчІвы-. .: . ичI-, . урчI- . [NCED: 208]. . [Dumézil 1933: 51]. виц̄ ‘ ’, . цIу-д; йицIу-б; , ицIу-д; йицIу-р; йицIу-д; йицIы-д; йицIе-ллаь; вицI; йицIы-д; йицІы-д < *ўицІы-. .: . вецI-ал, . анцI- . [NCED: 245]. . [ 1961: 70]. къа ‘ ’, . къа-д; къа-б; къа-д; къа̄-д, къа-ллаь; кьа; къа-д; къа-д (хъа-д?) < *к̄ьа. .: . кьо- . [NCED: 456]. . [ 1961: 64; 1971: 238; - 1977: 108]. бачъ ‘ ’, . виш; варж; варжа; баІрш; ваьрш; ваьш; ваІш, -ен; баІша- < *ваІлш-. ., . . т̄ -урш, . бешано . [NCED: 588]. . [Dumézil 1933: 51]. ) : бу ‘ ’( - ), . йа; ву; ву’у; е; ву; й-и’и; во- ( : во-р, во-б, во-д); и; -и; ви < *’е. в- ( б-) й- . - . .: . и-да . [NCED: 252]. буй ‘ ’, . ацIуз, ацIуна; а-∅-цIуз; ацIас; . а-в-цIыр; г,ацІāс; а-б-цIас; гIацIаь-д ‘ ’; сарцІар, сə-б-цІəджи ( . серцІи) < *гьІацІы ‘ ( )’. .: . цIе-зе, . -уцIи-н . [NCED: 526]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 82; 1971: 255; 1977: 100]. ваІ ‘ , ’, . гьу-в-гъас (IV гьагъвас) ‘ ( )’; аргьас, аргьар ‘ ’; вургъадж < *’аргъва 334 У ‘ ’. .: . аргъес ‘ ’, . ургъ-изе ‘ ’ . . [ 1971: 132]. баксун ‘ , ’, . в-ыкыс; кес < *’икаь. лахсун ‘ , ’, . авахьиз ‘ , ’; акІахьиз ‘ ’; а-∅-хъуз; лархьас; къа’а-в-хьас, къа’а-б-хъу; арахьар, а-б-куджи < *’арлъы ‘ ’. .: . т̄ ирих̄ьи-н ‘ ’ . [NCED: 418]. байсун ‘ ’, . екъечІиз ‘ ’; у-∅-чIвуз; учIас; аь-б-чIвас; кучIес // кучIвас ‘ ’; икІечІес; чIубус ( . б-ачIас, барчIур ‘ ’); къаь-б-чIаьдж ‘ ’; гIачIи, гIа-б-чIуджи < *’ичІваь ‘ ’. .: . -орчI-изе ‘ - , ’ . [NCED: 628]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 87; 1977: 82]. песун ‘ ’, . лугьуз, лагьана; пуз; пас; егьес ‘ - ’; бос, вар; лыпыдж, лури, . му’у; йу’у, йыпəджи < *’и’Івы ‘ ’. .: . е-с ‘ ’, . а-б-изе ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 625]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 88; - 1977: 138; 1980: 277]. бок̄-сун ‘ ’, . к̄уз, к̄уна; у-р-гуз; угвас; игис; б-ок̄ас // б-ук̄ас, б-орк̄ур; угадж; сугор, сугоджи < *’ок̄вы ‘ , ’. .: . игес . [NCED: 860]. . [ 1960: 302; 1971: 245; 1977: 79]. агъала ‘ ’ . къвал, йукъвал, , , угъ(в)ал, угІал, гьугъвал < *’окъвал — *’окъва ‘ ( )’ (> къваз, къвана; у-р-гъуз; угъас; угІас; гьугъвас, . лугъур; гогъІас). - - : . гъарал, . догъа . [NCED: 1010]. . [ 1960: 298; 1971: 185]. бохсун ‘ ( ), ’, . ргаз, ргана; у-р-хьуз; у-в- хьус; рухьас; урш̄ ас; урх̄ьес; койхьарас < *’орл̄ъар. .: . -елъине ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1030]. . [Trubetzkoy 1922: 192; 1971: 241; 1977: 122]. арцесун, арстун ‘ , ’, . ду-∅-суз ‘ ’ < *’[о]с̄ʌ ‘ , ’. .: . кI-ус-алъа ‘ ’ . [NCED: 282]. 335 . Е. А ез ‘ , , ’, . ц̄аз, ц̄ана; у-р-зуз; удзуз; увдзус; , узас; в-аьзас; езас; б-ацас; в-изаьдж; созу, сизеджи < *’аьц̄а ‘ ’, ‘ ’. . : ц̄ан, изан, йидзан, йизен ‘ ’. .: . зу-н ‘ ’ . [NCED: 280]. . [ 1969: 109; 1971: 170, 260]. саксун ‘ , , ’, . алда-∅-куз; алгъадаркас ‘ ’; алт̄ аркис ‘ ’; гьигъІайкарас, гьигъІа- б-кыр; е-б-кас, б-еркур; гІашки, гІакəджи < *’еркыр (// *’а-) ‘ ’. .: . ка-б-и-ркес ‘ ’ . [NCED: 266]. . [ 1973: 144]. ец̄(есун) ‘ ’, . йе-р-ц̄уз; йи-в-ц̄ус < *’аьц̄Іʌ. . урц̄ру ‘ ’. .: . б-ерцIес ‘ ’, буцIар-си ‘ ’ . [NCED: 416]. бошъесун ‘ , ’, . гъитІи-∅-швуз; аь-в-швас; хъешес; гІаршу, гІашуджи ‘ ’< *’аьшвы ‘ - ’. .: . б-аш̄ а-н ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 205]. хъай ‘ ’, . ? аргис; арес; адес; алІис < *’арл̄Іе ‘ ’. .: . -ил̄Iине ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 422]. ох ‘ , ’, . чухваз, чухвана ‘ , ’; джвубхуз; жирхас; джуьрхас; гивахас; б-ех̄ас, б-ерх̄ур < *’ерхва ‘ ( )’. .: . абх-ес ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 562]. ех ‘ ’, . гьāрхус; у-б-хвас; кIели-в-ханас, кIели-б-хын; саьхнидж; сенхи, се-б-хинджи (санхан ‘ ’) < *’ехвен ‘ ’. кIел- ‘ ’. [NCED: 415]. . [ 1973: 125]. багъІа-йесун ‘ , ’, . ? ра-∅-къІуз; а-в-къІус; ракъІас; га-в-къас, . га-д-къес ‘ , ’; и-б-хъаьдж; ирхъи, ы-б-хъаджи < *’арк̄ьІаь ‘ - ’. .: -агьІ- ‘ ’ . [NCED: 547]. . [ 1973: 121]. бартесун ‘ , ’, . таз, туна; гъ-и-∅-туз; , атас; с-а-б-тас; . са-л-тас; а-б-тис; йа-б-тыр-идж; 336 У йорту, йе-б-тирджи < *йатаьр. .: . те-зе ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 271]. . [ 1961: 62; 1971: 257; 1977: 80]. бост̄ у ̄ н (< *бот̄ -̄ сун) ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . атІаз, атIуна; кта- ∅-тIуз; атІас; атIис; гьа-б-тІвас; гьа-ба-тIас ‘ ’; а-б-тIас, б-артIур; йоро-тIу, йо-б-тIуджи; йа-б-тIыридж < *йатІвы. .: артI-ус ‘ ’ . [NCED: 272]. . [ 1961: 62; 1971: 252; 1980: 285]. ак̄сун ‘ ’, . ак̄ваз, ак̄уна; а-∅-гуз ‘ ’; агвас; агвас // угас ‘ ’; а-в-гвас, . а-д-гвес; гьāгвас, гьа-в-гу ‘ ’; б-ак̄ус, б-арк̄ур < *’ак̄ваь. .: . к̄вак̄ва-н ‘ ’ . [NCED: 255]. . [ 1961: 65; 1971: 243; 1977: 78]. акъ-сун ‘ , ’, . кьаз, кьуна; гъада-∅-гъуз; ā-в-къус ‘ ’; акъас; гьа-в-къас, . гьа-д-къес; а-в-къас, а-в-къы, . а-в-къāкъа; б-ак̄ьас ‘ ’; йихъридж; сурхъу, суь-хъуьрджи < *’ак̄ьаьр. .: . -ихъира ‘ ’ . [NCED: 254]. . [ 1973: 124]. к̄ала ‘ ’, . лакІ хьуз ‘ ’; аркІас ‘ - ’, алкIа-д ‘ ’; кIава-н < *’алкIаь- // *лакIаь- ‘ ’. .: . -алкIа ‘ ’, . в-алкIа тIун ‘ - , ’ [NCED: 261]. -н- ланкI-бос ‘ ’( . . линкI ‘ ’, . лаьнкІа ‘ - ( .)’) ( . . ‘ ’), . бархи ‘ , ’ (< *‘ ’), . ах- вар ‘ ’; а-∅-хуз; ахас; са-в-хас, . са-д-хес; а-б-хас ‘ ’ ахридж; архар, оьхуърджи < *’ахаьр ‘ ’. - ‘ ’ < ‘ ’, . . агьан ‘ ’ . [NCED: 273]. . [ 1973: 141]. хъай ‘ , ’, . ахъа ‘ , ’; дахъас; ахъас; даха-ас; ? къахъу, къахъаджи ‘ ( )’ < *’ахъа ‘ ( )’. .: . ’а’ахъа-н ‘ - ’ . [NCED: 264]. . [ 1961: 68; - 1971: 259; 1977: 134]. 337 . Е. А ахІ ‘ ’, . агъIу хьуз; агъІади хьус; х̭ар хьас; йагІар хьас; ах̭а хьис; . ахIа; х̇ар йеридж ‘ ’< *’ах̄Iа ‘ ’. .: . -агьес ‘ ’ . [NCED: 565]. е-сун, ей-сун ‘ ’, . акьаз, акьуна ‘ , ’; ру-∅-кьуз; рукьас; лаь-в-кьас ( . к-икьас ‘ ’); авайкьарас ‘ ’; е-б-кьис; вокьудж ‘ - ’; чуракьар < *иркьаьр ‘ ’. .: . -укьу ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 269]. бихсун ‘ ’ ( . хой ‘ ’), . хаз, хана, . хух // рухух; хуз; ухас; рухас; гьу-хвас; ухас; хуйидж, рухри, . саьхыр; хосу < *’ихва [NCED: 576]. . [ - 1977: 127]. бикъсун ‘ , ’, . д-ихъуз; хос < *’ихъы ‘ ’. .: . -оха ‘ ’ . [NCED: 646]. . [ 1977: 98]. аха-йесун ‘ , ’, . гъиз, гъана ( . тухуз ‘ - ’); хуз; х̄уз; хас; хис; гъас; в-ихес; х̄ес, . орх̄ир < *их̄е ‘ ’. .: . -ух̄и-н ‘ ’, . -ихес ‘ ’ . [NCED: 665]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 87; - 1971: 263; 1977: 121]. айесун ‘ ’, . в-ацIас; . ацIа; бецІас ‘ , ’; в-аь-цІаьдж; гьа-ва-цIар < *’ацІа ‘ ’. .: . умцІес ‘ ’, . -ацIа ‘ ’ . [NCED: 262]. . [Trubetzkoy 1930: 88; 1977: 101]. еч-сун ‘ , ’, . къачуз, къачуна; са-ба-чес ‘ , ’< *’ачвы ‘ ’. .: . -уч-ес ‘ - ’, . -ач̄-изе ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 254]. уск̄сун ( . -к̄) ‘ ’, . алцумиз; йе-р-цуз; алцас; алцанас; гьа-б-цвас, . ва-рацур; а-б-смус; ваьцнидж; сонсу, се-б-синджи < *’алцван ‘ , - ’. .: . -орцине ‘ ’ . [NCED: 260]. . [ 1971: 250-251; 1977: 90]. бехI ‘ , ’, . аргъIуз; тІах̭ас; тІах̭ас; тIа- в-хIас; алтІахІас; бабх̄Іас, бабх̄Іур; саьх̇аьдж < *’аьвх̄Іа ‘ ’. , , тI- — . .: -ебх̄-, . урух̄а-н ‘ ’ . [NCED: 549]. 338 У бес ‘ ’, . ийиз, авуна, . айа; апIуз ( . а’уз ‘ ’ . .); в-а’ас; гьа̄с // гьа’ас; ас; йеридж // йаь’аьдж; си’и, суь’уьрджи < *йа’а. .: . а-н ‘ ’, ‘ ’ . [NCED: 257]. . [ 1973: 124]. берхсун ‘ ’, . регъвез, регъвена; ра-∅-гъІуб; ра- ∅-гъІус; рух̭ас; урх̭ас; ву-рухIвас; де-б-х̄Іас, дерх̄Іур; раь- х̇аь-дж; соргІу, саргІаджи < *рех̄Іва. .: . х̄енезе, . ах̇а ‘ ’ . егъало ‘ ’, . къвез ‘ ’; гъІуз ; гъІаз; гъІуз, агъІуз; къІус, акъІус; ? гьогъа ( - ); баІс; ваьс; хъІугъІус ‘ ’; хъІес, . орхъІир; б-ерхъІас; чагъар ( . чигъи ‘ ’) < *’икъІваь ‘ ’. .: . к̄ьок̄ьине ‘ ( )’ . [NCED: 572]. ап̄есун ‘ , ’; ап̄и ‘ , ’, . хъу-р-кьуз; гьикьас ‘ ’; окьис; су-р-кьудж < *’икьвʌ ‘ - , ’. .: . -икьу ‘ ’, . бикьур- ‘ ’ . [NCED: 652]. . [ 1973: 141]. къари ‘ ’, . кьураз, кьурана; у-р-къуз ‘ ’; рукъвас; уркъвас; кьурас, . кьурак̄ьа; кьвас ‘ , ’. . кьуру, къуркъур, рукъу-ф, къуру-д; къуру-н, къуру, къари ‘ ’< *’ик̄ьвар ‘ ’. , , къуру- , . . гуру ‘ ’. .: . -ак̄ьва-зе ‘ ’ . [NCED: 632]. . [ - 1961: 64; 1977: 108]. ук̄ал ‘ , ’, . луькIуьниз ‘ , - ’; б-икIуз; ли-кІанас; окІанас, о-б-кIын < *’илкІан ‘ ’ (< ‘ ’?). .: . лукІес ‘ ’ . [NCED: 634]. . [ 1971: 261; 1973: 134]. докъІала-бесун ‘ ’, . укъас // икъвас; укъас ‘ - ’; кьебус, кьер < *’ик̄ьваь ‘ ’ [NCED: 1019]. даьй // даьйи ‘ ’, ‘ ’( дхи ‘ ’), . урхьуз ‘ ( .)’; саь-в-хьас; алехьас ‘ ’; сохьуру ‘ - ( .)’ < *’илъар ‘ ’. . дихье-ф ‘ - ’. *-аь-. - .: . -илъ-изе ‘ ’, лъалъа-зе ‘ ’ . [NCED: 278]. 339 . Е. А бийе-сун ‘ , ’, . рекьиз, кьена, . йикь; йи- ∅-кIуз; кIис, кIар; кIас; кIис; в-икьес, . ды-кьыркьас; хъекІес; кьаь-йидж, . рыкьаьри, . саькь; саркьар, сакь- аджи < *’илъІе. .: . илъІу-рулIа . [NCED: 662]. . [ 1961: 63; 1977: 103]. букъсун ‘ , ’, . кIан хьун; к̄ун хьуз; г’ихъус; к̄ан хьас; в-ыгас; ык̄анас; лъІан; икаьдж; . йикəджи < *’ил̄ъІан. [NCED: 645]. .: . -ол’І-изе . . [ 1961: 75; 1971: 253; 1977: 111]. ех ‘ ’, . ихьес; ихьаьдж; сухьу, сихьоджи < *йил̄ъʌ ‘ ’, ‘ ’. [1968: 227], ех ‘ ’ мех ‘ ’ ( .). .: . лъилъ-изе ‘ ’ . [NCED: 663]. ашъам ‘ ’, . ? акъашиз ‘ ’; у-б-швуз; у-в-швус; иеш’ гьа’ас; хъи-в-шарас, хъи-в-шыр; аІшас, аІршур ‘ ’< *ъаьшвар ‘ ( )’. т̄ оп̄ ‘ ’, . тIу-р-кIуз; тIулкьанас; тІу-б-кьвас, . тIу-д-къес; гъытІойкІалас, гъытIо-б-кIыл; сотІолкьол, сетIе-б- кьилджи < *тІокІваьл // *тІокъваьл. , , - . , , - , ( - ). , - , , - , ( - ). : ) - : уІнигъ, . гІин IV; гІин IV < *ъʌн IV ‘ ’. косун ‘ ’ (-н — * . . .), . кыс, -ыр, . -ри III; кыс, -ылд-, . -əр // -ри III < *коц ‘ ’. 340 У мурч ‘ ’, . мич III; мерч III ‘ ’ < *мыІрч. кур ‘ , ’, . кур, -∅, . -ни // -би III (1); кур (1) < *кур III ‘ ’ (1), ‘ , ’ (2). - , . : . кур ‘ ’, . куІру ‘ ’ . [NCED: 691]. . [ 1971: 191]. к̄уч̄ан // к̄уьч̄аьн ‘ ’ (-н — * . . .), . курчI III; курчI III < *курчI. .: . кIучІе ‘ ’ . [NCED: 712]. . [ 1971: 160; 1980: 297]. ) - : к̄уин ‘ ’, . гун (-нн-) ‘ ’< *к̄ун̄ . - . , . . к̄Iуй . [NCED: 738]. оц̄ ‘ , ’, . б-оц̄Іас, б-орцIур < *’оц̄Івы ‘ , ’. .: . -уцал ‘ ’, . -ец̄I-изе ‘ , ’ . [NCED: 864]. укес ‘ , ’, . куммус < *’иквʌн. .: . квине . [NCED: 207]. . [ 1977: 80-81]. му ‘ ’, . букь, -ари III < *мукь. .: . мукьа . [NCED: 1058]. ) - - : гъач̄ъ ‘ , , ’, . гъварч, -ну; ? хварч ‘ - ’,’ ’< *х̄варч. т̄ ури ‘ ’ . тІурим; тІурин ‘ ’< *тІурим. аь-к̄уьч̄аь ‘ ( )’, . гвачІин < *к̄вачІ- ‘ ’. аь- . ) : мех ‘ ’, . марф, -а- IV ‘ ’ < *манлъв. мех ех ‘ ’[ 1971: 227], . . *йил̄ъʌ. *манлъв — .: . . нилъ, . мирхь ‘ ’ . [NCED: 798]. , , . . . , - < . 341 . Е. А к̄ал ‘ ’, ‘ ’, . кIел; кьыла III; кIел-кес ‘ ’ (< ‘ ’) < *лъІаьл. - , - : ошъ ‘ ’, . сив, -и; ушв, -ни; ужву; сиб, -и; с̄ив; , сив; сив, -ын IV ‘ ’; с̄об, . с̄ебе, . -от IV; сив // суьв IV; сив IV < *с̄ыв, -ы ‘ ’. *с̄ыв > *ыс̄в. . . сива ‘ ’ (< *‘ ’) . [NCED: 584]. . [ 1971: 108; 1980: 314]. шъум ‘ ’, . , сам, -уни; , швум; , сум; с̄ум; сум, -ай- IV; сом, -ан IV; с̄ум IV; сум IV; сум < *с̄вем ‘ ‘, ‘ ’. .: . сум, с̄ума ‘ ’ . [NCED: 764]. . [ 1933, 50; 1961: 59; 1971: 176; 1977: 71; 1980: 271]. арум ‘ ’, . араб III; араб, -ын III (< ?); аІрум IV < *х̇арʌм ‘ ’[ NCED: 915]. . [ 1973: 69]. - - . , , . ., : гьигьи-псун ‘ ’, . гьиргьир авун ‘ ’; гьигьи апIуб; ? х̇ирх̇ир акьас; ? гьІир-гьІир гьа’ас < *гьигьи. . - : . хIихIи-дизе . .[ 1971: 249]. жъал ‘ ’, . звал; жвал-бос ‘ ’< *жвал. . лам ‘ ’, . лам-мус ‘ ’< *лам ‘ ’. . , . . ламе-ду ‘ ’ . [NCED: 754]. лап̄ ‘ ’, лап̄ус (*лапI-бос), . лапIар ‘ ’ < *лапІ ‘ ’. муч ‘ ’, . мач икІас ‘ ’< *мач. 342 У хохо-песун ‘ ’, . хьахь, -ади (1); хьахь, -ру (1); хьаьхь III (2); хьихьи III (3) < *лъалъ III ‘ ’ (1); ‘ - ’ (2); ‘ ’ (3). .: . хьамхьа ‘ ’ . [NCED: 1063]. , . .: гавасен ‘ ’, . ганаси IV ‘ ’; говосун III < *к̄авасʌн. . . гьао-сафна- ‘ ’> . аьфсаьн ‘ , - ’[ 1958: 480—481]. . [ 1971: 174]. кр ще ия I, II, III, IV . . . . ( . ) AT . . . ( . ) . . . . . . . . 343 . Е. А . . . . . . ( . ) . ( . ) . . 344 У и ер р . . - . .— ., 1958. . ., . . - . a a a, 1991. . . - . , 1961. . . - - . ., 1981. . ., . . // Э . 1977. ., 1979. . . . , 1977. . . ( ) . // - . , 1955, . VII. . . - . // - . , 1956, . VIII. . . . - , 1987. . .Э . ., 1964. . . (1-8) // Э .1968. ., 1971. 1971 — - . ., 1971. . . // - . , 1966, . XV. . . // - . , 1975, . II. . . // - I - - . , 1969. . . // . . , 1960, . VII. . . - // - . , 1972. 345 . Е. А . . . ., 1980. . . . ., 1987. . . - . ., 1973. Dumézil G. Introduction à la grammaire comparée des langues caucasiennes du Nord. Paris, 1933. NCED 1994 — Nikolayev S. L., Starostin S. A. A North Caucasian etymological dictionary. Moscow, 1994. Schulze, W. The Udi Gospels. Annotated Text, Etymological Index, Lemmatized Concordance. München, 2001. Trubetzkoy N. S. Les consonnes laterales des langues Caucasiques-Septen- trionales // Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique. T. 23 (№72). Paris, 1922. [ : . . . ., 1987]. Trubetzkoy N. S. Nordkaukasische Wortgleichungen. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Bd. XXXVII, Heft 2. Wien, 1930. [ : . . . ., 1987]. 346 В. В. Д ко ( и в . у ) - (« - - - », , 1974 .). , . , - . - , - , - , ( ), - , , . . - - - . - , , , , , - . , , , . 300 , . ( - 347 . . , ). , , , . , , , . , . : , , . , , Ҝ, . . - , , ( ', '). 1 . 1 (- ) — , , . 1 (- ) — , . — . ?— ? 1 — , . 1 — - , - , . (- ) // (- ) — ( ). (- ) — , , . (- ) — . — , . — ( ) . — , . 1 1 1 — . 1 . . , - . 348 я — . — . — , . — , - . (- ) — ( - ). (- ) — ( , ). (- )— ( ). — . 1 — . — ( ) , . — - . (- )— . 1 1 1 — . . — , . — , . — - . — 1) , . !— - ! 1 — . 2) , . — , . 1 ?— ( ) ? 1 — - ( ) . 3) ( ), . - 1 — . — , . !— ( ). ?— ? 1 — . 1 — , . 1 — . — , - . 1 1 , — - , . 349 . . (- ) — , , ( « »). (- ) — , - ; . (- ) — , . !— ! — , . 1 !— ! - !— ! 1 — . - — . (- ) — , , - . . — , - . . — ( 1 ), . (- ) — , , . ' — , . ' — . ' !— ! ' 1 — , , . ' 1 — . ' — . // (- )— - ( ); . . . — . 1 (- )— , . 1 (- ) — . 1 . — , ( . - ). 350 я (- ) — . — , - . - — , . (- ) — . 1 1 — - . (- ) — . // // // — . - 1 — . (- ) — . (- ) — , , . — . - 1 !— ! — , , . 1 1 1 - — e . 1 !— ! — , . — . — . 1 - — , . (- ) — . (- ) — , . 1 1 — - . 1 — , . 1- — ( ). 1 1 (- )— . 1 1 . — , . — . 1 1 — . (- )— ( ). 1 — , . 1 — . — , , . — . — - . 351 . . 1 — , . 1 1 !— ! — , . 1 1 — . 1 1 — , , . 1 - 1 1 — . — , . 1 1 !— ( - ). 1 — , . 1 - !— ( )! 1 (- ) — , , : ( ), — - , ( , - ). 1— , , ( ). (- ) — . (- ) — . ?— ? (- ) — . (- ) — , . (- ) — . 1 — ( - ). 1 — . 1 1 — - , , ( , ). 1 1 - 1? — ? ' (- ) — , , . 1 (- ) — . . — , , . 1 — , . 1 1 // 1 (- ) — . 1 1 . — , , 352 я ( — , , .). 1 . — ; . 1 — 1) ; . 1 — - . 1 !— ! 2) , - . 1 — . 1 1 — . , 1 ?— , ? 1 ́ (- )— , . 1 1 ́ — , . 1 1 1 (- ) — ( , - ). 1 (- ) — , - , ( ). 1 1 — , . 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 — - , . 1 1 — . 1 1 - — - . 1 1 1 - — . 1 1 (- ) — . 1 1 — . 1 1 — . 1 1 1 (- ) — , . 1 1 1 1 (- ) — , . 1 1 1 1— . 1 1 (- ) — ( ). 1 — , . 1 — . ́ — . ́ — - . ́ 1 !— ! 1 ́ — . 1 — ( ). 1 - — . 1 — , - . 353 . . — , . - — . (- ) — , . — . — , . — ( , - , , . .). — , . — , , . — ( ). — , . 1 — . — , , - , . , ́ — - , . — - . — . (- ) — , ( - , ). — . (- ) — , , . (- ) — ( .« »). ́ — . ́ !— ! ́ — , . ́ — - . — , , - . 1 - 1 — . - , !— , - - ! — . , ?— , ? — . 1 — , ( - ). 1 !— , ! 354 я 1 1 — . 1 — . 1 — ( - ). 1 1 1 1 1 !— ! 1 — . 1 — 1) . — - . 2) . — - . — 1) , ( , ). — . 1 1 — - . 2) . — . 1 // 1 1— ( , . .). — , ( - - ). (- ) — . (- )— . — , , . 1 — . 1 !— - ! 1 1 — . 1 — , . - 1 1 — . 1 — - « »( ). — , , . — . 1 1 — , ( - ) . 1 1 — 1 1 . (- ) — . 1 (- ) — . 1 — 1) . — . 1 ?— ? 2) , . 1 ?— ( ) ? , !— 355 . . , ! 1 1 — . . — . — . (- )— . 1 1 (- ) — ( . « , »). 1 . — ( .« »). — , ,« »( ). — , « » ( ). — . 1 1— ( ), ( ). 1 1 1 — . 1 1 — . . — . — . 1 — - . 1 . — . 1 1 (- ) — . 1 1 1 — . — , ( ). 1 — , ( ). (- )— ( ). — . (- )— , - , , - . 1 1 — , . 1 — 1) . 1 — . 2) , . 1 1 1 — . 1 1 — . 1 1 — . (- ) — , . — . 1 - 356 я — . — , . - — . . — . — - . . — . . — , ( .) — , , . — , . 1 1 - 1 — , . 1— ( ). 1 — . 1 1 — . (- ) — . . — - — , . (- ) — , - - . 1 — , . - — ( ). 1 1— , ( ). 1 1 — ( ). 1 — . 1 !— , . 1 — , . 1 1 !— ! 1 1 — . 1 . — . 1 1 (- ) — , , . 1 1 . — . 357 . . 1 1 1 (- ) — ( ). 1 1 1 1 — . 1 1 . — ( ) . 1 1 1 — ( ). 1 1 1 1 1- 1 1 — . 1 1 — , ( , ). 1 1 — . 1 1 - — . 1 1 1 — ( , ). 1 1 1 — ( .« ») . 1 1 . — , . 1 1 1 — , . 1 — , , . 1 — , . 1 - — . — . — - ( ). — . . — ( ). — , . , ?— ? (- )— , . (- ) — ( ). — , , . 1 ?— ? (- ) — , . — . — . (- ) — . — , ( ). — ( ). 1 — - , , - . — . 358 я — , . — - . !— , ! — . — 1 , . 1 (- ) — . . — , . (- ) — ( ) . (- ) — . 1 1 (- ) — ( — , - ). 1 (- ) — 1) ; 2) . , . 1 — , . 1 - — . 1 1 — . 1 — . 1 !— - ! 1 1 1 1 — . 1 1 1 1 1 !— ! 1 (- )— . 1 1 1— . 1 — . 1 — - . 1 1 — . 1 1 — , . 1 1 1 — ! 1 1 — , . 1 1 — . 1 1 — ( . « - »). 1 1 1 !— ! 1 1 1 — , . 1 — , - . 1 - 1 ?! — ?! 1 (- ) — ( , ). 359 . . 1 1 (- ) — . 1 1 . — , . 1 1 — , . 1 1 — . 1 1 1 — . 1 (- )— , . 1 1 — , . 1 — . 1 (- ) // 1 1 (- ) — , ( , . .). 1 !— ( ) ! 1 1 1 (- ) — . — , . 1 — . ́ 1 1 (- )— . (- ) — . (- ) — ( ) ( . « »). 1 — , , - . 1 !— ! 1 1 — . 1 - — . 1 1 !— ! 1 (- ) — ( , ). 1 1 . — . 1 — . 1 — ( ). 1 — , . // (- ) — , . ?— ? 1 — , . — , . 1 !— ! ?! — ?! // — , , - . 1 — . 360 я 1 // . — - . — , ( , ). (- ) — , , . (- ) — . 1 — . 1 1 - — . 1 (- ) — . — , . — ( ). — . — 1) ( ); 2) - , ( . 1- 1 ). . — ( ). // . — 1) , . - 1 ?— ? 2) , . — - . —З ! ! (- ) — , . 1 1 (- ) — ( .« - »). — , . , !— , ! 1 !— ( ), , ! — , . !— ! 1 1 — , . (- ) — , , . . — , . . — , . . — . 1 — . (- ) — . 361 . . 1 (- ) — - . — ! !( , ). — , . 1 , !— , ! (- ) — . (- ) — , . — , , ( - ). — , (?) ( ). — . — , . 1 // 1 1— , . 1 1 1 - — . (- ) — - . . — ( - ); . . 1 — . 1 — . 1 1 — . 1 — . — . !— - ! 1 1 (- ) — , . 1 . — ( ). 1 1 (- )— , . 1 1 — , . 1 1 1 - — . 1 1 — , , . 1 ́ 1 1 — , . 1 — . 1 . — . 362 я 1 1 (- )— , ; . 1 — 1 , . 1 1 1 ?— ? 1 1 — , ( - , ). - 1 1 1 — - , . 1 1 — , . 1 1 — - . 1 1 — . 1 - — , ( ). 1 — , . 1 - — . 1 1 — ( . ). 1 1 — , . 1 - !— ( ) ! 1 1 . — , . 1 — , . 1 1 !— ( ). 1 1 1 — . 1 1— , . 1 1 — , . 1 1 - — . 1 1 — , . 1 1 !— ! 1 1 (- )— . 1 1 — - . 1 — , . 1 1 — , . 1 — - . 1 — , . 1 — , . 1 — . 1 1— , . 1 1 — . — , . - 363 . . — ( ) . 1 1 1 - — ! . — ( ). — . — . 1 1 (- ) — . 1 1 — . — , , . - — . 1 — . — . — , . — . - — ( ) . 1 1 // 1 1 1 (- ) — . — . — . . — , ( - , ). (- ) — . 1 ?— ? 1 — , ; . 1 — . 1 1 ?— - ( )? 1 — . 1 1 !— - ! — . !— ! 1 1 — . — . — . 1 1 (- ) — , . 1 1 — ( ). 1 ́ ́ (- ) — , - ( . « , »). 364 А. Р. К чаря М А Ы Ы А ( АЩ , Ы) 1. - ; , - , ( - ) . ( ) - , , , - . - , , - ΧIΧ . « . . - , ,— . ,— - 365 А. Р. К я . 40 . . » [ 1974: 16]. : , , . , - , , - , . , ( [ 1968]), - .Э , - : ) ; ) - ( , ); ) , , , . - , , , , - . - . . - , « , - , , - - »[ - 1969]. . - - , , , - 366 Ф ы яы , « . , » [ 1988: 48], . [ 1978]. , . — , - : ы я [ 1936], я [ 1964], [ 1977], - я [ 1946], , [ 1981], [ 1953] . . . , , « »( ), . . , « - ». : , . . . — « »[ 1963]. - . , . . .- . . - . . . : , « », — , « » [ 1969: 18—19]. .- . . , - :« , - , , - , . .» [ 1995: 179]. . . - , « - — , - 367 А. Р. К я . »[ 1975: 134]. . . , . « , - , , - » [ 1988: 94]. . . - ,« , - »[ 1961: 118]. . . , - . . - . « - , »[ 2002: 21]. 2. , , : • я: pulχašluʁ ( .: ) ‘ ’, buldiristːuʁ ( .: , )‘ ’; • : pope bel ( .: )‘ - ’, turin loоχ ( .: )‘ ’; • : aruʁoχun äčipsun 1 ( .: ), . . to play with fire . mit dem Feuer spielen; aruʁa bafstːun ( .: )‘ ’; 1 - -sun, -cːun, — -sa, -cːa; . 368 Ф ы яы • я: äjit haqːsun ( .: ) sir haqːsun ( .: ), . . das Wort nehmen (ergreifen) ‘ ’; ükːä žIena tarastːun ( .: - ), ükːä žIena laχsun ( .: ), ükːä žIena čːIaχsun ( .: )‘ , ’; • я: χoden bitatːane sässa ( .: - , , ), . куй железо пока горячо; iz (vi) gömüšen ʁenaχune boIʁoIpe (biχe) ( .: / ( ) ( )) ‘ / ( ) ’; čovala buše bojda bsun ( .: - ) elema eIkеI bojda bsun ( .: ), . . elefantum ex musca facis, . aus einer Müсke einen Elefanten machen, . to make an elefant out of a mouse. • : kalatːaj žIomo nu beIʁaltːin ulajnšsun taranne ( .: , , )‘ - ’. ; . — , , , - , , - . — , . , - — , ,— . . ; ,« ». , , , . , boševkːsun, - 369 А. Р. К я ‘ - ’, ‘ , - ’, . fed up, bokːosbsun ‘ ’ ‘ ’, . . , , , - , - , : . žIomojkːož ‘ ’ ( .: ), ajni(n)žIomo ‘ ’ ( .: ), buloсːkːal ‘ - ’( .: - , ) äräqːiuIʁsun ‘ ’( .: - — , , ). kːožin köttːi ‘ - ’( .: ), , — ., , kːožin köttːoʁoj diristːuʁ — , « », ( — , ). 2.1. я я , , , - , , - . — . : , , , - , , . . - . , - , — , — . . c naχɨšen (vaχtːen) nutː eštːun 370 Ф ы яы ( .: )‘ ’ naχɨš baskːsun ( .: )‘ ’, pech haben ( .: ), — терпеть неудачу; , . äšlä bafstːun ( .: )‘ , ’. penсːakː baksun - penсːakː baksun ‘ ’ ‘ ’. pulχašluʁ tastːun ‘ ’( - tastːun ‘ ’) pulχašluʁ 2 . , pulχаšqːаnbааj ( .: ) —« (- )» 3. buχаžIuʁon χаšqːаnbi ( .: - ). , χaš - : 1) ; 2) , ; 3) . - , - , . , , . — , - , , (bäräkät). - , , - , - , , bäräkätluqːanbааj! ‘ !’, - , , : iz pije išiʁe hаri ( .: / ). - , - 2 -luʁ — , - , . . -tion. χаšluʁ ‘ ’. 3 , , - , - . — χužIustːane, - , ( congratulations, - ), . 371 А. Р. К я . , « » - : - , - . , ; « , »; . . , « , , — - »; . . « — , — ». « ,— . . ,— , , , , »[ 1964]. - , . , , - , - - , - , - ( ). Э , - , , - , , - . , ; . buldiristːuʁ ‘ ’( .: ). - , « » , - ; . χaI ukal ‘ ; , ’( .: ). . , , , - , purdi doIptːalе ( .: ( ) , ), , - 372 Ф ы яы pul diši ( .: ), . . « - , — », , , bul ukːal ( .: ). . ,« - , ». ., , umuda bostːun ( .: - ) ‘ ’, äǯoʁon biqːsun ( .: ) ‘ ’ . .« , , » [ 1968: 169]. - - , [ 1961: 118]. , аlаχun bаrestːа ( .: ) - . льет как из ведра . it is pouring (raining) cats and dogs, turа boχojsun ( .: ) ‘ ’, ‘ ’— . kick the bucket. qːоqːa pːapːessun ( .: )‘ ’ boštːun ( ‘ , ’) ‘ ’ fed up. c mušen biqːene ( .: ), радикулит. , - , - . , , , . 2.2. я — , , « » « », — . 373 А. Р. К я ? - . . « - , », « , - »[ 1991]. , — « , - , - , , » ( . ). Э - . - , - ,« ». - , . — - , , o . ., : kala miсːikː čalχal ‘ ’ ( .: ( )). , ,— , - . , jаqː efаl ‘ ’, ‘ - ’( .: ( )), . - : qːаjnba qːajnakoj jaqːa efsa ‘ ( ) ( ) - , ’ ( .: ); , jaqː efsun — , . . : • oqːaχun taʁal ‘ ’( .: - a ), o держащий камень за пазухой; • göjnuχun taʁal ‘ ’( .: ); • göjnuχun biti ‘ , ’( .: c - ); • göjnuχun ciri ‘ ’ ( .: c ), . . persona grata; • očIala bajsun ‘ ’( .: ); • qːiI dadal ‘ ’( .: - ). 374 Ф ы яы - . — c : mal-mal ‘ - ’ ( . . just a little), gele-gele ‘ ’ ( . . more and more), javaš-javaš ‘ o- ’( . . little by little, so-so, bit by bit), oša-oša ‘ ’, ‘ ’( . . by and by), soʁo-soʁo ‘ ’, ‘ ’( . . one by one) . . - : ala-bola ( bola ) ala-oqːa ( .: - )‘ ’( . . hit or miss); ala-tːula ( tːula ) ‘ ’ ( . . amazed); ölüm dirim (mаndi-pːuri) ( .: )‘ - ’, ‘ ’( . . at any pric ); mal-tikä ( .: )‘ - ’( . . more or less); aχur tuχur ( aχur aχɨr ‘ ’, tuχur ) ‘ ’ ( . a . after all); ošal bakain ( .: )‘ ’( . . sooner or later) . . : ala-oqːa ( .: - )‘ - ’, ‘ ’( . . ups and downs); taʁaj-maʁaj ( .: - )‘ ’( . . here and there, to be at smb.’s beсk and call); belχun oša ( .: )‘ ’ ( . . from head to heel(s)); bul-tur ( .: - )‘ - ’( . . heads and feets); kala-χuri ( .: - ) ‘ ’; hari-taci ( .: - )‘ ’; laj-cij ( .: - )‘ - ’( . . up and down). , - : • , ; • , , ; • ( ) . , , - - . , . 375 А. Р. К я . : • pope bel ( .: )‘ ’; • pope bel äjtsun ( .: )‘ - ’; • popе looχ äš qaIvesun ( .: )‘ - ’, ‘ ’; • pope bel äš sersun ( .: , - - - )‘ ’ ‘ ’, . . to make a mountain out of a molehill much noise out of nothing, . elephantum ex musса fасis; • haqːɨl dabane ( .: )‘ ’; • haqːɨl dabaneχun čːev(kː)sun ( .: )‘ - ’, . ver todo de color de rosa ‘ ( ) , ’; • haqːɨla belχun čːev(kː)sun ( .: )‘ - ’, ‘ ’; • turin looχ ( .: )‘ ’, ‘ ’; • laIqː čännä ( .: )‘ ’; • pul diši ( .: )‘ ’, ‘ ’; • bel fɨrɨpsun ( .: )‘ ’; • bel tːapːsun ( .: )‘ ’; • kul-turaχun bistːun ( .: - )‘ ’; • elmuχ tastːun ( .: ) ‘ ’, ‘ - ’; • elmuχ haqːal ( .: )‘ ’. , я , я я я , - , . . - : • turin jaqːbiqːsun ( .: , ) ‘ ’; • cIoja bočIubsun ( .: )‘ ’, ‘ - ’; • cːijalbsun ( .: , )‘ , - ’; 376 Ф ы яы • cːiduʁsun ( .: )‘ ’; • pulduʁsun ( .: )‘ ’; • kulhaqːsun ( .: )‘ ’; • kultastːun ( .: )‘ ’; • pulbistːun ( .: )‘ ’, . . to fall in love at first sight; • pieχun bistːun ( .: )‘ ’; • bul(а)bistːun ( .: )‘ ’; • turabostːun ( .: )‘ - ’, ‘ - ’, . . to cut the strings of smth; • pul jaqːa ( .: )‘ - ’; • kala-χuri čalχsun ( .: - )‘ - ’; • ala-oqːa äjitkːal ( .: - )‘ ’; • bez piinlooχ ( .: )‘ ’; • ükːeχun čːev(kː)sun ( .: )‘ ’; • belχun čːev(kː)sun ( .: ) - : 1) ‘ ’, 2) ‘ ’, ‘ ’; • kul-tura girsun ( .: )‘ ’; • tapan belχun ala ( .: )‘ ’; • žIe haqːi žIe bostːun ( .: , ) ‘ - ’, ‘ ’. ( ) - , - . , , - . : • gulen (χaχalen) χe zapsun ( .: )‘ , - ’; • ǯunu meIlene äčije ( .: )‘ ’; • kːož-mes baksun ( .: )‘ , ’. , , , - . 377 А. Р. К я , , , , - . , - . , - , , , - . . . // . 1936. № 1. . . . - - / ., 1964. . . ? ., 1977. . . - // . ., 1946. . . - - // . ., 1969. . // . , 1968. . - - . , 1974. . . . - , 1975. . . . , 1978. . . // . , 1961. .- . . . , 1995. . . . . .… . . . , 1969. 378 Ф ы яы . . - - // . ., 1964. . . - . - , 1988. . . . ., 1991. . . . , 2002. . . . ., 1981. . . . ., 1961. . . . ., 1963. . . // . 1953. № 5. 379 . Р. Лолуа И я я .А .Ч ,Т Ы I. - ( ) II. яя - , , - - , . - , - , , . - , . . - - . - , , , - . - - - . 380 , - . , - - . , , - , № 7117. , « », « - - » (resp. ). 1. я - . я - . « » (V ., , - , ), « » (V—IX .) « » ( , VII—X .). - , , - — . - , — 1- V . ( № 1973 .) , . ( , « (506 .) » .) - . , , - . . , - « - » [ 1935: 181; , 1949]; . - :[ 1968; 1980; 1989]. 381 . - , - . — , - . « » , - ( : 041—046). - « » (X .), ; , , « » ( X .) . , XIII . . , , - , .« - » , , - « » « »[ 1929: 166] « »[ 1966: 132]. - , , , , . ; - , . ḳ— . ḳ; . j— . Y j; . p— . Ⴔ p; . k— .²k( — ; . Φ p χ k). . . « » , ( .[ 1982]). « - » , - « », . 382 . - ( . . - ) ; [ 1972]. , - , - - . , - . , . , - : . ḳen — . ḳan; . ben — . ban; . in / ini — . in. « » « - »[ 1966: 132], , ,« » - . - in — ( . . + n; . an, en, in, on), in — - ( . ajb, ǝt, eč, ej, o). - « » « » - ( ?) . № 1—24 . , . — . . , . . , - . № 6 (дигамма) № 18 (коппа). - vin žan ( № 6 (vin), . , . . , - , VII—VI . . ., [ 1949: 200]). № 16 (сигма) - ks « » j (je). (№ 25— 36) « » . 383 . - . 21 « » 15 « » , « - » , , « » . , - . .« » . , - , - , . , - , - . , - - , - . - , - , , - . - ( . . 1). - № 7117. , , , . 1953 . . - [ 1956: 80—83]. - « » (7117) , (№ 11 jud — mud; № 33 šak — čak), - « ». , - , , , . . « ». , « » 384 Т 1. - я я я я я № № № я № я 1: * , . ? . (odet) . - . , «*» — . 385 . : , , , . - . № 21—22 № 16—18, № 17 — № 18—19. № 5 (E) № 22 (W), № 3 (gan). - , , — . , , . . . , , - - . , : - , - - (52 ) (XV .) - , , , . , « № 2» « - № 2» ( . « - »). « » . Sin 13 4r—3v — upesun p&eṭrosi b-ɣoj [ 2003: 130]. « ( .“ ”) [ ] ». , . b «2». Sin 13 27v—28r , je. - . [ 2003: 130]. , ; № 11 j = 20; № 5 e = 5. , 25 - . , - , . - , ( , - 386 ; , - , « » - ; , . « - »). . , - , [ - 1957: 41—42]). . . . . - [ 1964; 1981]. - . , , - - , . . № 11 jud, - 21- . d (dan) № 18. , , - d. - , № 17 ʒ № 27 ǯ . , № 42 r «kat» ( , rat) ṙ (№ 28). , - № 8 ə. - , - , - : .Éē— . № 7 ē; . uw— . № 50 w; .eе— .№5е( ); .Bb— .№2b( ). , . .¶— . № 30 ; . v v — . № 50 w; . i i — . № 11 j; .oo— . № 35 o; .uu— .u( ); .²k— . № 52 k; .s s — . № 14 š (?)1; .aa— .№1a( - ); .dd— .№4d( ). 1 - . 387 . c . , - , . . , : . čaj / ča — . čaj; . coj — . coj; . gim — . zim ( - , - gim). : . en — . ēn; . in — . ina; . hae — . haj . . - , - . , - . , , . 2. я № 7117 XIX . . - , . - - . , , - . № 2013 № 3124, - , . . , :« »[ 1844]. 388 « » : ( . ; - [ 1938; 1951]) ( . , [ 1927; 1938; 1951]). . - , - [ 1947], . - ( - ) . ( ). . . , - - [ 1981: 292—293]. 28 1937 . ( ) . . , - , , , , - , . № 7117 , - , ( ) . - . - , - , , - 1411 1446 . . . ( . 141—142) ( « »). ( . 143—145) « », « » « - » ( , , , - . .). , - . ; , . - « - 52 »[ - - 1957]. 389 . . « - - »[ 1941: 3—4]. . . [ 1938: 69—71] . . . , , , . XI . - . . - : , - . , . , , - . , [ 1938: 1—68]. . , - , . :« , - . , - - . - - - , »[ 1938: 62]. . - , , , - — [ 1938: 65]. , . - . 390 3. - 1948—1952 ., . . - . - . : 1) - — 70 ; 2) № 1 — 50 ; 3) № 2 — 16/17 ; 4) №3—8 ; 5) №4— 24 ; 6) № 1 — 21 ; 7) № 2 — 5/6 . 194/196 - . 52 - 31 . - . . . . - , « »[ 1893]. , - , ( , . [ 1896], . ). . . , [ - 1972: 53]. , . . , , , . , . , , . . - 180º ( . . № 7117). дверная ограда ограда ворот; : goz ulmo[w] [ 1981: 281—283]. , - , , g - . 391 . я я : № 3 (z) , . . , № 23 h (hejṭ) - , № 6 (l) — № 34 ǯ ? (ǯajn) , № 8 (m) — № 9 t (tas). . , . , . 1970 . . ( ) . - , [ 1986; - 2003: 52—54]. ( ), - - . , - . , - . 392 1948 . . ( , ) . . . :« [ - ] [ ] ( ) ... »[ 1964: 45]. . . : « (?) (?) ( .: [?] [?]) (?) , - , ( . . )...» [ 1981: 268]. . . : «... 23- ...» [ 1967: 78]. . : « ( )... 27- ... .... ...» [ 1982: 291]. ( - . . , . , : « 27- »; .[ 1972: 53; 1982: 291].) - . , - , № 7117 - , , . . , . . , ( № 7117) , c [ 1960: 173]. - : №2 - № 2. №2 - - . , - [ 1958: 112—113]. - : (I) 10 , ( № 4 ), (II—III) — ( ) II IV (IV) IV . 15 16 . 393 . №2 . . :« »[ 1964: 56—58]. . . , № 1—10 [ 1970: 109—110]. . . [ 1981] . [ 1982]. 394 . . , - № 13—15 № 40— 42, , № 40 № 41 [ 1981: 278—279]. . . - . - № 1—10. - ( , ). , , - , - № 7117. , - - . , № 40—42, , - , , , № 1—42. — 11 , 7×7 , , - 34 . , - ( , , , I III ) . , ,IIII № 13 i (irb), II ( ) — № 2 b. , — i-bi ( . bi « - »). , i — ( . - I , , , ). j , . , j/i — I . , - . . . , I III ; 395 . . . № 15 l (lan) o- . , . II № 14 š ? (ša) , o- , u- . IV I( ) № 41 (pes), II ( - ) — a (alt), III ( ) — r (ḳaţ). , , ɣ. - . . - , . № 37 [ 2003: 101], — № 41 . , , ɣar ( . ɣar « », « »). , ( . . bič&iḳo « » č&abuḳi « - »; , , ). , . , IV . № 10 č ? (ča), - - . №2 - . 16 × 4 [ 1958: 113]. 4 1 2 . . . —« »( . maɣarr [ - 1964: 58—59]). . . — manas[e] — - [ 1967: 78]. №2 396 . . , - № 29—33 , № 32 - № 34 [ 1981: 280—281]. . . - . , . - № 32 ǯ ? (ǯaj) - . . , - , , № 32, . . - . - № 34 ǯ ? (ǯajn) [ 1981: 280— 281]. u- , o- - . ( 1- 3- ) . , ( , ). , , - ; , , № 32 ( № 13), ( ‘ + - ’ ). - , , - . № 30 ( ), - , , - № 1 № 19 ( . .2 5). , - . № 33 š (šak), . - , № 42 [ - 1964: 58—59], № 43 [ 1967: 78]. , № 29—32 . №2 . , , 397 . , . . . - , ( ?), , . ? , № 29 , . . 28 ( , , ; , , ). 28 2, 4, 7, 14, , 5—6 ( ). , : 28 × 2, 14 × 4 7 × 8. 56, . ( , - ) 52 ( , 55—56, . . :« - 54— 56» [ 2003: 151]). . . , - 54 , - , , , 9[ 1964: 34]. , - . - , - - . , I . 26=18; II . 26=18. , I . 13=11; II . 13=7; III . 13=7; IV . 13=11 ( , ; - , ). « » - , , , ( - , , , , , , ჶ). , - . 398 4. - . ( , - ). 1975 . 1100 . 141 ( 4000). - . . , - 1994 . . N/Sin—13 N/Sin—55 - , - , . . , - . 1996 2000 . - , - - ( ). , . - — 170. 100 . 29,5 × 22,5 . , - 2 22 . , X .( - [ 2003: 58]) , . . , - IV—V . (?). , , « - » - . . - [ 2003: 120]. ( VIII .) , , - ( - (resp. ) - (?!); , - ( . II: L II)) . 399 . - , . . , , , - (« - ») . [ 2003: 65], . 40 - 14 . - , , - [ 2003: 126]. , . . . , . .- . . , , - . . , - 50—56 [ 2003: 62]. 54—56 [ 2003: 85; : 151]. 45 № 7117. . - , 36 . « - » 9 (odet, zim, gat, xam, ḳaṙ, ǯaj, un, ḳaṭ, jajd) [ 2003: 84—85]. « ». , - . « » . , № 7117 - , , - . 400 5. Ф я - я ( ) - . ( . . , . . , . , . ) , . . - , . , , , , - « » , - , « » [ 1967: 68—80; 1972: 50—54]. ( .: « - <…> - - »[ 1990: 496].) , . [ - 2003: 75]. - - . . . , , « - » [ 1981], . . (!) [ 1964]. , - . ( - - - ). , , « » , - ( , IX—XV .) , - . 401 . , ( . - , . . , . . ) , - . : . . « » - [ 1981]. . . ( ) , , - , (, ), o, a, j . .[ 1981]. . . , , [ - 1964]. , « » , - « », [ 1964]. , № 11 jud, . . i, , , № 12 ja ( ža, ) № 13 irb, . . i[ 1964: 29]. - , . . « » « - » : , , « »r « »ṙ . . , - , ¼ « » . , - № 7117. № 1 alt. - . . . , aa« - » [ 1964: 27—28]. 402 . . , — . ( - (a, e, i, o, ē), - (b, d, g, p&, ṭ, ḳ) h, x, w . . - , (p, t, k), (m, n, l, r, j) v— , - , . . , — . ¼ ž, . ¸ š; — - — [ 1981: 294—320]). - —a[ 2003: 86]. № 2 odet. , о, . . , balt, - erti altas da meore baltas, « ». . , - « а, b» [ - 1938: 30—32]. b . . . , p (№ 41; № 51) [ 1940—41: 128; 1984: 683—684]. №2 b . . . , - , - bet [ 1964: 28]. . . [ 1967: 77], . . [1969: 64], . [ 1982: 288] . ( . “The «Albanian» Alphabet as pre- served in Armenian Tradition” ; - ). . . . №2 - , , a[ 1981: 243]. , b[ 2003: 88]. 403 . № 3 zim. . . , (? — . .). , Gg[ 1964: 28]. . . [ 1990: 496], . . [ 1969: 64], . [ 1982: 228—291] . . . . . — b, [ 1981: 257]. . , g. , № 20 zox [ 2003: 89]. № 4 gaṭ. . . , - . - dd[ 1964: 28]. . . [ 1990: 496—497] . . . , , - [ 1981: 257]. . . - « » . , , - (? — . .), , - [ 2003: 90]. , № 18, dan , , - 4- [ 2003: 94]. , №4 « - » ( « » . , - ). , 4- , - № 2. - № 1—10, №3 №5 - . . - . , №4 404 « » . - , d - . № 5 ēb. , . . , 5- e, ē [ 1964: 28]. . . [ 1984: 13] . е . . . e/ė, . . - е, , - [ 1981: 257]. . . - [ 2003: 90]. № 6 zaṙl. , « » . . . , — - Hz[ 1964: 91]. . , [ 2003: 90—91]. . , ṙ, , - , , , - - , . ., , - z. ; l r , , ł ṙ. — l = ł, . № 7 en. . . , ē, [ 1964: 28—29]. . . , ē, - , [ - 1990: 497]. 405 . . . ė/e, . . - [ 1981: 257]. . . . musēs « » [ 2003: 91]. , , ē , , ej, . № 8 žil. . . , - , , , ә[ 1964: 29]. . . [ 1984: 13]. . . — [ 1981: 257]. . [ 2003: 91], , , - (ž) — - [ 2003: 151]. . . . № 9 tas. , . . . . . Ⴇ t (? — . .) [ 1964: 29]. . , —t[ 2003: 92]. № 10 č&а. . . [ 1964: 29] . . [ - 1984: 13] ž. . . [ 1981: 257] . , . . [ 2003: 92]. , č& (№ 10, № 19 № 27) , , № 19 c& ( . № 19). 406 № 11 jud. . . , - i i , i [ 1964: 29]. . . y/ẏ, т. е. j, [ 1981: 257]. . [ 2003: 92]. № 12. žа. . . № 11. , ja (? — . .) [ 1964: 29]. . . [ 1981: 257]. . . [ 1984: 13] . . . , [ 2003: 92—93]. . . . № 13 irb. (i) . . . № 11. , [ 1964: 29]. - i[ 2003: 93]. № 14 ša. . . , , , , l. l, [ 1964: 29—30]. . . , [ 1984: 13]. . . [ 1981: 257] . , , . . , (resp. « » š), : x₁aš ( , « ») (?) beši ( . 407 . .1 . . .« ») [ 2003: 93]. , № 33 šak (š₂ (resp. š)), - : x₁aš₂ ( ,), beš₂i ( ) š₂u ( )[ - 2003: 99]. , - № 14 / № 33 , , , . , , . . - . , - , , , , , , , - , - - . , , ( - , - , . 1983: 117—118), - . - . . , № 14 , № 33 — š. № 15 lan. . . . № 15, . . l[ 1964: 30]. . , —l[ 2003: 93]. № 16 ina. . . , . — x x [ 1964: 30]. . . [ 1984: 13]. . . i, . . [ 1981: 258]. 408 . [ 2003: 94], « - » [ 2003: 107]. . № 16- . № 17 xēn. , x. . - q[ 2003: 94], : qib ( ), qibarun ( ) qaš ( ; . - № 14; . - — xaš (?!) ( . 154), - ; № 17—1—1—4 ( . 93, 94, 154) х- № 1—33 ( . 99)). . : х₁ [ 2003: 151], . ., - , - - х, q. , . — х, х₁ q( № 33 — š, š₁, š₂), . « » х, , , - « » [ 2003: 151]. , , . , - . . - , « » х, q - х ( . xib, xibun, xaš), . , - х . , - ,« » х. , х, . , № 17 , - , . № 18 dan. . . № 17, . . х[ 1964: 30]. . . [ 1984: 13]. C. . —d[ 1981: 258]. . , - № 4 d. 409 . . : dip&un « » ( . , ) herod « »( )[ 2003: 94—95]. , ( . - № 4, ). № 19 č&аṙ. . . [ 1964: 30], . . [ 1981: 258] . . [ 1984: 13] c&. . № 19 , - [ 2003: 95]. , c& ( . № 6), . . č& , , c& — № 48, № 19 ( . . 1). , . . , ( ), . № 20 zox. . . № 17 [ 1964: 30]. . . [ 1984: 13]. . . [ 1981: 258] , z. . , [ 2003: 95]. , « »z( . № 6). № 21 ḳar. . . , - [ 1984: 13], , . . . [ 1990: 497]. —ḳ[ 2003: 95—96]. 410 № 22 liṭ. . . (№ 23), , , h[ 1964: 31]. . . [ 1981: 258] . , l. . . [ 1984: 13]. . [ 2003: 96]. . . . . , ( ). - ( , , , ) [ 1959: 13]. № 23 hēṭ. . . [ 1981: 258] . - . . . [ - 1984: 13], [ 1990: 497]. — h[ 2003: 96]. , « » , № 23 , . . - . № 24 haj. . . , - - ӡ[ 1964: 31]. . . ( 1990: 497). . . ( 1981: 258) . (№ 23). . [ 2003: 96—97]. . - h( , - 411 . ), h ( . № 38 № 52). № 25 ar. - а. . . — ä[ 1964: 31]. . . , [ 1981: 258]. . . , [ 1984: 13], ӡ[ 1990: 497]. . : abra₁m « » isa₁ḳ « ». , № 25 ā ha ( , а )[ 2003: 97]. , - , ā. № 26 соj. . . [ 1938: 38]. . . — hoj ö, h[ 1964: 31]. . . [ 1990: 497]. . . joj , , « »j[ 1981: 258]. . , с. . « » . , [ 2003: 97]. , № 26 . № 27 č&i. , - č&. . - [ 2003: 97] [ 2003: 151]. 412 č& , . . — č&inuxoc « »( . .). № 28 čaj. . . , , [ 1964: 31]. . . [ 1990: 497]. . . , [ 1981: 258]. . [ 2003: 97—98], , , № 28 - [ 2003: 108]. № 28, , . . - . № 29 maḳ. , m. , . . , m« »[ 1964: 31]. [ 2003: 98]. № 30 ḳаṙ. . . , j[ 1964: 31—32]. . . , / [ 1981: 258]. . . [ 1984: 13]. . , - : buesun « »[ 2003: 98]. - , , - . № 31 nuc. . . . , . [ 1964: 32]. [ 2003: 99]. № 32 ǯaj. (№ 32—34) . . š[ 1964: 32]. 413 . . . , № 32 № 34 ǯ, , [ 1981: 258]. . . [ 1984: 13] . . . , č& ( — № 27 № 32 — « » ( . № 27)) : muč&ur — « », « » - muč&ur — « », « »( )[ 2003: 99]. , , ǯ, - [ 2003: 151]. . — muč&1ur (? — . .) [ 2003: 155]. , - . - № 32 . , № 48 . № 33 šak. (š) « » . . , - — š₂ [ 2003: 99]. ( - . № 14.) № 34 ǯajn. . . [ 1984: 13] . .( . . . . . № 32.) . [ 2003: 99—100], , № 34 [ 2003: 108]. ( - № 32 № 34 . .) № 35 un. о. - [ 2003: 100]. № 36 ṭaj. . . (№ 36—39) č[ 1964: 32]. 414 . . [ 1984: 13]. . . [ 1981: 258] . , ṭ. . [ 2003: 100], , z [ 2003: 108]. , № 36. ( - . .) № 37 xam. . . - . , , [ 1964: 32]. . . [ 1990: 497]. . . , - х, ɣ[ 1981: 258]. . , , № 37 , ɣ[ 2003: 100—101]. , , № 41 . [ 2003: 109], - № 37. № 38 ӡaj. . . [ - 1981: 259]. . . [ 1984: 13] . , . . [ 2003: 101], [ 2003: 108], - № 38. ӡ . - ( ) № 24 ( . [ 1964: 31]). № 39 čаṭ. . . [ 1981: 259]. . , č, . 415 . . . [ 1984: 13]. [ 2003: 101]. № 40 p&en. , p.& . [ 2003: 101—102], . № 41 pes. . . , - , , ǯ. - , . . , . [ 1964: 32—33]. . . [ 1990: 497]. . . , [ - 1981: 259]. . [ 2003: 102]. ( . № 37.) № 42 ḳаṭ. . . , , . ṙ[ - 1964: 33]. . . [ 1984: 13] . , , . r, . . . /[ 1981: 259]. . . . . [ 2003: 102]. № 43 sēḳ. , . - [ 2003: 102—103]. № 44 vēz. . . v w[ 1964: 33]. . . [ 1990: 497]. . . [ 1981: 259] . . . [ 2003: 103]. 416 № 45 ṭiwr. . . , [ 1984: 13], , . . . [ 1990: 497]. - —ṭ[ 2003: 103]. № 46 . , - , . ṭ « » . № 46 soj. . . - (№ 45) [ 2003: 33]. . . , [ 1981: 259]. . . [ 1984: 13] . [ 2003: 103—104] . . . . № 47 ion. . . , r( )[ 1964: 33]. . . , - ә, [ 1981: 259]. . . , [ 1984: 13]. . [ - 2003: 104]. . . . , , . № 25 ( « » ). № 46 + № 50, - , - . , . - āw [ 2003: 151]. № 48 c&aw. (№ 48—49) . . с [ 1964: 33]. . . 417 . . . r ( ) [ 1981: 259]. . . [ 1984: 13]. . [ 2003: 104]. , с, ( . № 19). № 49 cajn. . . . . (с) [ 2003: 104]. с . - ( ?), , , - - . № 50 jajd. . , - , w. . - [ 2003: 104— 105]. № 51 piwr. . . [ 1964: 34] . . [ 1981: 259] . - . , . . . , f[ 1984: 13]. (p) . [ 2003: 105]. № 52 kiw. , (k) . , « » - ( kk« ») c « - » , ., ., Ф f/ p ( . . 2). (k) 418 , № 52 ? , : 1) № 51 № 52 (№ 51 . , , ); 2) , f, - k , - ; 3) , k, № 24 (haj) c ( .[ 1981]). . , - 24 - , : № 1 a, № 2 b, № 3 g, № 5 e, № 9 t, № 11 j, № 13 i, № 15 l, № 17 x ( , . q x₁ [ 2003]), № 21 ḳ, № 23 h, № 29 m, № 31 n, № 35 o, № 39 č, № 40 p&, № 41 ɣ, № 42 r, № 43 s, № 44 v, № 45 ṭ, № 50 w, № 51 p № 52 k. №6z( , z), № 7 № 25, , , - ē (ej ?) ā ( , - ) š( - № 33). - № 27 č& № 30 ( ). : № 8, № 18, № 32 № 49 [ 2003]. - 8 ( ): № 2 o > b, № 3 z > g, № 5 ē > e, № 7 e > ē, № 35 u > o, № 41 p > ɣ, № 42 ḳ > r № 50 j > w ( . . 2). ( ) 24 - (resp. ). - , ( - ) - . 419 . , , ( - . . , - [ 1967: 74; 1970: 409—410]). ( ) . . , : , , , u - o+w . .( , - , ). - , ( ). , , , - ( ) , , . , , ( , - . . . . [ 1964; - 1981]). 2 ?— , , - . . . — - . . . , 1964; . . — . . 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IV: - . , 1967. . . . , 1980. . .( . . ). // - , . 3. , 2005. . . . — , 1959. . . , 2003. . . // , - . . . . , № 4, . 1. , 1938. . . , - // - , . II. , 1957. . . ( ) // . , 1959. . // - , № 8. , 1955. . // - , № 9. , 1957. . ( - ) . , 1995. Anassian H. Mise au point relative à l’Aluanie Caucasienne (Aluan) // Revue des études arméniennes, t. VI. Paris, 1969. Brosset M. Lettre de M. Korganoff // Bull. hist.-phil., t. I. 1844. 430 Brosset M. Extrais de ľhistoire des aghovans. Additions et éclaircissements à ľhistoire de Géorgi. St. Peterburg, 1851. Dumézil G. Une chrétienté perdue: Les Albanais du Caucase. Mélanges Asi- atiques, vol. 232. Paris, 1940—1941. Gippert J. Old Armenian and Caucasian Calendar Systems: The Albanian Month names // Annuals of Armenian Linguistics, IX, 1998. Hewsen R. On the alphabet of Caucasian Albanians // Revue des études ar- méniennes, vol. I. Paris, 1964. Kurdian H. The newly discovered alphabet of Caucasian Albanians // Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, part 1—2. London, 1956. Manandian A. Beiträge zur Albanischen Geschichte. Untersuchungen über Moses den Utier (Kalankatuaci). Leipzig, 1897. Movses Dasxuranci. The History of Caucasian Albanians. Translated by C. J. F. Dowsett. London, 1961. Schulze W. Die Sprache der Uden in Nordazerbajdžan. Wiesbaden, 1982. Schulze W. The Udi Gospels. Annotated Text, Etymological Index, Lemmatized Concordance. Munich, 2001. . // ֆ № 3-4. , 1941. . . , 1984. . . , 1964. . . , 1960. . . , 1913. . . - , 1983. . : . , 1962. 431 . . харул А а а А А Ь - И А И ( - , , .) , . , , - . , , - - ( , 1902 .) « ». , - , (IV . . .), - , - , . , , -« », , . , , - , 432 О а а - я Е а я « », . . ( ) - ( , , , , .), - ( ) , - . , - , - ( , - — ), - . , , . . , - , , - , , . - . , ( - ) . , - , , - : . 3.4: Сам же Иоанн имел одежду из верблюжьего волоса и пояс кожан й на чреслах своих, а пи ею его б ли акрид и дикий мед. / Iоанi iчi бутаĭ п̔артал бу е п̔оп̔нухо вȧ т̔охkа толлаĭ iч бач͗анел, хораг гена етаĭ бунеĭ текал вȧ чолла уч͗. , , верблюжьего волоса - верблюжьей ерсти, - . : Le vêtement de Jean était fait de poils de chameau et il portait une ceinture de cuir autour de la taille [La Bible: 7] « И 433 . . а ( ) ». : tviton ioanes emosa aklemis beÂvis samosi da Âelze erºça ºçavis sarºçeli [axali aRTqma: 4]. - - maºçli, be¦vi « »: be¦vi (åiruºçvisa) [daTikaSvili 1953: 182]1. , ерсть. « » вер- блюжий : «1. . . 2. . . » [ 1981: 150]. : « оло — . , , .» [ Э V: 327]. , волос ше ь. , - :« 85 % , , »[ Э IV: 525]. , χ ( - θ ί ‘ ’) « , » [ 1957: 796]. « - - » - поп « ; »[ 1974: 189] ха « »[ - 1974: 218]. 1 - , , , - ( , - ), - , , . ; - - . 434 О а а - я Е а я поп бу ей поп — [ 1974: 95]. - , « », , « » п̔оп̔, , ха « ». , , п̔артал бу е п̔оп̔нухо « » - п̔артал бу е хахо « ». . ( . 25.3) : Неразумн е, взяв светильники свои, не взяли с собою масла; ( . 25.4) Мудр е же, вместе со светильниками своими, взяли масла в сосу- дах своих; ( . 25.8) Неразумн е же сказали мудр м: дайте нам ва его масла, потому что светильники на и гаснут. , масло ( ): , , . ., . . - , . Э , la huile (la huile de lin « », la huile d’olive « » . .) zeTi, - : zeiTunis ( - ), mzesumziris, ( ), simindis ( ). Öaraki le beurre. . - « » ч͗äiн (©„Ón) [jeiraniSvili 1971: 217; - 1974: 254] « » ͗ ̔ (¦eT) - . ( , ) . ͗ ̔ (¦eT) « » ч͗äiн (©„Ón), « ». - : 435 . . а ( . 25.3) Неразумн е, взяв светильники свои, не взяли с собою сливочного масла; ( . 25.4) Мудр е же, вместе со светильниками своими, взяли сливочное масло в сосудах своих; ( . 25.8) Неразумн е же сказали мудр м: дайте нам ва его сли- вочного масла, потому что светильники на и гаснут. ч͗äiн ͗ (weT). , : hаkлахо, субук̔тҕон iчҕо чiраҕо аki, т̔◌ еkун аki iчҕохол ц͗ет̔... Не- разумн е, взяв светильники свои, не взяли с собою (растительно- го) масла . . ц͗ет̔ « », , « - - - » . , , - . . , - , , zeit, zet ʒet [Schiefner 1863: 93]. έ̉̉ α « »[ 1957: 506]. масло : 16.6 Он сказал: сто мер масла . . 3- , - : неразумн е, . , , - , , : hаkлахо су- бук̔тҕон ( . « , . . , - »), . , : от ума, легкие взяв и светильники свои, не взяли с собою масла, — . . . , - . 436 О а а - я Е а я ( . 21.33) В слу айте другую притчу. Б л некото- р й хозяин дома, котор й насадил виноградник, обнес его оградою, в копал в нем точило, построил ба ню, и, отдав его винограда- рям, отлучился. точило маран «1. , ; 2. , »[ 1974: 170]. - . - точило « , . , , »[ 1955: 423]. - , , - ( ) - . « » - маран. И , « », saÂnex- eli, pressoir; дав, Ânex, press. , λη « »[ 1957: 1025]. , маран, на в « ». , - . , на в « - »[ 1974: 178]. И , , - 12.1, 14.19 (и бросил в великое точи- ло), 20 (И истоптан ягод в точиле за город); 19.15 (Он топчет точило вина ярости). ( . 21.33), - , . , , :« ...», , . ̉ π η [ 1957: 1156] :« », :« » « ». , « - », « » - 437 . . а .И , , - , , , . ., . . , , . « » , π γ « ». И , , , , , - . - , мiнäрä Öo¸Öi « ». - « » « ». , 21 33 ба ня - — . , - , , - . , , , . , , - . , , - , , : 1.42 вȧ hараĭнебi алалу сäсен, вȧ п̔ине: афрецiнy Ун чуп̔ко бо , вȧ афрецiне Вi бо бу бÿhäр! И воскликнула громким голосом, и ска- зала: благословенна Т между женами, и благословен плод чрева Твоего! чуп̔ко бо между женами. чуп̔ко - п̔ б, : чубух [jeiraniSvili 1971: 194]. , , - . 438 О а а - я Е а я И , - , , , - ( - ) , , - - . - , . - , - , , , - « » zeit, zet, ʒet Âet. , , - , - ( . . zet-i). И - , , 8.23. ÿзми бал вäдинал Iсус баснекi « ». « » баснекi « » [jeiraniSvili 1971: 235]. , 24- моҕорkунбi « »: Вȧ i ӑ баки моҕорkунби отух ва п̔иkун . И подо ед и разбудили Его и сказали. , - , 23- 24- : - — , : ( ) — . , « » непахнеце. , , - « », « — », , - , , . . , , , , . 439 . . а и е axali aRTqma — axali aRTqma da fsalmunebi. stokholmi, 1992. daTikaSvili q. qarTul-rusuli leqsikoni. Tbilisi, 1953 . jeiraniSvili evg. udiuri ena. Tbilisi, 1971. Э IV — . . IV. ., 1971. ЭV — . . V. ., 1971. . - - . , 1974. . . . IV. . 1955. — И , , И .И - . , 1902. 1957 — - . ., 1957. 1981 — . 4 . ., 1981. La Bible — La Bible. Ancien Et Nouveau Testament. Traduite De L'hébreu Et Du Grec En Français Courant. Allians Biblique Universell, 1992. Novum Testamentum Graecum cum apparatu critico ex editionibus et libris manu scriptis collecto curavit Eberhard Nestle. Stuttgart, 1904. Schiefner A. Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. St. Petersburg, 1863. 440 ИЛ И Т. А. Ма са И яы я , Ы ( )∗ XIX , - 1 , . - , - , , , - - ( , ). , - , 2 . ∗ . . , . . . . . . - . 1 ., ,[ 1974: 15—23; Schulze 1982: 8—11; 2001: 9—13]. 2 , - , . . - (http://www.lrz-muenchen.de/~wschulze/UDIALFA.pdf). 443 . . , . . 1863 . - , - — , - ( . ä, ȧ, k,̔ g̔, x̣, ḥ, s̔, ṣ̔ .) [Schiefner 1963]; . .1 . XIX — XX . « » (« »): 1888 . - « - », 1902 . - , , - , 1904 . « » - . , ,— - (h, i, k) - (џ, ʒ, ҕ .) 3; . .3 .4 . , 1930- ., - — . . . . , - — . . . , - - , , ( . . [ 1971; 1974]) — , . - . ( ) . ( ), 1980- .; . [Schulze 1982; 2001] [Harris 2002]. - , . . , , - . . 3 [ . 1888; . 1902] [ 1904] , . 444 ы [ , 1990]. « » ( . . , . . , . . ) 4; . [ 2005; . 2008]. - - — . [ 1980; ё 1981; - 1985], , - [ , 1967; 2000; 2001; , 2005] .5 , - . . 1960—80- ., . . « - - - », 1974 . - ( - , , , , , , - ), , - . . . 53 (15 38 )— , (а, б, в, г, д, е, ж, з, и, й, к, л, м, н, о, п, р, с, т, у, ф, х, ц, ч, ш, ), дж дз, - « » (ж1, к1, п1, т1, ц1, ч1, ш1, дж1), - (а , г , е , и , к , о , у , х , ч , ) - (аь, гь, оь, уь); - (ц́ ч́), ҝ - . . , 4 , - . . . 5 — , - — , - ; - , . 445 . . , - , , 1930- 1990- . 1933—34 . ( ) , 1934 . «Samçi dəs», . . « » [Çejrani, Çejrani 1934]. , , - , - ( ) ƣ, ħ, ƶ, ɾ ., ( . ħa, ħo, dz, dʒ .); . . 2. , , - , . 1992 . - ; - . . ( . . ) . . . - , . [ , 1999]. , , - , . . (1974). 1996 . - «Нана оч ал» (« »), . . , .[ 1996]. , , - ( ), . , , - ( . ə, ö, ü, j, ğ, c, ç, ş). , , ( , ц, , ь), , . . - 6 . [Aydınov, 6 « » ı. 446 ы Keçaari 1996] «Orayin» (« ») «Buruxmux» (« »), . [Keçaari 2001; 2003]. 7 . . - . , - [Dabakov 2007] . - , ( , ă, ĕ, ĉ, ĵ, ŝ, ś, s' . .). (ц, , ь), . . . *** - — - ( , , ), , . , - , . . — - ( . . , . . , . . ) ( « » 8, . , . ). - , . , , , . . 1990- . . . 2000- . 7 1990- . ( . ), , . 8 , « - », . . , , - . . , . . , . 447 . . a, e, i, o, u, - — а, е, и, о, у 9. . , - , и i. - ä, ö, ü; . . . . ä ə. . - ä, ö, ÿ, . . - - — аь, оь, уь. , - , ɨ ( . . ), ə ( . , . ), ь( . . ) ı( . . 10 ) . , , , ( . aa, oo .). . . - ( . a:, o:, i: .). . . - b, d, g, p, t, k б, д, г, п, т, к . - . . q ( ). - 9 , ё, ю, я - , е , - ; йу, йо, йа, йе. 10 ; . . ı ( . « »), - ь. 448 ы х , . . . , . . ц, ч, дз дж, - . - , , c č, ʒ ǯ ( . ǰ). . . ц - , ч дж - ç c, дз zı ( dz). . . ч дж ç c, :ś( ц) ź ( дз). , . - дз дж ʒ џ. ( ) . - ( ) - , , — , - ( . p’, t’, k’, q’, c’ č’ . , . .) 11 « » - ( . пI, тI, кI, цI, чI . . .) 12. - , q’, к , k ( - k, ) . . . , , « » ı ( . pı, tı, цı, ҫı), k q( kı, ). , , 11 . . ' ( . p', k'). s' ś. 12 . . - « » ( . п1, к1). 449 . . . , . . - ( . p̃ , t,̃ k,̃ q̃, c̃, c̃̌ ), « - » ( . pː, tː, kː, qː, cː, čː), - . , , , , . . - , ( ), ( . п̄, т̄ , к̄, ц̄, ч̄ .). , . - п, т, к , , ; - - — . п˛ , т˛ , к˛ . ( , . . 4) пͨ, тͨ, кͨ . ц ч , - ч̓ ц̓. . - q ƙ 13, k k.̔ , v, f, z s, в 14, ф, з, с. - . , - ж ш ž š, - . . . . —j ş( ). , - ( . ) h, . . - гь. , , ɣ x( . ), ğ x ( . , . . . . ), R X ( . . - 13 ƙ k , . .4 . 14 в w , - , , ‘ ’. 450 ы ), ʁ χ( « »). . . - г х, . ҕ. - m , n, r, l, — м, н , р , л . - , . н˛ - , - ( . н˛к н˛q). й, —y ( , . - , . , . . . . ). - j ( . , . . , « - »), ĭ. я - ( . . ) - . , . - , , . - , , . . , —а ,и ,е ,о ,у . . . , - ( . ə , i , e , ö , ü ); - - ə, ö ü 15, - . - , - : . aˁ, iˁ, eˁ, oˁ, uˁ ( . ), aI, iI, eI, oI, uI ( « - »), ạ, ị, ẹ, ọ, ụ ( . ), ă, ĭ, ĕ, ŏ, ŭ ( . . ), ȧ, ̇ , е̇, ȯ, ẏ ( . . ). 15 a , o u . . ə ,ö ü . 451 . . . « - » — ȧ, ȯ ẏ 16. . ‛ , « - »( . м‛ел ‘ ’, п‛ȧ ‘ ’, ме л, пIа . . ) 17. - , , . . , . . « » ( . жI, шI, джI, - ж, ш, дж), ( .ч , ч) ( . ч́, чI) 18. . . , . jı, şı, cı, ç ( , ,c ) ć. - . . , . ĵ, ŝ, ĉ, č, ć. - . — - , . ź, ś, ʒ́, ć, ć’. « » - I, - , . žI, šI, ǯI, čI, čːI ( . ). ӂ ш̆ , (ш̆ ) . . - ( , . . . . ), ; - 16 , ȧ, ȯ ẏ - ( , . ,« - » а ä, о ö, у ÿ). 17 « » - «Samçi dəs» 1934 ., - ħ ( . ħa, ħo, ħu, ħь, ħe). 18 , . . - ц́ ( ц́ ~ цI ч́ ~ чI); - . 452 ы . , . ž:, š:, ǰ:, č:, č’:. , - , . . ; I, . . « ». - ( . aI, iI, eI, oI, uI). , ( . RI, XI, qI, q̃I, žI, šI, ǯI, čI, c̃Ǐ ). — , ,— - ; , - . ( ) . . — - аI, иI, уI . ., г I, хI, х I, к I, - ж , ш , дж , ч . я . . ( . . ) ҝ, - 19 . ( - ). - . . y( . gy, ky), j ( . g j , k j ). 19 . . - . . ҝ , г, к (г', к' ). 453 . . . 1. . .Ш [Schiefner 1863: 9] . 2. . .Д [Çejrani, Çejrani 1934: 48—49] 454 . 3. . . ы [ . 1888], [ . 1902] . 4. .Д [Д 1904: 1] 1. ы яы 20 я « » Ш а а а а a a a a a ȧ, ‛ȧ ȧ а аI aI aˁ ạ ə ,a ă ä ä аь аь ä ä ä ə ə б б б б b b b b b в, w в в в v v v v v г г г г g g g g g ҕ ҕ г г ʁ ğ ɣ ğ ğ h h гь гь h h h h h д д д д d d d d d џ џ дж дж ǯ ǯ ǰ c c — — дж1 дж ǯI ʒ́ ǰ: cı ĉ ʒ ʒ дз дз ʒ — ʒ zı, dz ź е е е е e e e e e ‛е е̇ е еI eI eˁ ẹ e ĕ ж ж ж ж ž ž ž j j — ӂ ж1 ж žI ź ž: jı ĵ з з з з z z z z z i i и и i i i i i 20 ( - ). я « » Ш — — и иI iI iˁ ị i ĭ j ĭ й й j y y y y к˛ кͨ к к k k k k k к к к1 к̄ kː k’ k’ q k' q k к к qː q’ q’ k q' — — ҝ — (g j ) — — ҝ — л л л л l l l l l м м м м m m m m m н н н н n n n n n о о о о o o o o o ȯ, ‛ȯ ȯ о оI oI oˁ ọ ö ,o ŏ ö ö оь оь ö ö ö ö ö п˛ пͨ п п p p p p p п п1 п̄ pː p’ p’ pı p' р р р r r r r r с с с s s s s s т˛ тͨ т т t t t t t т т т1 т̄ tː t’ t’ tı t' у у у у u u u u u ẏ ẏ у уI uI uˁ ụ ü ,u ŭ ÿ ÿ уь уь ü ü ü ü ü ф ф ф ф f f f f f 1. ы яы ( ) я « » Ш х х х х χ x x x x ƙ k̔ х х q q q х q ц ц ц ц c c c ц ś ц̓ ц̓ ц1 ц̄ cː c’ c’ цı s' — — ц́ — — — — — — ч ч ч ч č č č ç ç ч̓ ч̓ ч1 ч̄ čː č’ č’ çı ç' — — ч ч čI ć č: ç č — — ч́ ч́ čːI ć’ č’: ć, c ć ш ш ш ш š š š ş ş ш̆ ш̆ ш1 ш šI ś š: şı ŝ ɨ ə ə ь ı — ̇ I ɨI — — — — ы . ., . . ( ): // . . ( .) : . , 1999. . . - - . . . ., 1985. . ( ) // . . IV. , 1888. . , , // - . . XXX. , 1902. ё . . - - . ., 1981. . ., . ., . . ( - ) // . . ( .) : . . 2: . ., 2008. . . - - . , 1974. . . : . . . , 1971. [ . .] . . // : . ., 2001. . // . . XXXIII. , 1904. .( .) . , 1996. . ., . . - . . . ., 1990. . . : , , - // . 2005. № 9. . 83—98. . . . , 1974. [ . .] . ., . . // . . IV. - . ., 1967. . . . ., 1980. . ., . . // : . . 3. ., 2005. . . // . .— , 2000. Aydınov Y. A., Keçaari J. A. Əlifba (TIetıir). Bəkü, 1996. 459 . . Çejrani Ţ., Çejrani M. Samçi dəs. Suxum, 1934. Dabakov V. V. ( .) Udiğoy folklor: Nağılxo. Legendoox. , 2007. Harris A. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2002. Keçaari Ҝ. Orayin. Bakı, 2001. Keçaari Ҝ. Buruxmux. Gəncə, 2003. Schiefner A. A. Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. St. Petersburg, 1863. Schulze W. Die Sprache der Uden in Nordazerbajdžan. Studien zur Synchronie und Diachronie einer süd-ostkaukasischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrasso- witz, 1982. Schulze W. The Udi Gospels. Annotated text, etymological index, lemmatized concordance. Munich/Newcastle: Lincom Europa, 2001. 460 А И ..............................................................................................................5 а а а . . .........................................................11 Ю. А. ?.........................................54 . А. ( ) ..................................................................96 . А. С щ щ ............162 Alice C. Harris Placement of Person Markers in Udi: Supplementary Material............................................................223 Wolfgang Schulze Deictic Strategies in Udi ...........................................................241 Л а яя ы а . .А ..................................................................311 . . ( . ) ....................................347 А. . ч я ( щ , )................................................................365 . у . I. - ( ) II. - ........380 . . х у - С Е ..................................................................432 . А. ( ) .......................................................................443 461 : , , Ы - . . а в, Ю. А. а , . А. а а . . а ва 12.12.2008. 60 84 1/ 16. . . . . 27,20. 300 . № «Academia» 119991, , ., 26 . 238-21-44, . :
[email protected]- « -2000» 121069, , я , . 30, . 36, . (495) 691-03-54